 Good evening. I would like to welcome all of you to tonight's first or nine educational webinar sponsored by the coalition piece initiative and a co-sponsor by 11 other organizations as shown in the next slide, which I'll show you now. Okay. Sorry. Okay. Can you see my screen co-sponsors. Yes. Okay. So these are the nine of the sorry 11 co-sponsors they are listed here down for better go order. Okay, I just give you half a minute or so to look at the names. I'll say a few words about some of these organizations later, but right now I'm not going to say any more about it. Okay. So I just leave this list here. And later on, we will also post this list in the in a chat box so that you have a list of these organizations. My name is Don towel from the coalition piece initiative. And I'll serve as your host for tonight's program. I would like to give a brief overview of the purpose of this webinar series, consisting of nine one hour sessions. At this time, we believe that the most important question facing the world is the following question. Whether our world is moving toward war or moving toward peace. Since the United States and China are the two most powerful countries in the world. The relationship between the United States and China is key to the question, whether we are moving toward war or moving toward peace. So what has been happening in the world. Almost every day. We hear in the mass media reports about all kinds of accusations against China. Respect the Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Taiwan, South China Sea. And so on. At the same time, we also hear all kinds of pronouncements from the United States government reiterating all these accusations. Unfortunately, almost all these accusations are essentially false, not based on truth, based on fabrications. At the same time, did this short overview to discuss why these accusations are essentially all false, except that I want to point out that if you look at the data presented in the documents, which make the most serious carrying out a genocide program against the Xinjiang Uighur minority. You will find that data presented do not support the conclusion at all. As a matter of fact, they show just the opposite. In subsequent webinar. We will have more discussion on these topics. But there are serious implications for these fabricated accusations. I'm sure when these fabricated accusations are repeated over and over again and again. When that happens, many people will believe them, and they will buy into this demonization of China. This increases the tension between the United States and China. And we result in these serious consequences. For Chinese Americans, it creates hate crimes against Chinese Americans, and more generally speaking against Asian Americans. As we have clearly seen this past year, it also leads to propagated espionage charges against Chinese Americans, as we have also clearly seen this past year. Now for Americans in general. Critical funding will be diverted to the military to meet the fabricated tension. Instead of spending the funding on improving our economy, rebuilding our company infrastructure, fight against climate change, fight against the pandemic, improve racial harmony and fight against terrorism and war. For citizens of the world, again, critical resources will be diverted to military and war. Instead of using such resources to work on global problems like poverty, illiteracy, infant fatality, climate change, terrorism, job creation and peace. The demonization of China must not be left unchallenged. Otherwise, we will never achieve our objective of moving the world toward peace. Today, the world has many peace promoting organizations that are doing great work, including our co-sponsors. In particular, I want to mention that organizations like Co-Paint Women for Peace, International Peace Bureau and Pivot to Peace have done a tremendous amount of work promoting peace. The International Peace Bureau is one of the oldest peace promoting organizations in the world. In 1910, they actually received the Nobel Peace Prize. However, on an individual basis, these organizations are not powerful enough to move the world toward peace. Perhaps a union of these peace promoting organizations can lead to a more powerful movement that can move the world toward peace. Because countries, especially like the United States, often make decisions not based on facts, science or logic. Therefore, this collaborative movement must emphasize the use of truth and logic and accuracy. That's why the banner for the Coalition Peace Initiative is as shown. So this is the banner for the Coalition Peace Initiative. Promote peace and stop hate, using truth and relying on truth and accuracy. We are organizing a series of nine educational webinars to help people understand that such demonization of China is not based on truth. Even more importantly, as I mentioned earlier, that such policies are not good for Chinese Americans, not good for Americans in general, as well as not good for the people of the world. In order to understand current US-China relationship, we need to understand the historical relationship between the United States and China. And the evolution of that relationship and also how the world has changed during the last 50 years or so. To understand the historical development of US-China relationship, we also need to understand how China was treated by the foreign powers, including the United States. Therefore, we need to discuss modern Chinese history, in particular, starting with the 19th century. While China is treated by the United States, it's very much related to how Chinese Americans are treated in the United States. That's why we also need to discuss the experience of Chinese Americans in the United States. That's why these are the three main topics of this series of nine webinars, as shown in the next slide. The three topics are US-China relationship, modern Chinese history, Chinese American experience in the United States. As I just discussed, these are the three topics which are very much related to current US-China relationship. As I said earlier, since US-China are the most powerful countries in the world, that relationship is key in deciding the answer to the question whether the world is moving toward war or moving toward peace. As mentioned earlier, the objective of this educational webinars program is to help people understand that many accusations against China are mostly fabricated to meet certain political objectives. To demonize China, to create friction between China and the United States, in order to justify the use of military to resolve the differences. As a result, the more funding will be allocated to the military and moving the world toward war, including nuclear war. Instead, the world's two most powerful countries should be working cooperatively on a win-win approach to improve the whole world, rather than destroying the world for our children and grandchildren. So that you will join these peace-promoting organizations to help move the world toward peace. Thank you. That's the end of my overview, and we will start tonight's program. Tonight's program is on Chinese American experience in the United States. Tonight we talk about the 19th century, and then two weeks later we talk about the 20th and 21st century. Tonight's program, the moderator will be Professor Russell Zhang, who is an Asian American Studies professor at Central State University, and also the co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate. Professor Zhang will say a few words on tonight's program, and he will introduce our speaker, Professor Lin Chi Wang. Professor Zhang, now I give the floor to you. Thank you, Dan. Do you want me to leave this slide up or do you want me to close it? I think you can close it. Okay. Thanks, Don. Thanks, the Coalition Peace Initiative for Hostings has been. As Don said, I'm co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate that's been documenting the racism against Asian Americans during COVID-19. And Stop AAPI Hate has a lot of founding principles similar to the Coalition Peace Initiative that I want to highlight. First of all, we're a coalition. We agree that only together can we build a movement towards peace and justice. So Stop AAPI Hate is a coalition with Asian American Studies at San Francisco State, Chinese Foreign of Action, and the Asian Pacific Policy Planning Council. We also believe in truth and accuracy that it's through a full understanding of our history and current conditions that we could actually make progress towards peace. That's why Stop AAPI Hate collects firsthand accounts of Asian Americans to amplify their own voices and to develop and track trends of racism. And we also recognize actually the two resources to the racism against Asian Americans today are two related factors. First is the perpetual foreigner stereotype that Chinese and America and Asian Americans don't belong, and that's why we're getting excluded and attacked. The second related factor to the racism is U.S.-China relations. As Don said, as China gets vilified, as China gets demonized, then Chinese and the U.S. get demonized, China and the U.S. become the enemy. And we share the same analysis. And so that's why I'm really excited to support this peace initiative and to really agree and with the key issue areas that we're going to discuss this coming few weeks. So thank you, Don, for organizing these events and for building this coalition. I want to honor today to present and introduce our primary speaker, Professor Emeritus of UC Berkeley's Asian American and Asian diaspora studies professor, Ling Chi Wang. Ling Chi established Asian American studies and taught its first class in 1969. He also founded Chinese for for affirmative action, our coalition partner, and he's been the recipient of the Association for Asian American Studies Lifetime Achievement Award for his scholarship for his community activism or his mentorship of so many people. He has chaired Asian American studies, led ethnic studies, and created really significantly the campus American cultures requirement that requires all students at UC Berkeley to take ethnic studies type of classes. He actually is in this book that I co-edited called Mountain Movers, The Role of Student Activism in Forming Asian American Studies. Thank you, Professor Wang for leading us and we look forward to hearing what you have to say about early Chinese American history and having a robust conversation after this. Please join me in applauding Professor Wang. Thank you very much, Russell, for your kind introduction. And, you know, I'm very honored to be asked to participate in the series of webinars on Chinese American experience, both past and present. It is a subject about which we Americans know very little and sadly, but little we do know, often distorted, at best, and rather racist at worst. So I want to thank Don Tao for initiating this timely and necessary webinar at a time when the nation is undergoing a spontaneous awakening and so searching in the wake of the brutal murder of African American George Floyd. In the hands of police officer Derek Chauvin of Minneapolis on May 25, 2020, in the midst of a historic pandemic, a national lockdown, a devastating economic recession. No less brutal and shocking was the massacre of six Asian American women in Atlanta, Georgia on March 16 this year. This violent incidents to mention just these two out of thousands throughout our history, touched off the black lives matter and stop Asian violent or Asian hate mass movement and raise questions about who we are. And racism, like an original sin continues to, to infect our people, our institutions divide our nation, and yes, even shape our dealings with other countries, like China, as both Russell and Don had just suggested. I will try to mention it so as well during the course of my presentation. My role today is to give a brief historical overview on Chinese American experience in the second half of the 19th century. From the Gold Rush in 1850 in California to the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 by the United States Congress and unprecedented ill conceived and racist immigration law that set subsequent American immigration laws in the wrong direction. To this date, and put the nation in a direct contradiction with the principle principles of equality, justice, fairness and rule of law, upon which our constitution is based. It's a very tall order for someone who retired 15 years ago from active teaching, and I will try to do my best in my own age. I can know very little about Chinese American experience, partly because as a small minority among racial minorities. Chinese American experience is considered too small and too insignificant to deserve mentioned in history textbooks and news coverage in the nation's mainstream media. The civil rights movement of led by African Americans in the 1960s and 1970s brought some improvements in our educational institutions and mass media. Most notably for instance, things like school integration voting rights welfare reform affirmative action bilingual education and ethnic studies, but changes came only in print incrementally. At least Americans now know a little more about the three topics that Don has outlined for us. The, you know, the Chinese in the California Gold Rush and the role of Chinese in the building of the transcontinental railroad in 1869. And the infamous Chinese exclusion law in immigration law book in 1882. And I cannot overemphasize how this particular law has influenced all subsequent American immigration law to this date. In the time that I have I hope to deepen our understanding of Chinese American experience in the 19th century, and to broaden our perspectives and help understand why our fear of and hatred toward China and Chinese Americans are based essentially on ignorance, prejudice and paranoia. And the rampant acts of violence against Chinese and Asian Americans across the country in recent years have their roots actually in our institution, our history, our culture, and indeed our consciousness. Let's begin with a big at the beginning. The Chinese join a gold rush. The gold rush is usually considered a period of 1848 and 1852. It is important for us to know that reason, random acts of violence against Chinese Americans throughout the United States are not new. In fact, they occur during the gold rush gold of course was discovered in 1848. In the foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains. It took a while for the news to travel across the country and, and then around the world. In the middle of four or five years, 300,000 people rushed into California, the majority of whom, of course, was from East Coast and Americans cause they overwhelmed the estimated about 150,000 Native Americans and about 6500 Spanish and Mexican in flicking death and sufferings back then and to this day, but in 1849 alone some 90,000 immigrants arrive in San Francisco, not immigrant from meaning from mostly from East Coast as that. But only believe it or not, only 325 Chinese out of 90,000 came to California in 1849 and the 49 s and then 450 Chinese came in the following year. And then 2716 in 1918 51. Now the interesting thing is that in 1852, suddenly 20,000 in that one year arrived, of course not a last number. Of course it was the last number in comparison with the previous three years, but certainly not a last number compared with a 300,000 that came into California. And San Francisco by the way, you know, in 1851 was had, you know, had only 700 people living in San Francisco. In 1852. It was really a turning point in Gold Rush. And several important thing occur in that year. That's very important that will set the stage for subsequent dealings that we have with the Chinese. In 1852, the independent service mining ended by independent service mining. I mean, these independent gold prospectors, you know, 300,000 of them rushing to California. They've had up the hill and went to the rivers and the river bed and the shores along the river to start, you know, wash panning for gold. That's called independent they sold their fortune. They have assets to come to California make a long trip all the way here. And in the hope of making another fortune. In 1852, service mining essentially ended in California and began the so called company mining, meaning capital intensive companies got formed to do two very important things. Water is very important for for gold mining. And the other one of course, company needs, you know, have to buy heavy equipment. And ship them all the way up to the Sierra Mountains, and to start mining in this in an industrial scale. In other words, company mining began to take over. And of course, displacing large number of these independent prospectors who essentially bankrupt because of that. And also in the same year because of that California experienced the first recession. Personal and business bankruptcy, and that tens of thousands of people became unemployed. And that of course is the basis for a lot of anger, frustration, resentment, and of course, violence as well. Now so it was in that year, 1852 that 20,000 Chinese arrived. But it was also in that year, Governor John Bigler, then the governor of California decided to take advantage of the mass dissatisfaction and displace displacement and began to speak out. He sent messages to the state legislature, advocating exclusion of Chinese and expulsion of them, if he could do it, and also use of tax taxation power to try to drive the Chinese out of it. And, you know, so the state legislature responded with, you know, go minus tax and other laws that prevent the Chinese from making claims to do the mining. Instead, Chinese were allowed to only work on mines, no longer productive and abandoned already by white miners so you can see the role of race playing in this kind of a, you know, go mining industry. Eventually these taxes became very punitive, but also very lucrative, both local and state governments found these resources financial resources for revenue, indispensable to the operation of local and state government. This became a problem for for many years, for as long as the, you know, go mining was taking place. And on top of that Chinese miners were not allowed to become citizens, not eligible for citizenship, and no right to vote. And they, of course, I said, they may work only on abandoned mines. And so a powerful movement got generated by what has to be a very demographic demographic kind of a governor's message to the state, to the state, and of course mobilize citizens into action. And so many white miners began to hold spontaneous in a gold mining town, so called white miners convention, and they passed resolutions, resolution demanding Chinese exclusions, but interestingly enough, at the early in those early years. They also advocated punishment of the capitalist, who, you know, created a water company, the gold mining companies to drive them out of out of existence. And so, but that only lasted for a while, because very quickly, the white miners attention got shifted from directing anger at both the corporations, the mining corporations and the Chinese at the same time. In fact, the company were accused of hiring Chinese, a low wages in order to drive the miners, white miners out. And, but eventually the white miners abandoned their anger at the mining companies, instead, directing solely at the Chinese. Creating a situation where the race conflict cut perpendicular to the class conflict between the workers and the companies. In other words, white miners succumb to racism, and thus undermining solidarity among the poor, and among all the races. And that's of course is a, is a very, very serious problem that continue to, to pregas, even to this state, you know, divide and conquer, the racial minority on the white majority. Now at the same time, the courts also came into action in 1854 hall versus people in a torturous argument. The California Supreme Court declared the Chinese testimonies in admissible against whites. And you know what that means is that essentially make Chinese open season that you can do anything to them, because the Chinese cannot testify in court against white miner and that to create, but a lot of problems for Chinese who are in the United States and of course causing deep division between the white and the Chinese. Now who are these Chinese immigrants. Well, they come from mostly from some sudden China. Amazingly, you know that one province, the Guangdong province, where Hong Kong and Canton are located. The Guangdong province is like our state has 96 counties at that time. Guess what, only the Chinese who came to the United States came from only eight counties in that area. And the question is why. And you know it's a question that we occupy me all my years of teaching and research, because I have my own theory about it. And, but let me just quickly hint at it. What happened back then the reason why they all came from there, because opium war occurred in 1839. China was defeated. China was forced to sign the tricky landing and opening China for the exploitation of the of the Western powers, beginning with a British Americans came right afterwards. And, and also did other European countries. They all came. And what do they want. They want to secure access to Chinese products. At that time, very valuable tea and porcelains, among other things, and even more important, they want to secure a China market, especially the lucrative opium. You know, all of them participated including American merchants, and in fact made their fortunes from pushing dope into China. And the way they did it was to get the get the opium from India, and then import it into export it into China, and causing millions of Chinese to be addicted. And that eventually not only cause the emptying of the Chinese treasury, but also millions of Chinese peasants addicted to opium, and thereby causing essentially the bankruptcy of the Chinese peasant economy in the area that of those those eight counties that I mentioned. And of course we signed a treaty, our China trader also discover the lucrative opium business. And we were unhappy with getting the supplies of opium from India, which was then a British colony, and the main source of all the opium that came that went into China. So we have to buy from the British and bring it into into into China. And so we decided to also start our own opium planting in Turkey and Persia. And the rest of the stories that some of you are familiar with history of drug abuse know that during the Vietnam War, those places became the main source of supply for American soldiers in Vietnam. And so this state places like Afghanistan, Turkey and other, you know, Iran, Iraq, some of them still supplying some but mostly, you know, come from essentially now from South America but continue to have some on the Middle East. So the Chinese, therefore, who got bankrupt decided to look for job opportunity, and they found job opportunities initially in the so called treaty ports that we sign with the Chinese government, allowing America, you know, secure market and also allowing us to have our missionary with it was very important for us for our missionary to be able to go into China to convert the so called heathen Chinese. And so this is the beginning of really you could see, you know, very racist trade policy, very racist way of treating people who are poor, who are in desperation. And, and the contact that these peasants have with the Chinese peasants in the in those eight counties from the basis of the Chinese who came over. And since they were not allowed, so they can only work on the mines already abandoned by whites. They could, they also worked on other things, which in those days consider women's job, like watching dirty laundry, cooking and sewing and domestic servants. So a lot of Chinese who came over if they could not get into mining at all to work on the abandoned lines. They work in these other shop. And that's why Chinese laundry has become such a, you know, such a, such a visible, you know, institution in American cities, and it goes back to the city because job discrimination prevented Chinese from entering other job than those jobs did by women in the in the in the gold rush period because they were mostly men. And so that's how the whole thing began, the foundation for racist treatment of Chinese American began at the very dawn of the Chinese arrival in California during the full rush. You asked me to alert you when it's 10 minutes. I'm alerting you now. It is 10 minutes late. You're 10 minutes left. Okay, you asked me to alert you at 10 minutes and five minutes. Okay, good. Thank you very much. Now, let me move on to the exclusion because the movement against Chinese initially became, you know, as a local movement, but in California and the politician in the East Coast, because they were more interested in China trade and make doing the lucrative business, you know, businesses in China, they did not want to hurt and do anything to hurt their trade relations with China. And besides, there was also the Berlin game treaty of 1868, which was the second. The third treaty that we signed with China. The game was a very an upper abolitionist appointed by Lincoln to be first American ambassador to China. And he was a, like a true abolitionist, he advocated, you know, principles of equality, a long nation, respect for sovereignty, and mutual beneficial beneficial relations, whether being business in other things. And so this treaty was very interesting because it came at a time when California was desperate for the trans construction of labor for the construction of transnational transcontinental railroad, because that started in 1862, but it was getting worse because they could not find anybody. And because China, legally prohibit Chinese from leaving China. So it's difficult for Chinese for American railroad company to recruit Chinese railroad workers legally to come to the United States. And so the Berlin game treaty did two things. It, it sort of, you know, commit the Chinese government to allowing Chinese to come and go between United States and China. And that's very important because as a result of that treaty, the company can now recruit large number 10,000 in fact for the railroad construction is 15,000. You know, to work on the railroad, which eventually completed in 1969. But it also because treaty carries the force of the, you know, of the legal force of a constitution in the United States. It also could be used to invalidate a lot of local and state laws enacted against Chinese. And in fact, burning game wrote a letter to German Chancellor of business. And Fowley stated that his treaty, you know, allow the United States to get rid of what he called all the obnoxious local and state laws against the Chinese, but also allow the United States to recruit unlimited number of Chinese labor to come to help develop the economic development of California. So that's, and, but that of course anger all the white working class people. And that does begin a mere more massive kind of organizing effort against to the exclusion of Chinese. And the, the organization became quite successful under the banner of the white working men's party. In the 1970s, which took place concurrently at a major nationwide depression or recession. Thousands of tens of thousands of American companies when bankrupt, you know, sort of like 2008, a nationwide recession. Thousands of companies went bankrupt. And of course, a lot of workers became unemployed. And that eventually help, I think, you know, push the government to ask for a revision of the burning game treaty of 1868. At that time Chinese China was already so weak, just have just come out of, you know, the, the typing rebellion and, and so decided that they have to, you know, comply with the American demand for change to allow the United States to unilaterally make laws that are clearly in violation of the, the, the principles of equality, respect, and mutual benefit between the two countries. And that's how eventually the, you know, the law was enacted. Now, the 1882 law has several major provision. The first one is of course to ban Chinese completely to come over to the United States. Secondly, Chinese immigrants in the already in the United States at that time a little bit over 100,000 could not be naturalized by the citizens of the United States. And then those who were already in the United States at the time of the enactment of the 1882 Chinese exclusion law will have to get a certificate, you know, certifying that they were legally in the United States at the time of the law. And then the government will issue the certificate, and they bring them to be able to travel back to China, and then, and then return with the using that certificate. And also set up an exam class. There were certain people that we must have in to, to, to, to allow them to come into the United States, obviously things like diplomat Chinese diplomat you have to let them in Chinese merchants, you have to let me because the Chinese trade was so important to the United States. And then, of course, we want Chinese students, because we figure that Chinese students studying in America could be easy converted and one, one over into American way of thinking American values. In fact, that's what, what, you know, President Biden's been talking about in position of American values on China that's probably the current trade disputes. And so that log up, get passed. And unfortunately, the enforcement of the Chinese exclusion law was very, very hard. And in 1888, while about 20,000 Chinese who held those government issue certificate, proving their legal residence in the United States. Congress made a sneak attack by enacting the Scott act of 1888. While those 20,000 were visiting their loved ones in China. And to invalidate all those. All those people who have our government issues of certificate, and thus set the stage for many of them because they have business here family here to try to enter. We enter the United States. Sorry, can you finish it up in five minutes. So that law essentially criminalize the Chinese. You know it's race in America, and that of course is a very serious undermining the civil and constitutional rights of Chinese in United States, and also rendered Chinese perpetual foreigner because of the exclusion. That's why a Chinese observer by the name of champion sing watching the Chinese population declining rapidly from 107,000 in 1890 to 61,000. And he said in 1904. They call it exclusion, but it was not exclusion. It is extermination. Very powerful statement. Now, you know one of the things that we need to understand is that the Chinese will not welcome the Chinese in the United States, but they will also consider indispensable, whether be generating revenue for local and state government, or providing cheap labor to help complete the, the, you know, the transcontinental railroad, or to build all the railways in California, from the canal to the railroad to the dykes to manufacturing. You know, almost everything in the 19th century, you know Chinese were the one that were providing the manpower and keeping. In fact, getting California developed into a very wealthy, powerful state economically, and at the same time, keep. The surprise whether it be cigarettes, clothing. You know Chinese laundry. You know Chinese were providing all those important services to the economy and yet, what is our reward for the Chinese, but the punitive racist Chinese exclusion law. I think we all need to study history and to learn to become more aware of our own, you know, weaknesses and our strengths, and from which hopefully we learn how to treat people with respect and equality. And also to learn the fact that how what we do to the Chinese, how we view Chinese influence our view of your China relations, and how US China relations in turn influence how the public and the government treat Chinese Americans. Thank you very much. Thanks for your healing to your hand, where that illuminating talk. And we have a few questions to your final point about how us China relations impacts how Asian Americans impacts us China relations. That's been a driving question of mind for stuff API Hi. You asked me that question. is how do you see the treatment of China as a nation similar or different to how Chinese immigrants were treated as a group in the US? So did foreign policy, parallel domestic policy, how were they similar? How might they have been different? You know, the US-China relations always consistently, for example, the Berlin Game Treaty, how that affected the labor supplies and how the treaty being used by the Chinese community to invalidate a lot of discriminatory law. And that's the result of a negotiation, a treaty between in 1968 between China and United States. But then when our government decided to get rid of the Berlin Game Treaty in order to change the, you know, for us to enact the exclusion law, once that exclusion law got enacted, look at what happened to the Chinese. And that's why, you know, I think, you know, that gentleman, Mr. Chen said that, you know, it's not exclusion, it's really attempt to exterminate the Chinese through, on the one hand, through treaty negotiation and also through domestic policy changes, in this case, the Chinese Exclusion Law. Well, do you think it works the other way that how domestic policies later shaped foreign policies, so how have racist relations or racist attitudes towards Chinese Americans impacted US-China policy? Actually, you know what, there are a couple of books, you know, one of the books from your former colleague, Sue Miller, The Unwelcome Immigrant wrote a very important book in the 19, I think around 1970, in which he said that, you know, America's attitude toward the Chinese in their midst in America, not back then, was very much influenced by the business people, the missionaries who went to China, and the reporters who report news about China. And according to Miller, in fact, America already formed a very deep prejudice against China, against Chinese people, even before they set foot on California soil, because these reports by the missionaries, by the business people, and by travel, influence the public opinion about the Chinese. And since most of the public, the report that they made are so negative that it colored their view of the Chinese. So when Chinese stepped foot on California, immediately they were under Chinese movement during the Glorosh. Yeah, so the perception of China was already set, right, before we were immigrants. Very much so, yeah. Thanks. A question from the audience is, you talked about all the laws and attacks on Chinese minors, were there ever apologies, were there ever, what was the Chinese resistance to the early racism, both in terms of... First of all, there has never been a policy given to the Chinese. Now, the Chinese, you know, the way the Chinese fought back is to, of course, get organized and to protect themselves to begin with. But more importantly, because since they cannot vote, they are not allowed to become citizens, the only other recourse that they have is, as a small minority of among minorities is through the court system. But, and so if you look at American law books, there are just thousands of cases of Chinese cases. So the Chinese did use a lot of law. You know, for instance, under the United States Constitution, if you were born in the United States, you are a citizen of the United States. And yet, the, you know, our government and our people try to use, try to invalidate that provision. And the Chinese who were born and raised in the United States would deny citizenship until they sued the government and to gain their right. Fortunately, the court, you know, sided with them. So besides the courts, did the Chinese government try to protect the Chinese in the U.S.? Yes, that's another question about U.S.-China relations. Yes. You know, the Chinese try to use diplomatic channel to influence our treatment of the Chinese in our policy. For instance, you know, the, you know, because of the passage of Chinese exclusion law, and because the Chinese immigrant who came here legitimately as diplomats or as students or, you know, being trained to become a minister of the gospel were treated so sadly, you know, that the Chinese decided to let the Chinese people in China know that this is how they, how we are being treated. And so the Hawaiian Chinese community actually initiated in 2005 to launch a nationwide boycott of American import into China as a way to serve notice to the American public and government that, you know, if you continue to mistreat us, we're going to stop buying your goods. And that got the message through to President Teddy Roosevelt. And Teddy Roosevelt, you know, quickly tried to do something, but not much, because Teddy Roosevelt himself actually was quite racist towards the Chinese. And so, and he also realized that Chinese was militarily totally weak. In fact, that the Manchu government was about to, was heading towards collapse. And so we really did not have to listen. And but it has created a habit of Chinese American to try to go to the Chinese government for help. And there is a long history of Chinese trying to use diplomatic means to, to, to defend their rights. But that did not go too far, unfortunately. Yes, we tried for the Japanese, by the way, the Japanese American did that in the early 19th century, because Japanese, the Navy had just defeated the Russian Navy in the far east of Asia. And so the same Roosevelt got so nervous, because San Francisco School Board had the audacity to say that Japanese children will not be allowed to enter San Francisco public school. And so the Japanese government held these rally tens of thousands of people in Tokyo protest against and demanding that the Japanese government send the Navy over here to the Bay Area to show a force, you know, and Teddy Roosevelt was so nervous that he telegraphed the San Francisco School Board and demanded that put the entire school board on the train, on the double head to a White House, when they traveled several days to reach the White House, and Roosevelt read them the riot act, and send them home immediately to admit the Japanese children into the public school. So it's like a strong Japan led to the protection of Japanese in the U.S. And the quarterly question is a strong China now, with that the better protection of Chinese but I don't want to ask you. Very good question. Yeah, one final question. Let me very quickly answer this question. China, if China was what it was like in 2000, in 1905 that I mentioned, or in 1882, you know, Chinese government would not be able to do what they're doing. They're demanding that the United States treat them as equals, and that whatever benefits, it has to be mutual. And that China would not allow its sovereignty to be undermined at all. So this is an indication, I think of, but I do not want the Chinese government to interfere with the domestic civil rights issues of Chinese America, because that is not foreign policy. That is a domestic policy. So one last question from the audience is, you talked about how the Chinese Exclusion Act had subsequent impact on a lot of immigration policies. So the audience member asked, well, what was special, unique about the Chinese Exclusion Act? What was its major impact? And then after that's our final question. Remember, I mentioned the Scott Act, about 20,000 Chinese who held the government issue certificate, went home to visit their parents and wives and children, and then could not come back because Congress invalidated while they were out of the country. Well, that actually set in motion the attempt by Chinese to come back to, you know, retake their homes, their businesses, buy illegal crossings from Canada and from Mexico. And you know what our government's response was? To create the border patrol, which Cesar Chavez called American Gestapo, because they were going after Mexican Americans. But few people knew that it was actually created initially to apprehend illegal Chinese immigrants. And then Carter has this MSC program for the so-called illegal immigrants. Well, that is, again, the same old stuff. You know, in the 1950s, we're going to talk about it in a couple of weeks. You know, the so-called Chinese Confession Program. That's the MSC program that started back in the 1950s with the Chinese. So I could go on and on. There is nothing new under the sun. In fact, it would read Governor Biggius' long, long message to the state legislature. Everything that Governor Pete Wilson said in Proposition 187 to exclude, you know, the Mexican immigrants already occurred in the Governor Biggius' message to the legislature in 1852. So nothing is new under the sun. That's right. History is repeating itself. Yeah. Thank you, Professor Wang. Thank you for the illuminating discussion. Thank you for the audience and all your questions. So let's give Professor Wang a hand again. Thank you. Can we back in a couple of weeks to talk more about Chinese American history, but I'll turn it over to Don to wrap up. Okay. Thank you very much, Professor Wang and also Professor Jiang. For a very informative and sober recollection of the experience that the early Chinese Americans in the United States during the 19th century, he reminded us of the heroic contributions and sacrifices the early Chinese Americans made in helping to build the United States, even though they face tremendous racial discriminations and experienced many massacres, not counting the dangerous work they did and many sacrificed their lives. I would like now in the last two minutes just to mention about the next week. Okay. Let's see. I have to share my, I'm not sharing my slides yet, right? Hold on a second. You see my slides, right? Not yet. Okay. Thank you. Okay. These are the upcoming webinars next week, September 29, next Wednesday. The topic will be internment of Japanese Americans. The speaker will be Karen Koromashu. He'll be moderated by Judge Lillian Singh. Okay. And then we'll follow that October 6th with another webinar on Chinese American experience in the United States in the 20th century and 21st century. Bring us up to date, including the recent SBNR charges, propagated SBNR charges against Chinese Americans. And then we have a couple talks on modern Chinese history by Professor Ken Hemman and then Julie Tang. We'll talk about Hong Kong and I'll talk about Xinjiang. And then George Koo will talk about US-China relationship first in the 19th century. As a matter of fact, he will elaborate a little bit more about the Berlin Game Treaty, which Professor Wang mentioned today. And then he will go to talk about the 20th or 21st century, including the China policy of the last three presidents. And then we will end on November 17th by talk by Silla Xiao. China is not US enemy. Okay. I hope that you will all come back to attend these webinars. And thank you, Professor Wang and Professor Zhang. And thank you for the audience for participating. And we'll see you next week. Bye-bye. Bye. Thank you, everyone. Thank you.