 This is a second paper at the conference this year. I did an earlier paper on time, and I'm working on these two issues and Hall's work because they have been basically eliminated from the anthropological teachings in schools presently. And I think there's some stuff, as I came to the end of my teaching career, I was getting a little past it with young people reinventing the wheel. I really don't mind new hubcaps, but I think the wheel has been done. So I'd like them to be able to go on from what is being done and build on it. And that's why I turned to this. So I start here because I'm very interested right now in how families pull together. And of course, this is my mitochondrial DNA group right now. That's me with my daughters, my granddaughters and my great-granddaughter. So that's interesting for me because many of the communities we're looking at are actually communities of kinship. Now, Edward T. Hall, which I'm specifically focusing on his work, started analysis both on the personal or micro somatic level, and he worked to the macro level of responses to the environment that come to form the cultural sensibilities, fundamentally how they dictate how we live in place and together in a specific culture. A wider understanding of his Catholic sensibilities could be seen in Roger's early publication of Hall's correspondence with Marshall McLuhan. And not only did Hall contribute to McLuhan's groundbreaking work on media, but he also influenced the American architect's systems theorist and futurist, Buckminster Fuller. As an aside here, we could consider systems theory and see that they have utility for the archeologists. And in this context, I'm starting to look at this, I'm suggesting that we're sitting here in contexts as uncovered, discovered, situations and space and time, and they offer us opportunities to develop a recognition of our observations. And we compose our observations analysis in the serendipitous frame of circumstances of the identifiable environment we are presented in all curves and the segregation of our knowledge that is culturally constructed through various categories of identification, self and other, such as class and so forth, which I will turn to later. And societies in this sense are important here too, and I'm going to come back to this. Now, why I'm interested in showing these structures to you is that because Hall himself in the 1930s went into the Southwest United States as an agent of the American government, and he starts to work with Navajo and then he worked with Poydler people. And eventually he completed a PhD under the auspices of France Boas and actually the year Boas died, 1942. And of course the issue here was that Boas really pushed his students in terms of historical particularism. He wanted them to really look at individual cultures in and of themselves and their cultural histories and how they identified themselves. Exterior from how anthropologists had sometimes in the past worked with considering us in terms of, let's say, Louis Henry Morgan's view of, you know, the savages, the barbarians and the civilized. And so he came, he was a Middle East, a Middle West American. And he came to this aha moment to a deep understanding of the primary differences emphasized intra-culturally that framed interactional dynamics from the individual to the group, manifesting space, places implicitly and explicitly defined and used by a specific group. The analysis of human use of space he came to call proxemics. And I make the distinction here for us to understand the difference between the concept of emic and eddic because emic is from the perspective of the people who live in their own group and eddic is how the perspective is interpreted by the exterior person looking in as an observer. From this work he continued on and subsequently he actually did work on time as well as he understood that time and place go together. So the use of anthropologists by the military at that time was also part of his work. As was common with Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict to the Second World War and subsequently he developed a study area run for the American government for their diplomats and training them how to work in other cultures in an appropriate way. So he wrote the silent language and then this in 59 and then was followed by the hidden dimension which specifically spoke to how space was used. And eventually he produced the book Handbook for Proxemic Research in 1974 where he presented his theoretical approach, methodology, notation, practices and statistical analysis to be able to do this work. His research presented a macro analysis of cultural landscapes and the micro analysis of the dynamics of everyday interpersonal life. He effectively defined for us public and social and intimate spaces in which we live and particularly starting with the bubble of ourselves and our first face to face with another human being and where we will even stand near of them and not to participate. Hall turned his attentions to humans living in time which was the paper I gave you earlier. And as he worked on he also prepared us for the future in terms of looking at how things were going to be in the future. It is 1976 book Beyond Culture. He talked about extension transference specifically to culture where extension transference of culture happens naturally when people are unaware of the extent to which culture shapes how they perceive time and space or that culture shapes their perception of this at all. And so he worked from there. Now, so I start here with some of the stuff that we're going to look at and go through and slides and I'll talk to without looking at notes mostly on it. Societies look for structure for chaos and this can be accomplished by structuring space and place. And of course here this is from Madaba and Jordan where I worked for a period of time and this is Jerusalem as it is seen, the wall. And this speaks to this is what and of course as you go out on the map you're going to see that the environment is around it too and the fish you can even identify the fish as to their species in how they were shown. And mapping landscapes and finding kinship and family are also part of this as well. And of course this is the Sakotunpan village map in Turkey and this is, we're starting to see them grouped together by color, these are kinship groups. And so we're starting to see things clustering together near each other and so but look at the blue group up here they're pretty tight gang. And so what you see the maps are starting the villages starting to show I'm suggesting that sometimes in the clustering we see in archeology we're actually seeing this type of stuff there as well. And so we have to think about this in the diachronic and the synchronic linking positions in space and time from the individual to the cultural development of a worldview, situating their being in mundane and transcendental ideas indeed the universe as perceived. And of course we see time in terms of the group we're living with and we see time as the groups we live that come is our history and our perspective of what they may be in the future. So we're always working in these types of systems. So I want to give two ideas before we get into detail in his work on two concepts of territoriality and temporality. And I want to use the Sunni as the example here because there's such good records from the 1800s through and actually back through the Spanish records as well as I worked with before in that pottery that I did that you published for me. And I want to use examples here. I'm going to start with the Sunni Waffle Gardens in 1919 owned by matrilineal clans. And traditionally the clan no longer exists if no one's still alive to use it that land goes back into transcendental space that is not allowed to be used by anybody else. So space can belong and not belong on the basis of the people that are there living it. So that's an important thing. The gardens remain untouched at that time. And two overriding aspects there for a space for the Sunni and other poignant people are territoriality and their place in time. So territoriality is defined by various constructs catchment to room size to the crib we even sleep in and the grave we go to when we die. Example land use is defined by Sunni people select maps I have here some of their diverse land usages and the catchment as a defining term is nebulous and boundaries are contextual although the defining specific economic territory is very in placement inside they're encompassed within the religious use area if we look at the whole thing. And so what we can look at is these four maps of many in this particular publication. And first map is the agricultural area gosh it looks like a rabbit almost and the second one is plant collection area and the next one is hunting area and the last one is the religious map and the religious map encompasses them all but please note that these territories are different. It's not just one territory in which they live in a multiple IDs of territory only held together by the religious concept of who they are. And then time or temporality village space over time we do see changes. Well, Pecos is an excellent site for that because the Spanish coming and so forth so on but Pecos through deep time in New Mexico goes back thousands and thousands of years and we can look at it from Kinder's work at the beginning of the 20th century. This year we seek to understand cultural ethos for stability or change in the use of space and the Zuni village and we have a sequence of four village plans. Here the heart of the community has a stability seen in the central plaza and the mission Nuestra Signora de Guadalupe developed by the Spanish but the traditional kinship based room blocks become more diffuse in their construction over time. This suggests a change in clan kinship density and structure and a more diffuse world that they're living in. And if we look at these, the four sites and the star represents where the church is we have 1891, 1915, 1948 and 1972. And this is actually I think a pretty good almost a hundred years swath of them. In terms of the encroachment of the American government and so forth so on, they've actually contained themselves pretty well but it has become more diffuse and less populated. So lots of rural communities have that happen. So, but we see that there. So out of this I want to now turn to the proxemics that was being spoken about in Edward T. Hall's work. He talks about infracultural, pre-cultural and micro-cultural in terms of how we look at how things are structured. The first one is our phylogeny past. The second one is our actual censoring physiological responses. And the third one is our micro-cultural, the observational level that we actually work at for our behavior. Sometimes we're not awake to what's really going on but it is there. And so he says that this personal proxemic dimension determinants are very intimate, personal, social and public. Our body posture, body orientation, lateral displacement of our bodies. And of course we see this in how we have a picture of us on the subway, for example. Change of orientation, change of distance, gestures, kinesthetes, effect intensity, eye behavior, auditory codes, which I will come to. I think I have it here. Auditory code, linguistic style, voice, loudness, listening, behavior, old faction, thermal code, bodily involvement and seeking or avoiding touch. So those are the things that place us where we want to be. Somebody's got garlic on their breath and you don't like garlic, you're gonna be sort of stepping back a bit and resetting yourself. Garlic space. Pardon? Garlic space. Yeah, garlic space, exactly. It's a perfect word to call it, garlic space. Okay, so Edward T. Hall shifts voice. For example, he talks about voice in specific ranges and distances. Very close, close, near, neutral, neutral, public distance, across the room and stretching the limits of distance. So he even talks about how voice is used. And of course before we have our phones that we talk to each other across the room in, we all, this is how people lived. This is how they figured out where they're gonna contact each other. Oh, can I go back? No, I can't, can I? I wanted to go back. Can I go back? No, I wanna go back too. Oh, that's good, that's good. Because of course here, it's all in terms of space, me, me, me. Because you are, in terms of this, the center of this pool around, it's sort of the Doppler effect again, but with human beings that we talked about the other day. Now, intimate distance is so very infracultural or pre-cultural. It's when the presence of the other can be overwhelming and unmistakable because of the sensory input. For example, you don't really see the other and the flush of passion, you're so close in on each other, just perfect, right? And you pull back a bit and you go, whoa, a little bit like that. And different drop, and of course in terms of this, then again, it speaks to the intimacy of hand-to-hand combat. So different from dropping bombs and creating collateral damage. Hand-to-hand combat is very intimate, except the smell of the person, the blood of them splashing on you, the taste of it even, right? And plastic words in a modular language, I'll let you report them in terms of how this is all discussed. In the far-phase sensory input lessons, but frequency not enough for many North Americans to be comfortable with interactions with strangers, since olfactory garlic space and thermal signals can still be evident. North Americans have problems with that. And of course, and I look at this in terms of mochi culture, AKA early, pre or proto-chimu, and pottery depictions of intimate spaces, the closeness. Now, are redefining these as erotica, as porn, or are lessons for how to do things? A child being birthed, anal sex, and so forth, so on. But we all, and we have this also, this is Egyptian, the closeness of touching another human being and having it pictured. And over here, portraits from the mochi as well. What I like about them is they are actual faces of real human beings. They're not just the same face made again and again on a pot. They're actually real human individual portraits of males, both males and females in sexual activity, childbirth, female butt supporter may be male. Females of power depicted as religious figures and ceremonial performance art. This moves through the four spheres of space use, intimate, personal, social, and public, and a specific female portraits are rare and non-existent. Why in this culture, when so much of this is shown, are females so shallow shown? There's a question the archeologist needs to think about. Personal distance. Whoa, personal distance. Here are two objects. We see form and texture, way to maintain very clear visual images, and perhaps due to danger, we may see people that are iffy and try to keep a bit away from them. And so we were able to pick up subtle nuances and change of affect defect to interpret perhaps dangerous feelings of the interacting with the other and so on. And sometimes we keep people at arm's length, push them away. And we see this also in terms of this personal, rulers bringing people in closer to themselves into this personal space. And there's an example from Mesopotamia and one from Egypt here again. Social consultative distance. Whoa, where is that culture? Of course, I'm going to use an example from my field work in Botswana many years ago. And I'm giving you a model of a house in a community there, which is quite evident, but we find it archeologically as well. We do know it's headman house because there's only had meat bones around it. That wall there that we see that around many yards would be considered. You could look over and say hello to somebody. That is actually has an invisible wall that goes right up. It's rude for you to speak through that wall to somebody in there, it's headman's house. And you're to go by and not peek a boo in and you are to stand off. And as you go by, what you're doing is the headman will call a man in, not a woman. To come in and share food with him. And the food is usually ceremonially prepared. The head or an animal is being hunted. The headman gives other parts of the body away to the widows and orphans in the community. But this is the place where the headman shares and has consultative behavior with other males in the community. And that's a very interesting sort of social consultative distance type thing and it's gender-based as well. That's very interesting in that. Mirror behavior and body language stance and interaction distance can be a useful tool for cultural anthropology and participant observation. But it cannot be disconcerting in the sunglass instance. Since we focus so much on eye contact and we have only us contact when we use mirror sunglasses. Now in the Middle East, when I worked there for a considerable period of time, you never wore sunglasses, if you were, mirrored sunglasses to go off and talk to other people in the community because it's so rude. It's be on route because they can't see your eyes. That's an important thing there. So we have to think about how this is all worked out. So inside and outside and basis of context, public, private, public, consultative. And of course I lived in the Middle East and houses like this, they're still there. And I want to speak about, and there's that house again, but I wanna speak about this in terms, I don't know if I have it on the next slide but it's something I'm going to come back to, is that the house in many communities is has public space at certain times of the day. And at other times of the day, it's completely private. And it has places that are actually so private that people even from other families don't have access. This has to do with the Modafa room which is a visiting room as opposed to non-visiting rooms. And that type of stuff is there. So I don't know if I have it here but let's see if I do. No, I don't, but I have some other communities. Like for example, I lived for a period of time at the Bedouin and the Bedouin then their large tents have a front space and a back space. The front space is the equivalent of the Modafa. You're invited in, you sit down, you have coffee and so forth. So sometimes you're leaning on your ferocious and you're actually leaning on a pillow that's a gulp. You know, that's how the places, the goats come and go and so forth, so on. And then there's a curtain wall. There's another little far pit back there and a far pit in the front. This has to be an archeology, I know it is. And in the back, sometimes there's a little rise in the earth and in there are women and children. And that's exceptionally, exceptionally, it's haram, it's forbidden to go in there. It's a private, private space. It goes to the concepts of bathing spaces and washrooms, hammams and stuff like that in terms of privacy. And indeed what I always told my students when they come to do their work in these communities is that the night before they're invited to the house they must not drink any fluids and they must pee, pee, pee before they go because they're not allowed to ask for a washroom when they're in that house. Unless the people say to them they have a public washroom for them to use. And I say, you hold it and you get back. And when you come back to our hammam, you use it then. You go, pittle in, you have to dry yourself down because they're gonna tea you. You're gonna drink tea till you're ready to pop because that's how they welcome you in. Watermelon and cookies and tea and so forth so on. And so if you're already tanked and you come and get more tanked, how do you get home? You know what I mean? So you have to think about how this structured. But then when we start to look at these houses I'm giving you several types here. I'm giving you two types of these houses in which these people live. Matrilino and Patrilino's. This is a Patrilino society. This is Algonquian. This is a Sault Ste. Marie and the mid 1800s. Please note that there's trade goods coming in on the houses in terms of cannabis and blankets and so forth being used. This is an Iroquoian village. Matrilino houses, groups of women are living together, bringing their children up. This is the same. These are Algonquians along the Eastern shore when the Europeans first came. Please note they grow the same crops but look at the difference in their house structures. Large structures for multi-generational women and their daughters and granddaughters living together. Patrilino, the switch. But they're doing very much same things but they run their stuff differently. This is a Patrilino community. This is a patriarchy, Patrilino type community. Structures and how they're put together are telling you something about the kinship in the past. Public distance. Whoa, this was my Bethnoir, that pyramid right there. I climbed it on that side, stupid me and I was scared, unbelievable to come down. I had to come down backwards on my hands and knees. When you stand on the step, you cannot see the step in front of you. This taking the step is an act of religious acceptance that it will be there. Truly it is. That I think is purposeful. This public space. Furthermore, for the priests to come down those steps, you just think we know from the carvings on their buildings what their clothing was like. And their clothing had iridescent bird feathers and jade all carved and metal sparkling and so forth and they couldn't step down straight to go. They went across that thing like this back and forth. What a religious show. This public space in terms of religion. Unbelievable. And then of course we could think about it in terms of central and plaza places in front of the one down here. And of course I've given you a West Coast orator and his speaking in terms of speaking to the community. He stands with his copper in his arm and he has a behavior, a sway that goes with the words he speaks which is historical and documentary in terms of his culture. And that copper is so significant that someone who's a great power can go and smash it and throw it away into the ocean. Sort of like buying your new Mercedes Benz and burning it, you know, just to prove you have it sort of type thing. Now, so in this flight fright engagement depends on sensory input and distance means the nuances of voice become lost. So it is not surprising. Narration styles have specific qualities to them specific cultures. All terms this frozen style and here I think very early movie images Boas made of cocktail on the Orators in the West Coast of Canada. They have a specific stance holding the copper in one arm and using formalized speech patterns with the body in a slight sway. And we have pictures of this from Edward Curtis. And so this is all cultural big time stuff going on. And here's all of these open spaces. This is Ren Condato that I mentioned to you earlier that didn't ever have a roof on it. It's got a secret passage coming up. It's huge, gigantic. This is a very big public space. Dance drums, these are dance drums in here and unbelievable building. This is like a cathedral. This type of public space in terms of out there and people coming together to do things. And in Chaco now they're thinking that it was a central place bringing a lot more people into it as well. And here's the Kenyatta Place where I mentioned when I said to you about the open one, it's up in here. And of course Chaco's over here. I took my husband up the Rio Grande day and he never been there and he sat down at one of the places in Karate. He says, I saw it in the National Geographic when I was a child and never thought I'd be here. Some of those are closed now, they're trying to protect them. But these types of places, these buildings, just public space, and we have to think about how public space is composed. And of course, I think the long buildings in a public space that you talk about are more hierarchical in terms of their structure. Who sits at the front and who sits at the back? Whereas this is more circular. What Hall would suggest is something important too, because he sees space like this as a socio, oh God, oh God, my goodness. If it's round space, it's socio-pedal. It means broad, brings everybody. If it's a space like this, it's designed in such a way as the boss sits here and tells you what to do. It's a different way of things, you see. And he talks about that as well. Public space in Kenyatta, Hopi territory, where the Cajenas dance, still in use of special occasions. And here it is, this huge, huge open kiva. And the school children are brought there till today. And they do have special ceremonies still there at certain times. Open to the sky, assumed to be so in chocolate sights at Ringandado, because they didn't think they had large enough trees to cover it. However, the four base foundations for the roof support, wood pillars are evident, nonetheless, because that number four is important. And here is actually a reconstruction of one of these kivas. It's at the Aztec site. And then one, the building in the center was done by the American government. This is what these buildings look like inside. The center thing here is a far, these are dense drums. And the four pillars come up and they support this wood roof. This is the Sipapu. Yes, the Sipapu is there too. The Sipapu is the opening to the underworld, where in the last recreation after the world was destroyed, the spirit forces brought humans back to the surface. But by the way, according to their view, we are in the last world forever now, behave. So there it is. So kivas regardless, the Pueblo group are dominated by males. Aztec, New Mexico reproduction of medium, this is a medium kiva. Men's space with subsidiary support from women, matrilateral society. Men and their sons at kiva, sons belong to their mother's kin line. Well, in the economy, men are engaged with their sister's sons and lineage and clan, both tied by kinship to an economic land base. So the men and their sister's sons are tied to the land for the economy, but they're tied to their sons by birth to a religious structure. So this pulls it all together, crosses, it's like a netting through the society. So we need to think about these structures and how they're used to net communities together. That's the big thing in terms of this type of stuff. I'm just about done, I think. And then of course, a fixed feature space and semi-fixed feature space. And I've given you three types of cooking spaces from what I worked in Jordan, and I want to mention the term in a minute. This is Egyptian public ovens. They're fixed space and public. This is a fixed space to burn oven in northern, northwestern Jordan and near the water Yarmouk in Umkes. And it's fixed space, but private. Although I've worked in ovens in other people's houses, they invited me in, but it's their place. And this is the Bedouin camp I lived in. This is Abu Mustafa, Abu Abdullah, Mohammed Ibrahim's mother, making bread on her tin canada at the top of the oil drum sitting on three stones. This is a tabern, but movable, completely movable. And people that move all the time have this type of gear that go with them. So we have three types of public in space, and those that are private and those that are not fixed space at all. So you have to look at a fixed and non-fixed. And when she leaves, there's three stones left there far in between. Any pit you find with three stones had to have something over it. That's just how it works. And of course, here I put this in. This is the tomb I found in Wadi Ziklab in 87, and Tabakafal Buma. And subsequently excavating there, what were houses we found and children entombed on death, entombed in the storage vessels in the walls of the houses, the keeping of the child in the private space. And we find this in Iroquoian villages as well. They're buried under the floors in the houses as well. And in the Iroquoian example here on, particularly, these children are not taken out to go to the seven, about seven year cycle of a subsidiary of secondary rebarrows. Everybody's buried from several communities all brought in to reinforce kinship things and reburied in this ossuary. But certain people are not taken there, and children buried in floors of houses remain with their families and their kin group. And sometimes seriously powerful medicine people or people who have drowned are left buried in the community and not moved out to the ossuary that is developed. We're just about there. And of course, women working together, grinding corn, women washing clothes together in the Middle East, men making beer, whoopee, archaeologists and beer, they sort of go together. And so we see these types of group activities as well, out in the public, many of them, but still usually people associated with each other. Semi-fix and feature space, and I've talked about that already. Let me just see if I've left anything out here. Oh, here's sociopetal and sociofugal space designs. The sociofugal is the one that's more hierarchical than the sociopetal when it's round. And, oh, her name is Hanan. Anyway, oh, here's the tents I wanted to talk about. You see the interior of the tents in terms of, this is the wall here. You see, this is actually a wall that comes off. Now, I'd like to point out to you that in the communities I lived in, the villages in this part of the world, after living with the Badawing, the smaller homes in the peasant villages are two spaces. They're a repeat into a solid structure of what the tent was like before. And we see them setting themselves into this type of space. So our awareness of our place in space begins in the somatic and psychological levels with fright flight responses interlink the affective fact. So there we are, wherever we go, we are at home if we can make a home for ourselves if we're mobile that has a certain structure. Define our boundaries of our being, the diverse webs of our lives and interactions. Strangely, perhaps, it's all micro and macro social string theory. Seen from Mortimer Wheeler's box, a grid box system of excavations, subsequently named the Wheeler Kenyan system. And to John Archibald Wheeler, the quantum chap who defined the black hole. And of course, if we think of the black hole in time space, we are always on the edge of now. And that's what we're doing when we're looking at this, the edge of now. It is all of one, just different fractal dimensions challenging us on how we think of space. How do we engage in understanding the landscapes of self and place? What can we understand of social and cultural meaning as we attempt to articulate with very varied and partial worldviews? So now the big question. How are these issues viewed from a cross-cultural perspective? And how are they manifest in archeological evidence beyond the obvious when we have to negotiate the barriers of otherness to come to an understanding of another time and place? Thank you very much. Thank you.