 I'd like to thank the Institute for International and European Affairs for hosting the events. It's a pleasure to be back here at one of Ireland's most prestigious think tanks. Of course, since my last visit to the Institute, Scotland has been on an incredible journey. Following the referendum and the initiation of the Smith Commission process, it was established to make recommendations on further devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament. Scotland has now arrived at a new juncture in our constitutional journey. Throughout this journey, the Scottish Government's aim has been to create a stronger, more successful Scotland, a fairer Scotland that meets the challenges of its citizens and responds to the challenges that we face. I appreciated the words of the T-shirt, Enda Kenney, following the outcome of the referendum, which demonstrated his commitment to the deepening and strengthening of the close relations across these islands. The T-shirt has also indicated that the process of enhanced devolution would be followed closely in Ireland. It is our intention to keep the channels of communication open and to keep Ireland abreast of the latest developments in the Smith Commission. And today I'd like to reflect on the referendum and the engagement of Scottish citizens in the discussions over Scotland's future, discuss what's next for Scotland, and to consider what this may mean for our partners in the EU, including our relationship with Ireland. And one of the central messages to emerge from the Scottish referendum was just the extent to which ordinary citizens across Scotland, many of whom had never voted before, reconnected with the political process and participated actively in the national debate. This was a debate that was not only about how individuals saw their constitutional future, but more importantly, a wide-ranging discussion about the kind of society in which they wished to live, and which policies they wished their government to deliver. So how did we get to this point? In 2011, the Scottish National Party was standing on a platform of independence for Scotland, one of the majority of seats in the Scottish Parliament, giving not only a political mandate but the constitutional legitimacy to call for a referendum on Scottish independence. And the cause of Scottish home rule has always been advanced within the governmental system in observance of the constitutional tradition of the UK, and at every stage has been compliant with the rule of law. The independence referendum was conducted within that tradition, with the Scottish Government working with the UK counterparts to agree a binding constitutional process enshrined within the Edinburgh agreement signed in October 2012 by David Cameron for the UK Government and Alex Salmond for the Scottish Government. The Edinburgh agreement set out the principles under which a referendum was to be held, and a key paragraph of the agreement was paragraph 30 on cooperation, and it stated that the UK and Scottish Governments would respect the result of the referendum and work together constructively in light of the outcome pursuing the best interests of the people of Scotland and the UK, and the Scottish Government has accepted the result of the referendum. The result of the referendum was that a majority did not support the proposition that Scotland should be an independent country at this time. However, it became equally clear that not all of the 55% voting against independence were voting for the status quo. Therefore, what happens next in Scotland will be framed by two sets of commitments. The first is shaped by paragraph 30 of the Edinburgh agreement, as I've set out. The second commitment made by the leaders of the UK political parties is that further substantial devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament will be delivered within a short period of time. Proposals for this will be developed by a commission headed by Lord Smith of Kelvin, who is currently meeting with representatives from each of the main political parties in Scotland. The promise two days before the referendum was there would be a command paper by the end of October, and the publication of draft legislation by the UK Government no later than January 2015. Now during the referendum campaign, the Prime Minister said, if we get a no vote, that will trigger a major unprecedented programme of devolution with additional powers for the Scottish Parliament. Danny Alexander, former chief secretary to the Treasury and the Liberal Democrats stated, he's not a former, he's currently stated that Scotland would see effective home rule but within the security and stability of the United Kingdom, and former Prime Minister Gordon Brown said that we're going to be within a year or two as close to a federal state as you can be in a country where one nation is 85% of the population. The Scottish Government has earlier this month submitted a set of proposals to the Smith Commission. These proposals were shaped by four overriding and interconnected objectives. Firstly, the outcome of the Smith Commission must meet the expectations of the Scottish people, as expressed in the referendum, which is a package of reform that lives up to the rhetoric of home rule, near federalism, and deval max. Secondly, we must significantly enhance the financial and democratic accountability of the Scottish Parliament and government to the people we serve. Thirdly, we must transform the ability of the Scottish Parliament to create jobs and economic growth, tackle inequality, and represent our interests in the EU and internationally on matters within our devolved responsibility. And fourthly, we must ensure that the overall funding arrangements for the Scottish Parliament are equitable and allow it and the Scottish people to enjoy the financial and economic rewards of sound and sensible decision making as well as having the tools to manage the risks of our new responsibilities. Now, we've been clear that we want the ability to represent Scotland's interests internationally. We also wish to see new mechanisms that give us a role of influencing UK foreign policy in areas where we are currently unable to formally contribute. And the important point here is that we're looking for powers for a purpose. We want to reflect Scottish views of the world with the dual aims of improving the lives of people in Scotland and contributing as a good global citizen. The powers that we seek are consistent with those aims and are essential if we are to ensure the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government play a stronger role in decision making on areas of our responsibilities. We are making the case that additional powers should include specific competence for Scotland to act directly in the European Union and internationally to improve Scotland's sustainable economic performance, maintain the integrity of Scottish Government policy in devolved areas, and make a distinctive contribution to global challenges. The Scottish relationship with the European Union is particularly important in this new debate. The EU exercises considerable influence over economic prosperity and social welfare areas of policy that are either already the responsibility of the Scottish Parliament or expected to be transferred to Edinburgh through the Smith Commission. And our strong belief is that Scotland should have guaranteed rights to engage directly with EU institutions and EU decision making processes in these areas. Within our proposals to the Smith Commission, we are therefore asking that a statutory mechanism be put in place to enable Scotland to jointly develop influence and represent UK policy positions on broader European matters. For example, on EU reform or treaty change, and this development would recognise the distinctive Scottish approach to the EU. Now this is a fundamental principle. You'll have seen that my colleague Nicola Sturgeon, soon to become First Minister of Scotland, has called for proper protection against any of the nations of the UK being removed from the EU against their will. This protection could take the form of a double lock, but that I mean a requirement that is decision to leave the UK by any referendum could not be actioned if Scotland voted to remain within Europe. This could also apply to Wales, England and Northern Ireland. Protection from unwanted constitutional change is something that we can be seen in states such as Australia and Canada where significant constitutional changes require not just a majority across the country but in each of the provinces as well. A decision to leave the EU would have profound consequences for jobs, the economy and for Scotland standing in the world. And when we've heard the language being used in the referendum that the importance of Scotland staying within the Union is as a family of nations, then every member of that family requires to have a say in important constitutional change in relation to its membership of the EU. So having gone through our referendum in Scotland where all sides argued that membership of the EU is important, the Scottish voice will be distinctive and experienced in any future in our referendum. And it will be a voice which strongly advocates as remaining in the EU. Being in Europe means being part of the world's largest single market of 500 million people, almost half of our international exports are to the EU, and it's estimated that around 336,000 jobs in Scotland are associated with exports to the EU. And being part of the EU also has the benefits to the Scottish consumer, providing access to a wider range of products and services at home and abroad. The right to free movement means that around 166,000 people have chosen to live and work or study in Scotland. This contributes to our economy, adds to the vibrancy and diversity of our nation. So Scotland is an outward facing nation. We're keen to share our talents, our goods, our ideas with those around the world. This has not changed because of the result on the 18th of September. The job of the Scottish Government now is to ensure that the expectations of early and substantial change that were raised during the referendum campaign are met. This means transferring new powers and responsibilities to the Government and the Parliament in Scotland to tackle the challenges that we face. My Government has very much welcomed the opportunity to put forward these proposals. However, it isn't just politicians who are leading the way in creating a fairer, more prosperous Scotland with a stronger voice on the international stage. And at this point, I want to take a moment to reflect on what the referendum has meant for the people of Scotland. And in particular the extent to which the ordinary citizens of Scotland have engaged throughout the debate. Before the referendum, 97% of those eligible to vote in Scotland registered to make their voice heard on the day turnout was 85%. And even now we're starting to see the referendum's legacy beginning to play out. And quite importantly, the level of political engagement experienced in Scotland challenges the idea that political apathy has irrevocably permeated society. Nowhere is this more dramatically illustrated than the increase in membership of the pro-independence political parties in Scotland. For example, on the 18th of September, membership of my party, the Scottish National Party stood at 25,000. Today, just over a month later, membership stands at over 80,000. The pro-independence Scottish Green Party has also recorded a dramatic increase in its membership. Now, if we were to put that in a national UK or indeed Irish terms, 80,000 would be the equivalent to membership by a political party in the UK of one million people. In Ireland that would be the equivalent and in terms of the UK, of course, the Labour Party is the largest UK party membership currently around 190,000. That's a dramatic increase in comparison. One in 50 of the people of Scotland are members of my political party. Ffina Gail is the largest of the two parties governing Ireland. It has over 35,000 members. The equivalent of what just happened in my country would be a membership of 69,000. So it's clear that the debate in Scotland has re-energised our politics and in doing so challenged our politicians to respond to the expectations and aspirations of our citizens. Our First Minister-elect only last night addressed an SNP meeting of 1,000 in the core exchange. She's got one of a series of six meetings across Scotland. They sold out within 24 hours, including the Hydro, which has 16,000 seats. And our Deputy First Minister, a student to be First Minister, sold faster than Lady Gaga in terms of filling out the Hydro. So that energy and that impetus still exists. It's important to get a sense of that. In line with our commitment to the EU, the Scottish Government has published an agenda for EU reform with the fundamental aim of bringing Europe closer to the citizen. And through our own experience, we have witnessed within Scotland that political engagement soars when people can see the relevance of policy to their own lives, when they feel that they are being listened to, when ideas are being debated and they've been taken seriously and their vote and their influence matters. And that is what's happened in Scotland. And it is my vision to see the level of engagement rise not only in my country but also elsewhere across Europe as well. And the Scottish Government's focus will be to prioritise economic and social policies which will reflect the fundamental aspirations and concerns of citizens right across Europe. We are convinced that this prioritisation of economic and social policies must go hand in hand with regulatory reform. And as such, we've set out five principles of better regulation in our reform agenda for the European Union. European laws should be transparent, proportionate, consistent, targeted, and the institutions should be held to account where regulation is overly restrictive or onus. This approach of ensuring better regulation rather than less regulation for businesses contrasts with the UK Government's approach of seeking to repeal EU legislation via an arbitrary one in two out rule. And we believe that the only way to effectively reform the EU is to look forward and to seek to do things in a more efficient and coherent matter. And the Scottish Government does not agree with the Prime Minister's assertions that our relationship with the EU should be renegotiated and enshrined within a reformed treaty. We wish to protect the integrity of the single market and the benefits we derive from it and consider that the existing EU treaty framework provides a suitable political and legal basis to effect the reforms that we are advocating. It is particularly given the case given the Commission has shown its willingness to engage in a constructive dialogue on reform on programmes such as Europe 2020 and Refit. So I'm always delighted to have the opportunity to come to Dublin and to further the joint efforts to enhance Scottish and Irish cooperation. I also welcome Minister Flanagan's remarks that trade opportunities exist as a consequence of the new powers promise of Scotland and I look forward to welcoming him to Scotland in the near future. Ireland has been the subject of many good news stories in recent weeks. It was announced that Ireland has the fastest growing economy in the EU, that unemployment rate has fallen to a five year low and most recently the Government has delivered a well received budget. Ireland is an important and valued partner for Scotland and this is a relationship based on a shared history, culture, language as well as recognition of our differences. Our similar size and nearness means that Scotland and Ireland face similar challenges and it's our aim to pursue further opportunities to cooperate in areas such as energy, economy, culture and tourism and that will allow us to meet some of the challenges that we face. But at the important point of doing this it has to be by putting the wellbeing of ordinary people at the centre of that work and that means we can collectively realise our respective national priorities and that also matters on the European stage. I was pleased to join Pat Rabbit of last May during the Irish presidency of the EU in addressing the strategic energy technology conference during which we highlighted the real potential of both our countries to meet EU energy security needs for the future. And of course that is an ongoing geopolitical issue that everybody faces. Ireland and Scotland will continue to work together within the framework of the British Irish Council. As the Scottish Minister with lead responsibility in this area I have always been keen for the Scottish Government to play a full part in the work of the council which I believe provides a strong mechanism for Scotland, Ireland and Northern Ireland to work to our mutual benefit. And I'm also keen to ensure that we continue to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the European Interreg programme. Last year we secured £1 million for the second phase of the flagship cross-border aisles project to consider how an offshore electricity grid would be developed between Scotland, Ireland and Northern Ireland. Going forward, as the First Minister highlighted in his recent meeting with Peter Robinson and Marty McInnes on 20th October we need to consider how we might work together in the priority areas of research and innovation, environment, sustainable transport and health. So I'm pleased for example that there's ongoing work between the Scottish and Irish food and drink bodies supported by the EU to support our SMEs to grow their business. And it is only today we're pleased that we have an archaeology seminar taking place at Edinburgh Castle between Scottish and Irish archaeologists. And of course you might be aware that last time I was here we declared that we'd find the remains of a Dublin Viking King Olaf from the 11th century. We'd also like to work more closely with Ireland on certain EU aspects. Example, on banking union to learn from a member state which is in the Eurozone about economic governance and fiscal union. Equally we don't want to collaborate on EU policies where we have a significant expertise such as energy policy and climate change. Renewbill sources delivered just over 40% of Scotland's gross electricity consumption in 2012. This compares with an EU-wide figure of 23.5%. Cooperation between our nations can also be facilitated through joint accession of EU funding including the interim programme I've just mentioned. But we know we cannot achieve our goals in isolation. We recognise the issues such as climate change or, importantly, youth employment. I go back to the issues about what matters to the people when you're debating reform and engagement. Youth employment clearly has to be at the core of everything we do. And of course that affects us whether it's in Spain, Portugal or Ireland and that affects Scotland too. So we see future ties in terms of our debates and our discussion and our dialogue. We certainly see future tie-in with the work of the Institute here as a positive way of working together on these issues. This comes at a point at which the work of the Institute is in providing high-level analysis of issues that we face in the EU is vital. And your chairman, Brendan Halligan, gave a very insightful speech at the Europa Institute in Edinburgh in September on what it means to be an insider in the EU which included some very helpful advice. Think big, be street smart and be fun to be with. Scotland is very much committed to being an active player within the EU and cooperation with the Institute will help to further enrich the debate on European issues within Scotland. And therefore pleased to announce that we are taking up the Institute's invitation to work with you on your programme of work on the future of the EU and I look forward to joint seminars in Scotland early in the new year. Scotland has come a long way in the course of this debate and we have learned a great deal about ourselves. The world was watching and I believe that the manner in which we conducted the debate, peaceful, progressive, constitutional, engaged, energised, empowered, has been recognised as an outstanding example of democratic participation. The civic engagement around the referendum has shown how open democratic debate can enthuse and inspire and be the catalyst for positive change. It was empowering, it was energising. People, politics and power connected like never before. And throughout my remarks I have avoided referring to the referendum as any sort of conclusion or final act. I have done so because it is clear that the referendum is only a staging post albeit a very significant one on the path the Scottish people are on. Scotland has changed and has changed forever. I look forward to taking your questions. Thank you.