 I know that some of you probably seen some hints in the press about a summit in Moscow just recently. I wanted to add, of course, an observation to the hearing. The channels of communication, I think, between our two governments, are wide open, and I think we can keep it that way and allow my replacement to build on the achievement so far. I think it's clear that Gorbachev really wants to restore the Soviet economy, and it's a terrific job that it's taken a long time to succeed at all, because he's got opposition there, very obviously so. He also appears to be interested in political reform, although it's a little harder to understand exactly what he has in mind with that. In any event, although we've seen progress, and yet at the same time I think we have to consider them an adversary because of their foreign policy and controlled society at home until there is no substantial evidence that we can look at the difference. We know the power of the word, and we know the importance of being able to speak directly to the Soviet people out there, government in between them, because I was pleased on my trip to convey the support of the American people directly to the dissidents and refused nicks and struggled in for their human rights, and also with the clergy with regard to freedom of religion and all, and with no objections. I don't think they stood up and cheered or clapped, but the government did it with their full knowledge that I was doing it. But now I'm out of town again heading out on Sunday, I believe, with the economics on it for a lot of our allies. That's the eighth and final one for me. I'm thinking back to that first one. I didn't realize how far we've come. I was elected in the promise of bringing about tax reform, the increase in Senate to save and invest and work, and to get the government out of the way so the free market could generate a growing and vibrant economy. And for the first couple of summits, I was just a new kid at school there. I didn't seem to give much weight to my declarations, but then very shortly, about the third one or so years already come, he began to expand. I walked in one day, and my counterparts were sitting there facing me, and they almost all together demanded in a single voice to explain the American miracle. So I took great, great pleasure in explaining that miracle to them and what we had to do. And it's caught on. All of them are now reducing their taxes, particularly after breakfast. And they're complaining to us about their interference with private enterprise. And the result of it has been that we've created almost two and a half times as many jobs as all of them have put together. But we expect to discuss the coordination of economic policy, agriculture, freedom of trade, and international debt around some of the other important economic issues. And I'm particularly pleased that Canada is the site for the summit since we've now embarked on that free trade area bill. I'm now going to ask Colin to say a few words in the Moscow summit and then Jim Baker will give us a preview of the Toronto summit. Thank you, Mr. President. We come away from Moscow believing that U.S.-Soviet relations are perhaps the best shape they've been. Good morning. Well, we don't have to wait for the press this morning. So we should go right away. I'm sure you're well aware of the Sandinista repression of the people of Nicaragua according to the information we're getting has intensified. And the talks between the freedom fighters and the Sandinistas haven't made any progress. And that's due to the Sandinistas. They want to talk in great detail about how the resistance lays down its arms, but they don't want to talk about running democracy or not. In fact, none of them carelessly made a statement a few many days ago of the fact that they were supportive of democratization. We're consulting the resistance leadership to get their assessment of the situation and their needs. And I've also asked Ambassador Max Campelman to discuss the matter that the heads of the four democracies in Central America testified at a leadership meeting with Colin Powell outlined three possible options for consideration. And they were to do nothing. Second would propose a military aid package now. And third would prepare a package but hold a transmitter to Congress while we work to build support for it. I know there's a number of other ideas, but a variety of opinions in this room. But we're interested in hearing what you think is the best course of action. So first I'm going to ask George Schultz for his comments. Mr. President, thank you. If you look at this, Matt Camp, you say that the United States will always seek peace. And you notice that the eagle is looking at the outbreak. But the eagle also holds in the airhouse to show that the United States understands that if you're going to be effective in seeking peace, you better have strength. Otherwise, nobody's going to pay any attention to you. President? Good to meet you, sir. Nice to see you. Well, thank you for bringing me into the Republican Party. That's when I really get active tonight. Thank you. I didn't switch myself. I took 62. Mr. President? Nice to meet you. I'm C.B.L.G. working with Chairman Illinois. Nice to meet you. Nice to meet you. That's home country. Right in front of another row. Alayna. Well, we're together. Bob Poliner with Chairman Kaye. Nice to see you. Thank you for eight splendid years. Thank you. President Stoney. Thank you. Good to see you. Good to see you. Good to see you. Good to see you. Good to see you. I'm Karen Stratton. Me. Good to see you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Well, good to give you my request. Thank you, Senator. Earl Baker, Pennsylvania. Thank you both for what you've done. Nice to see you, Congressman. Frank. Martin, Mr. President. Well, I think maybe we better get at it. Yeah. Your weather is as awesome as possible when you're at your house. Yeah. Beautiful. Yeah. You've got a great chance on that. Have a good night. Have a good night. Good morning, sir. How are you? Good morning, sir. How are you? Good morning, sir. Good morning, sir. Well, listen, sir, so that we can get lunch underway here. My mom used to tell us we were a little bit of a good for your eyes. Yes. I was like, don't make it when they cook it. Well, if I get in a ruptured minute here, it's a great pleasure for you to be here. And I understand that they're not going to start serving lunch to us unless I say a few words. That's sort of like saying grace. Yes, I won't do that, but I think it every day. But it's wonderful to have you here, and I know that you all come from a section of the country that basically tries to claim itself as a solid Democrat. But I think we can reverse that. And there's just a couple of things that are haunting me and very much in my mind. One of them I think we've licked, and that is that I come from the home of the 11th Committee in California in 66 when I was running for government, which was when one of the campaign committee people out there coined the 11th Command that thou shalt not speak ill of another Republican, and I found that it works. And I think we've seen that happen now with our galaxy of candidates for the nomination coming forward and all together. But the other big thing is, darn it, we have the highest percentage of that youth group of 18 to 24 Republican, of any other age group. They also have the lowest percentage of voting. And I think one of our greatest problems is to get it out. When I look at the figures, we talk about our victories, and yet only about 53 or 54 percent of the people come out to vote. And down in El Salvador at their first election in 40 years, when they were being threatened with shooting by that guerrillas if they came out to vote, and 83 percent of them did vote in spite of the threats against their lives. So I think we've got to hammer that, and we've got to move strongly for the young people and face them with this. We know who they're for, but it doesn't count unless they're going to drop that thing in the box. And I think we've got a great opportunity in this election because I don't care what the other side is saying. Right now, well, I do care, but they're painting such a false picture. You'd think that we were in a depression or something to hear them, but the facts and the figures, and that's what we've got a campaign on. And I hope that we can make them available, Frank, to all of them here. But things, it's unbelievable. I never knew until I got in this job that the potential employment pool of America is supposed to be everybody, male and female, from 16 years of age and up. Now, that means you're including all the retired. That means you're including all the kids that are still in school getting an education. We have today the highest percentage of that potential pool employed than ever in our history. 62.6% of all the people in that age are employed. And we have, I'll be going to the economic summit with all of our trading partners up there, leaving Sunday in Toronto. But in these seven years, we're going to almost full eight now, we have created 2.3 times as many jobs as all of our trading partners put together, and they have 50% more people of working age than we do. And 16.8 million new jobs now. And contrary to what they'd like to point out, they aren't jobs just down there at the bottom of the scale. The great majority of those jobs have been in the upper income brackets. And I mean really up into that higher level. So we've got so many things to talk about, but I'm going to quit now so it's a certain lunch because I also want to hear from all of you about the situation. Mr. President, I might ask Frank Ferenkoff to lead off if you have any opening.