 My condolence, the first flaming part of Americanism was lighted in framing the federal constitution in 1787. The pilgrims signed their simple and suggestive covenant, both sentry and a half before, and set aflame their freedom of liberty on the coast of Massachusetts. Other pioneers of New World freedom were rearing their new standards of liberty from James Downs to Plymouth, for five generations before electing an unsponsored hero that's the new era, who was all-American in the best in results, yet all of it lacked the soul of nationality. In simple truth, there was no thought of nationality in the revolution for American independence. The colonists were resisting a wrong, and freedom was their solid. Once it was achieved, nationality was the only agency suited to its preservation. Americanism really began when roped in nationality. The American Republic began the blaze trail of representative popular government. Representative democracy was proclaimed the state agency of highest human freedom. America headed the forward perception of civil, human, and religious liberty, which ultimately will affect the liberation of all mankind. The federal constitution is the very face of all Americans, the art of the covenants of American liberty, the very temple of equal rights. The constitution does abide and ever wills so long as the Republic survives. Let us hesitate before we surrender the nationality which is the very soul of highest Americanism. This Republic has never failed humanity or endangered civilization. We have been sorry to some time, like when we were proclaiming democracy and neutrality, and yet ignored our national rights. But the ultimate and helpful part we played in the Great War will be the pride of Americans so long as the world resides with stories. We do not need to hold a look. We choose no isolation, we don't know duty. I like to rejoice in an American content and in a big conception of our obligation to liberty, justice, and civilization. I am more, I like to think of Columbia's helping hand to newly publics which are seeking the blessings portrayed in our example. But I have a confidence in our America that requires no counsel of foreign powers to point the way of American duties. We wish to counsel, cooperate, and contribute. But we allocate to ourselves the keeping of the American content and every concept of our moral obligation. It's time to idealize, but it's very practical to make sure our own house is in perfect order before we attempt the miracle of old world stabilization. All it's the selfishness of nationality, if you will. I think it's an inspiration to patriotic devotion, to safeguard America first, to stabilize America first, to prosper America first, to think of America first, to exalt America first, to live for and revere America first. Let the international agreement of both of us desire not to be him for whom no mental rapture swell in the spirit of the republic. We proclaim Americanism and acclaim America. My countrymen, we believe the un-speakable sorrows, the immeasurable sacrifices, the awakened convictions and the aspiring conscience of humankind must commit the nations of the earth to a new and better relationship. It need not be discussed now what motives plunge the world into war. It need not be inspired whether we ask the sons of this republic to defend our national rights, as I believe we did, or to purge the old world of the accumulated ills of rivalry and greed. The sacrifices will be in vain if we cannot acclaim a new order with added security to civilization and peace maintained. One may readily sense the conscience of our America. I'm sure I understand the purpose of the dominant group of the Senate. We were not seeking to defeat a world aspiration. We were resolved to safeguard America. We were resolved then, even as we are today and will be tomorrow to preserve this free and independent republic. Let those now responsible or seeking responsibility propose the surrender, whether with interpretations, apologies or reluctant reservations from which our rights are to be omitted. We welcome the referendum to the American people on the preservation of America. The Republican Party pledges its defense of the preserved inheritance of national freedom. In the call of the conscience of America is peace, peace that closes the gapping wound of world war and silences the impassioned voices of international envy and distress. Heeding this call and knowing as I do the disposition of Congress, I promise you formal and effective peace so quickly as a Republican Congress can pass its declaration for a Republican executive design. Then we may turn to our readjustment at home and proceed deliberately and reflectively to that hope for a world relationship which shall satisfy both conscience and aspirations and still hold us free from menacing involvement. I can hear in the call of conscience and insistent voice for the largely reduced armaments throughout the world with attending reduction of burdens upon peace-loving humanity. We wish to give of American influence and example, we must give of American leadership to that invaluable accomplishment. I can speak unreservedly of the American aspirations and the Republican Commitment for an association of nations cooperating in sublime accord to attain and preserve peace through justice rather than force, determined to add to security through international law so clarified that no misconstruction can be possible without affronting world honors. It is better to be the free and disinterested agents of international justice and advancing civilization with the covenant of conscience than to be shackled by a written compact which surrenders our freedom of action and gives a military alliance the right to proclaim America's duty to the world. No surrender of rights to a world council or its military alliance, no assumed mandatory, however appealing, ever shall summons the sons of this Republic to war. Their supreme sacrifice shall be only asked for America and its call of honor. There is sanctity in that right which we will not surrender to any other power honors. Magnality is the call of the hearts of liberated people and the dream of those to whom freedom becomes an undying cause. It's the guiding light, the tongue, the prayer, the confirmation for our own people. Although we were never assured indisputable union until the Civil War was fought and any red-blooded American consent now when we have come to understand its priceless value to merge our nationality into internationality purely because brotherhood and fraternity and fellowship and peace are soothing and appealing terms out of the ferment, the turmoil, the debt and echoing sorrows, out of the appalling ways and far-reaching disorder, out of the threats against orderly government and the assault on our present-day civilization, I think, sirs, I can see the opening way for America. We must preserve the inheritance and cling to just government. We do not need and we do not mean to live within and for ourselves alone, but we do mean to hold our ideals safe from foreign incursions. We have commanded respect and confidence, commanded them in the friendships and the associations of peace, commanded them in the conflicts and comradeships of war. It's easily possible to hold the world high estimate through righteous relationships. If our ideals of civilization are the best in the world and I proudly believe that they are, then we ought to send the American parts of ours leading on to fulfillment. America aided in saving civilization. Americans will not fail civilization in the deliberate advancements of peace. We're willing to give, but we resent demand. I do not believe, senators, that it's going to break the heart of the world to make this covenant right or at least free it from pearls which would endanger our own independence, but it were better to witness this rhetorical tragedy than to destroy the soul of this great republic. It's a very alluring thing, senators, to do what the world has never done before. No republic has ever permanently survived. They have flagged, illumined and advanced the world and then faded our crumbles. I want to be a contributor to the abiding republic. None of us today can be sure that it's still a fight for generations to come, but we may hold it on shaken for our day and pass it on to the next generation preserved in its integrity. This is the unending call of duty to man of every civilization. It is distinctly the American call to duty to every man who believes we have come the nearest to dependable popular governments the world has yet witnessed. Let us have our America walking erect. Unafraid, concerned about its rights and ready to defend them, proud of its citizens and committed to defend them and sure of its ideals and strong to support them. We're 100 million for more today and if the miracle of the first century of national life may be repeated in the second, the millions of today will be the merriest of the future. I like to thank third without of the discovered soul of the republic and through our preservative actions in this supreme moment of human progress, we shall hold the word American, the proudest post of citizenship in all the world. My countrymen, the managing tendency of the present day is not chargeable only to the unsettled and fevered conditions caused for the war. The manifest weakness in popular governments lies in the temptation to appeal to group citizenship for political advantage. There is no greater peril. The constitution contemplates no class, recognizes no group. It broadly includes all the people with specific recognition for none. And the highest consecration we can make today is a committal of the republican party, to that saving constitutionalism which contemplates all America as one people and holds just government free from influence on the one hand and unmoved by intimidation on the other. It would be the blindness of Pali to ignore the activities in our own country which are aimed to destroy our economic system and to commit us to the colossal tragedy which has both destroyed all freedom and made Russia impotent. This movement is not to be halted in proper liberties. We must not abridge the freedom of speech, the freedom of press or the freedom of assembly because there is no promise in repression. These liberties are as sacred as the freedom of religious belief, as inviolable as the rights of life and the pursuit of happiness. We do hold to the right to Christ the deacon, to stifle a menacing contempt for law, to stamp out apparel to the safety of the republic or its people when emergency calls because security and the majesty of the law are the first essentials of liberty. He who threatens destruction of the government by force or flaunt his contempt for lawful authority ceases to be a loyal citizen and forfeits his rights to the freedom of the republic. Let it be said to all of America that our plan of popular government contemplates such orderly changes as the crystallized intelligence of the majority of our people, saints says. There can be no modification of this underlying rule but no majority shall abridge the rights of a minority. Men have a right to question our system in fullest freedom but they must always remember that the rights of freedom impose the obligations which maintain us. Our policy is not of repression but we make appeals a day to American intelligence and patriotism when the republic is menace from within just as we trusted American patriotism when our rights were threatened from without. We call on all America for steadiness so that we may proceed deliberately to the readjustment which concerns all the people. Our party platform fairly expresses the conscience of republicans on industrial relations. No party is indifferent to the welfare of the wage earners. To us, his good fortune is of deepest concern. We seek to make that good fortune permanent. We do not oppose but approve collective bargaining because that is an outstanding right but we are unorderably insistent that its exercise must not destroy the equally sacred right of the individual in his necessary pursuit of a livelihood. Any American has the right to quit his employment so has every American the right to seek employment. The group must not endanger the individual and we must encourage group praying upon one another and none shall be allowed to forget that government obligations are alike to all the people. My countrymen, the pioneers whom I have alluded to these stalwart makers of America could have no conception of our present day attainment. Hamilton who conceived in Washington who sponsored middle dream of either a development or a solution like ours of today, but they were right in fundamentals. They knew what was saved and preached security. One may doubt if either of them, if any of the founders would wish America to hold a look from the world, but there has come to us lately a new realization of the menace to our America in European entanglement which emphasizes the prudence of Washington so he could little have dreamed the thought which is in my mind. When I sat on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and listened to American delegations appealing in behalf of kinsmen or old home folks across the seas, I caught the aspirations of nationality and the perfectly natural sympathy among kindred in this republic. But I little realized then how we might rent the concord of American citizenship in our seeking to solve old world problems. There have come to me not at all unbecomingly the express anxieties of Americans are unborn for asking our country's future attitude on territorial awards in the adjustment of peace. They are Americans all, but they have a proper and a natural interest in the fortunes of kinsfolk and native lands. One cannot blame them. If our land is to settle the envies, rivalries, jealousies and hatreds of all civilizations, these adopted sons of the republic want the settlement favorable to the land from which they came. The misfortune is not alone that it rends the concord of Macon. The greater pity is that it rends the concord of our citizenship at home. It's only to think of blending Greek and Bulgar, Italian and Slovak are making any of them rejoicingly American when the land of adoption sits in judgment on the land from which we came. We need to be rescued from the visionary and priceless pursuit of peace through supergovernment. I do not want Americans of foreign birth making their party alignments on what we mean to do for some Macon in the old world. We want them to be republicans because of what we mean to do for the United States of America. Our call is for unison, not rivaling sympathies. Our need is concord, not the antipathies of long inheritance. Surely no one stops to think where the great world experiment was leading. Frankly, no one could know. We're only learning now. It would be a sorry day for this republic if we allowed our activities in seeking for peace in the old world to blind us to the essentials of peace at home. We want a free America again. We want America free at home, free in the world. We want to silence the outcry of Macon against Macon in the fullness of understanding. And we wish to silence the cry of class against class and cycle the party appeals to class so that we may ensure tranquility in our own freedom. If I could choose but one, I have rather have industrial and social peace at home than command the international peace of all the world. My countrymen, there isn't anything to matter with the world civilization except that humanity is fueling it through a vegan impaired in a cataclysmal war. Poise has been disturbed and nerves have been lacking. Fever has rendered men irrational. Sometimes there have been drafts upon the dangerous stuff of barbarity. Men have wandered far from safe paths but the human forsaken still marches in the right direction. Here in the United States, we feel the reflex rather than the hurting wound itself but we still think straight. We mean to act straight. We mean to hold firmly to all that was ours when war involves us and seek the higher attainments which are the only compensation that shows the freedom of tragedy may give mankind. America's present need is not heroic but healing. Not awesome but normalcy. Not revolution but restoration. Not agitation but adjustment. Not surgery but serenity. Not the dramatic but the decisive. Not experiment but equal for it. Not submergence in internationality but sustainment in triumphant nationality. It's one thing to battle successfully against the world's domination by our military autocracy because the Internet thought never intended such a program but it's quite another thing to revise human nature and to spend the fundamental laws of life and all of life's requirements. The world calls for peace. America demands peace, formal as well as actual. It means to have it so we may set our own house in order. We challenge the proposal that an armed autocracy dominates the world. We choose for ourselves to claim to the representative democracy which made us what we are. This republic has a sample past. If we put an end to false economics which lures humanity to utter chaos ours will be the commanding example of world leadership today. If we can prove a representative's popular government under which the citizenship speaks what it may do for the government and country rather than what the country may do for individuals we shall do more to make democracy safe for the world than all armed conflicts ever recorded. The world needs to be reminded that all human ills are not curable by legislation and that quantity of statutory enactments and excessive government offer no substitute for quality of citizenship. Problems of maintained civilization are not to be solved by a transfer of responsibility from citizenship to government and no eminent page in history was ever drafted to the standards of mediocrity or no government worthy of the name which is directed by influence on the one hand or moved by intimidation on the other. My best judgment of America's needs is to steady down and get squarely on our feet to make sure of the right path. Let's get out of the fever delirium of war with the hallucination that all the money in the world is to be made in the madness of war and the wildness of its aftermath. Let us stop to consider that tranquility at home is more precious than peace abroad that both our good fortune and our eminence are dependent on the normal forward stride of all the American people. We want to go on to cure and don't afraid holding fast to the American inheritance confident of the supreme American fulfillment. My countrymen, though not in any partisan sense I must speak of the services of the men and women who rallied to the colors of the republic in the world war. America realizes and appreciates the services rendered the sacrifices made and the sufferings endured. There shall be no distinction between those who knew the perils and glories of the battlefront or the dangers of the sea and those who were compelled to serve behind the lines or those who constituted the great reserve of a grand army which awaited the call in camps at home. All were brave, all were self-sacrificing, all were sharers of those ideals which sent our boys' right arm to war. Worthy sons and daughters these fit successors to those who christened our banners in the immortal beginnings. Worthy sons of those who saved the union and machinality when civil war wiped out the ambiguity from the Constitution, ready sons of those who drew the sword for humanity's sake the first time in the world in 1898. The four million defenders on land and sea were worthy of the best traditions of a people who never wore like in peace and never pacifist in war. They commanded our pride, they have our gratitude which must have genuine expression. It's not only a duty, it's a privilege to see that the sacrifices made shall be requited and that those still suffering from casualties and visibilities shall be abundantly aided and restored to the highest capabilities of citizenship and its enjoyment. Much has been said of late about world ideals but I prefer to think of the ideal for America. I like to think there's something more than the patriotism and practical wisdom of the founding fathers. It's good to believe that maybe destiny held this new world republic to be the supreme example of representative democracy and order to liberty by which humanity is inspired to hire achievements. It is idle to think we have attained perfection but there is the satisfying knowledge that we hold orderly processes for making our government reflects the heart and mind of the republic. Ours is not only a fortunate people but a very common sensical people with vision high but their feet on the earth with belief in themselves and faith in God. Whether enemies threatened from without or menaces arise from within there is some indefinable voice saying have confidence in the republic. America will go on. Here is a sample of liberty no storms may take. Here are the altars of freedom no passion shall destroy. It was American in conception. American in its building. It shall be American in the fulfillment. Factional once we're all American now we mean to be all Americans to all the world. I would not be my natural self if I did not utter my consciousness of my limited ability to meet your full expectations or to realize the aspirations within my own breath. But I'll gladly give all that is in me all of heart soul and mind and the fighting love of country to serve us in our common cause. I can only pray to the omnipotent God that I may be as worthy in service as I know myself to be faithful in thought and purpose. One cannot give more. My countrymen the surpassing war of all times has involved us and found us utterly unprepared in either a mental or military sense. The Republic must awaken. The people must understand our safety lies in full realization. The fate of the nation and the safety of the world will be decided on the Western battlefront of Europe. Primarily the American Republic has entered the war in defense of its national rights. If we did not defend we could not hope to endure. Other big issues are involved but the maintained rights and defended honor of a righteous nation includes them all. Cherishing the national rights the fathers fought to establish and loving freedom and civilization we should have violated every tradition and sacrificed every inheritance. If we had longer held a look from the armed conflict which is to make the world safe for civilization. More we are committed to sacrifice and battle in order to make America safe for Americans and establish their security on every lawful mission on the high seas or under the shining sun. We are testing popular government capacity for self defense. We are resolved to liberate the toll of American life and prove ourselves and American people in fact, spirit and purpose and consecrate ourselves anew and everlasting way to human freedom and humanity's justice. Realizing our new relationship with the world we want to make it fit to live in and with might and fright and ruthlessness and barbarity crushed by the conscience of a real civilization. Ours is a small concern about the kind of government any people may choose but we do mean to outlaw the nation which violates the sacred compacts of international relationship. The decision is to be final. If the Russian failure should become the tragic impotency of nations if Italy should yield to the pressure of military might if heroic France should be martyred on her flaming altars of liberty and justice and only the soul of heroism remains if England should starve and her sacrifices and resolute warfare should prove in vain. If all these improbable disasters should attend even then we should fight on and on making the world cause our cause. A republic worth living in is worth fighting for and sacrificing for and dying for. In the fires of this conflict we shall wipe out the disloyalty of those who wear American garb without the face and establish a new concord of citizenship and a new devotion so that we shall have made a safe America the home and hope of the people who are truly American in heart and soul.