 Section 16 of the Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Mike Botez The Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 Edited by Charles F. Horn, Roseter Johnson and John Rudd The Battle of Arbela B.C. 331 By Sir Edward Shepard Chrissy Part 1 When Alexander, having returned from his campaign against the barbarians of the North, had suppressed a revolt which meanwhile had broken out in Greece, he found himself free for undertaking those great foreign conquests which he had planned. When he left Greece to conquer the world, he said farewell to his own country forever. Crossing the Hellos Point into Asia Minor with a small but well-equipped and disciplined army, he advanced unopposed until he reached the River Granicus, where he found himself confronted with a Persian host. Upon this army he inflicted a defeat, so signal us to bring at once the submission nearly the whole of Asia Minor. He next advanced into Syria and met the Persian king Darius III, who in person commanded an immense body of soldiers against which the young conqueror fought at Issus, winning a decisive victory. He not only captured the Persian camp, but also secured the king's treasures and took his family, prisoners. From this time Alexander held complete mastery of the western dominions of Darius, whom the conqueror afterward dethroned. After he had next invaded and subjugated Egypt and there founded the city of Alexandria, he pursued king Darius, who had taken flight into the very heart of his empire, where the Persian monarch on the plains of Gugamela, near the village of Arbella, made his last stand against his invincible foe of the battle to which Arbella gave its name and which proved the death blow of the Persian empire. Criss's narrative furnishes a realistic description. A long and uninstructive list might be made out of illustrious men whose characters have been vindicated during recent times from aspersions which for centuries had been thrown on them. The spirit of modern inquiry and the tendency of modern scholarship, both of which are often said to be solely negative and destructive, have in truth restored to splendor and almost created anew far more than they have assailed with censure or dismissed from consideration as unreal. The truth of many a brilliant narrative of brilliant exploits has of late years been triumphantly demonstrated and the shallowness of the skeptical scoffs with which little minds have carved but the great minds of antiquity has been in many instances decisively exposed. The laws, the politics, and the lines of action adopted or recommended by eminent men and powerful nations have been examined with keenary investigation and considered with more comprehensive judgment than formerly were brought to bear on these subjects. The result has been at least as often favorable as unfavorable to the persons and the states so scrutinized and many an oft-repeated slander against both measures and men has thus been silenced, we may hope, forever. The veracity of Herodotus, the pure patriotism of Pericles, of Demosthenes, and of the Gracchi, the wisdom of Kleistanes and of Licinius as constitutional reformers may be mentioned as facts which recent writers have cleared from unjust suspicion and censure and it might be easily shown that the defensive tendency which distinguishes the present and recent great writers of Germany, France, and England has been equally manifested in the spirit in which they have treated the heroes of thought and heroes of action who lived during what we term the Middle Ages and whom it was so long the fashion to sneer at or neglect. The name of the victor of Arbella has led to these reflections for although the rapidity and extent of Alexander's conquests have through all ages challenged admiration and amazement. The grandeur of genius which he displayed in his schemes of commerce, civilization and a comprehensive union and unity among nations has until lately been comparatively unhonored. This long-continued depreciation was of early date. The ancient returations, a class of bubblers, a school for lies and scandal as Nibur justly termed them, chose among the stock themes for their common places the character and exploits of Alexander. They had their followers in every age and until a very recent period all who wished to point a moral or adorn a tale about unreasoning ambition extravagant pride and the formidable frenzies of free will when leaked with free power have never failed to blaze on forth the so-called madman of Macedonia as one of the most glaring examples. Without doubt many of these writers adopted with implicit credence traditional ideas and supposed with unenquiring philanthropy that in blackening Alexander they were doing humanity good service. But also without doubt many of his assailants like those of other great men have been mainly instigated by that strongest of all antipathies the antipathy of a second rate mind to a first rate one and by the envy which talent too often bears to genius. Arian who wrote his history of Alexander when Hadrian was emperor of the Roman world and when the spirit of declamation and dogmatism was at its full height but who was himself unlike the dreaming pedants of the schools a statesman and a soldier of practical unproved ability well rebuked the malevolent aspersions which he heard continually thrown up on the memory of the great conqueror of the east he truly says let the man who speaks evil of Alexander not merely bring forward those passages of Alexander's life which were really evil but let him collect and review all the actions of Alexander and then let him thoroughly consider first who and what manner of a man he himself is and what has been his own career and then let him consider who and what manner of a man Alexander was and to what an eminence of human grandeur he arrived let him consider that Alexander was a king and the undisputed lord of the two continents and that his name is renowned throughout the whole earth let the evil speaker against Alexander bear all this in mind and then let him reflect on his own insignificance the patiness of his own circumstances and affairs and the blunders that he makes about these paltry and trifling as they are let him then ask himself whether he is a fit person to censure and revile such a man as Alexander I believe that there was in his time no nation of men no city, nay, no single individual with whom Alexander's name had not become a familiar word I therefore hold that such a man who was like no ordinary mortal was not born into the world without some special providence and one of the most distinguished soldiers and writers, Sir Walter Raleigh though he failed to estimate justly the full merits of Alexander has expressed his sense of grandeur of the part played in the world by the great Imaithian conqueror in language that well deserves quotation so much half the spirit of some one man excelled as it half undertaken and effected the alteration of the great estates and commonwealths the erection of monarchies, the conquest of kingdoms and empires guided handful of men against multitudes of equal bodily strength contrived victories beyond all hope and discourse of reason converted the fearful passions of his own followers into magnanimity and the valor of his enemies into cowardice such spirits have been stirred up in sundry ages of the world and in diverse parts thereof to erect and cast down again, to establish and to destroy and to bring all things, persons and states to the same certain ends which the infinite spirit of the universal piercing, moving and governing all things hath ordained certainly the things that this king did were marvelous and would hardly have been undertaken by anyone else and though his father had determined to have invaded the lesser Asia it is like enough that he would have contended himself with some part thereof and not have discovered the river of Indus as this man did the higher authority than either Arian or Raleigh may now be referred to by those who wish to know the real merit of Alexander as a general and how far the commonplace assertions are true that his successes were the mere result of fortunate rushness and unreasoning pugnacity Napoleon selected Alexander as one of the seven greatest generals whose noble deeds history has handed down to us and from the study of whose campaigns the principles of war are to be learned the critique of the greatest conqueror of modern times on the military career of the great conqueror of the world world is no less graphic than true Alexander crossed the Dardanelles B.C. 334 with an army of about 40,000 men of which one eighth was cavalry he forced the passage of the Granicus in opposition to an army under Memnon, the Greek who commanded for Darius on the coast of Asia and he spent the whole of the year 333 in establishing his power in Asia Minor he was seconded by the Greek colonies who dwelt on the borders of the Black Sea and on the Mediterranean and in Sardis, Ephesus, Tarsus, Miletus, etc the kings of Persia left their provinces and towns to be governed according to their own particular laws their empire was a union of confederate states and did not form one nation this facilitated its conquest as Alexander only wished for the throne of the monarch he easily affected the change by respecting the customs, manners and laws of the people who experienced no change in their condition in the year 332 he met with Darius at the head of 60,000 men who had taken up a position near Tarsus on the banks of the Isis in the province of Cilicia he defeated him, entered Syria, took Damascus, which contained all the riches of the great king and laid siege to Tyre this superb metropolis of the commerce of the world detained him 9 months he took Gaza after a siege of 2 months, crossed the desert in 7 days entered Pelusium and Memphis and founded Alexandria in less than 2 years after 2 battles and 4 or 5 sieges the coasts of the Black Sea from Fasis to Byzantium those of the Mediterranean as far as Alexandria all Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt had submitted to his arms in 331 he repassed the desert, encamped entire, recrossed Syria entered Damascus, passed the Euphrates and Tigris and defeated Darius on the field of Arbella when he was at the head of a still stronger army than that which he commanded on the Isis and Babylon opened her gates to him in 330 he overrun Susa and took that city, Persepolis and Pasargada which contained the tomb of Cyrus in 329 he directed his course northward entered Egbatana and extended his conquests to the coasts of the Caspian punished Bessus, the cowardly assassin of Darius penetrated into Scythia and subdued the Scythians in 328 he forced the passage of the Oxus received 16,000 recruits from Macedonia and reduced the neighboring people to subjection in 327 he crossed the Indus vanquished Porus in a pitched battle took him prisoner and treated him as a king he contemplated passing the Ganges but his army refused he sailed down the Indus in the year 326 with 800 vessels having arrived at the ocean he sent Nearchus with the fleet to run along the coasts of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf as far as the mouth of the Euphrates in 325 he took 60 days in crossing from Ghedrosia entered Keramania returned to Pasargada, Persepolis and Susa and married Satira the daughter of Darius in 324 he marched once more to the north past Ekatana and terminated his career at Babylon the enduring importance of Alexander's conquests is to be estimated not by the duration of his own life and empire or even by the duration of the kingdoms which his generals after his death formed out of the fragments of that mighty dominion in every region of the world that he traversed Alexander planted Greek settlements and founded cities in the populations of which the Greek element at once asserted its predominance among his successors the Seleucidae and the Ptolemies imitated their great captain in blending schemes of civilization of commercial intercourse and of literary and scientific research with all their enterprises of military aggrandizement and with all their systems of civil administration such was the ascendancy of the Greek genius so wonderfully comprehensive and assimilating was the cultivation which it introduced that within 30 years after Alexander crossed the Hellas Point the Greek language was spoken in every country from the shores of the Aegean to the Indus and also throughout Egypt not indeed holy to the extirpation of the native dialects but it became the language of every court of all literature of every judicial and political function and formed a medium of communication among the many myriads of mankind inhabiting these large portions of the old world throughout Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt the Hellenic character that was thus imparted remained in full vigor down to the time of the Mohammedan conquests the infinite value of this to humanity in the highest and holiest point of view has often been pointed out and the workings of the finger of Providence have been gratefully recognized by those who have observed how the early growth and progress of Christianity were aided by the diffusion of the Greek language and civilization throughout Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt which had been caused by the Macedonian conquest of the East in Upper Asia, beyond the Euphrates the direct and material influence of Greek ascendancy was more short lived yet during the existence of the Hellenic kingdoms in these regions especially of the Greek kingdom of Bactria the modern Bokhara very important effects were produced on the intellectual tendencies and tastes of the inhabitants of those countries and the adjacent ones by the animating contact of the Grecian spirit much of Hindu science and philosophy much of the literature of the later Persian kingdom of the Arsacidae either originated from or was largely modified by Grecian influences so also the learning and science of the Arabians were in a far less degree the result of original invention and genius then the reproduction in an altered form of the Greek philosophy and the Greek lore acquired by the Saracenic conquerors together with their acquisition of the provinces which Alexander has subjugated nearly a thousand years before the armed disciples of Muhammad commenced their career in the East it is well known that Western Europe in the Middle Ages drew its philosophy, its arts and its science principally from Arabian teachers and thus we see how the intellectual influence of Ancient Greece poured on the Eastern world by Alexander's victories and then brought back to bear on medieval Europe by the spread of the Saracenic powers has exerted its action on the elements of modern civilization by this powerful though indirect channel as well as by the more obvious effects of the remnants of classic civilization which survived in Italy, Gaul, Britain and Spain after the eruption of the Germanic nations these considerations invest the Macedonian triumphs in the East with never dying interest such as the most showy and sanguinary successes of mere low ambition and the pride of kings however they may dozzle for a moment can never retain with posterity whether the old Persian Empire which Cyrus founded could have survived much longer than it did even if Darius had been victorious at Arbella may safely be disputed that ancient dominion like the Turkish at the present time labored under every cause of decay and dissolution the Satras like the modern Pashas continually rebelled against the central power and Egypt in particular was almost always in a state of insurrection against its nominal sovereign there was no longer any effective central control or any internal principle of unity fused through the huge mass of the Empire and binding it together Persia was evidently about to fall but had it not been for Alexander's invasion of Asia she would most probably have fallen beneath some other oriental power as media and Babylon had formerly fallen before herself and as in after times the Parthian supremacy gave way to the revived ascendancy of Persia in the East under the sceptres of the Arsacidae a revolution that merely substituted one eastern power for another would have been utterly barren and unprofitable to mankind Alexander's victory at Arbella not only overthrew an oriental dynasty but established European rules in its stead it broke the monotony of the eastern world by the impression of western energy and superior civilization even as England's present mission is to break up the mental and moral stagnation of India and Cathay by pouring up on and through them the impulsive current of Anglo-Saxon commerce and conquest Arbella the city which has furnished its name to the decisive battle which gave Asia to Alexander lies more than 20 miles from the actual scene of conflict the little village then named Gagamela is close to the spot where the army's met but has seated the honor of naming the battle to its more euphonious neighbor Gagamela is situated in one of the wide plains that lie between the Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan a few undulating hillocks diversify the surface of this sandy tract but the ground is generally level and admirably qualified for the evolution of cavalry and also calculated to give the larger of two armies the full advantage of numerical superiority the Persian king who before he came to the throne had proved his personal valor as a soldier and his skill as a general had wisely selected this region for the third and decisive encounter between his forces and the invader the previous defeat of his troops however severe they had been were not looked on as irreparable the granicus had been fought by his generals rushly and without mutual concert and though Darius himself had commanded and been beaten at Issus that defeat might be attributed to the disadvantageous nature of the ground where cooped up between the mountains the river and the sea the numbers of the Persians confused and clogged alike the general's skill and the soldiers prowess and their very strength had been made their weakness here on the broad plains of Kurdistan there was scope for Asia's largest host to array its lines to will to skirmish to condense or expanded squadrons to maneuver and to charge at will should Alexander and his scanty band dare to plunge into that living sea of war their destruction seemed inevitable Darius felt however the critical nature to himself as well as to his adversary of the coming encounter he could not hope to retrieve the consequences of a third overthrow the great cities of Mesopotamia and Upper Asia the central provinces of the Persian Empire were certain to be at the mercy of the victor Darius knew also the Asiatic character well enough to be aware how it yields to prestige of success and the apparent career of destiny he felt that the Diadem was now either to be firmly replaced on his own brow or to be irrevocably transferred to the head of his European conqueror he therefore during the long interval left him after the battle of Issus while Alexander was subjugating Syria and Egypt assiduously busyed himself in selecting the best troops which his vast empire supplied and in training his varied forces to act together with some uniformity of discipline and system the hardy mountaineers of Afghanistan, Bokhara, Kiva and Tibet were then as at present far different from the generality of Asiatics in warlike spirit and endurance from these districts Darius collected large bodies of admirable infantry and the countries of the modern Kurds and Turkomans supplied as they do now squadrons of horsemen, hardy, skillful, bold and trained to a life of constant activity and warfare it is not uninteresting to notice that the ancestors of our own late enemies, the Sikhs served as allies of Darius against the Macedonians they are spoken of in Arian as Indians who dwelt near Bactria they were attached to the troops of that Satrupe and their cavalry was one of the most formidable forces in the whole Persian army besides these picked troops, contingents also came in from the numerous other provinces that yet obeyed the great king altogether the horse are said to have been 40,000, the Scythe bearing chariots 200 and the armed elephants 15 in number the amount of the infantry is uncertain but the knowledge which both ancient and modern time supply of the usual character of oriental armies and of their populations of camp followers may warrant us in believing that many myriads were prepared to fight or to encumber those who fought for the last Darius the position of the Persian king near Mesopotamia was chosen with great military skill it was certain that Alexander on his return from Egypt must march northward along the Syrian coast before he attacked the central provinces of the Persian Empire a direct eastward march from the lower part of Palestine across the great Syrian desert was then as ever utterly impracticable marching eastward from Syria, Alexander Wood on crossing the Euphrates arrive at the vast Mesopotamian plains the wealthy capitals of the empire Babylon, Sousa and Persepolis would then lie to the south and if he marched down through Mesopotamia to attack them Darius might reasonably hope to follow the Macedonians with his immense force of cavalry and without even risking a pitched battle to harass and finally overwhelm them we may remember that three centuries afterward a Roman army under Krasus was thus actually destroyed by the oriental archers and horsemen in these very plains and that the ancestors of the Parthians who thus vanquished the Roman legions served by thousands under King Darius if on the contrary Alexander should defer his march against Babylon and first seek an encounter with the Persian army the country on each side of the Tigris in this latitude was highly advantageous for such an army as Darius commanded and he had close in his rear the mountainous districts of northern Medea where he himself had in early life been satrap where he had acquired reputation as a soldier and a general and where he justly expected to find loyalty to his person and a safe refuge in case of defeat his great antagonist came on across the Euphrates against him at the head of an army which Aryan copying from the journals of Macedonian officers states to have consisted of 40,000 foot and 7,000 horse in studying the campaigns of Alexander we possess the peculiar advantage of deriving our information from two of Alexander's generals of division who bore an important part in all his enterprises Aristobulus and Ptolemy who afterward became king of Egypt kept regular journals of the military events which they witnessed and these journals were in the possession of Aryan when he drew up his history of Alexander's expedition the high character of Aryan for integrity makes us confident that he used them fairly and his comments on the occasional discrepancies between the two Macedonian narratives prove that he used them sensibly he frequently quotes the very words of his authorities and his history thus acquires a charm such as very few ancient or modern military narratives possess the anecdotes and expressions which he records we fairly believe to be genuine and not to be the coinage of a rhetorician like those in courteous in fact in reading Aryan we read General Aristobulus and General Ptolemy on the campaigns of the Macedonians and it is like reading General Jomini or General Foy on the campaigns of the French the estimate which we find in Aryan of the strength of Alexander's army seems reasonable enough when we take into account both the losses which he had sustained and the reinforcements which he had received since he left Europe indeed to Englishmen who know with what a mere handful of men our own generals have at Plasi at Asai, at Meani and other Indian battles routed large hosts of Asiatics the disparity of numbers that we read of in the victories won by the Macedonians over the Persians presents nothing incredible the army which Alexander now led was wholly composed of veteran troops in the highest possible state of equipment and discipline enthusiastically devoted to their leader and full of confidence in his military genius and his victorious destiny the celebrated Macedonian phalanx formed the main strength of his infantry this force had been raised and organized by his father Philip who on his accession to the Macedonian throne needed a numerous and quickly formed army and who by lengthening the spear of the ordinary Greek phalanx and increasing the depth of the files brought the tactics of armed masses to the highest extent of which it was capable with such materials as he possessed he formed his men 16 deep and placed in their grasp the Sarissa as the Macedonian pike is called which was 4 and 20 feet in length and when couched for action reached 18 feet in front of the soldier so that a space of about 2 feet was allowed between the ranks the spears of 5 files behind him projected in front of each front rank man the phalangite soldier was fully equipped in the defensive armor of the regular Greek infantry and thus the phalanx presented a ponderous and bristling mass which as long as its order was kept compact was sure to bear down all opposition the defects of such an organization are obvious and were proved in after years when the Macedonians were opposed to the Roman legions but it is clear that under Alexander the phalanx was not the cumbersome unwieldy body which it was at Sinocephate and Pidna his men were veterans and he could obtain from them an accuracy of movement and steadiness of evolution such as probably the recruits of his father would only have floundered in attempting and such as certainly were impracticable in the phalanx when handled by his successors especially as under them it ceased to be a standing force and became only a militia and of section 16 section 17 of the great events by famous historians volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Mike Botez the great events by famous historians volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn, Rosseter Johnson and John Rudd the battle of Arbela, B.C. 331 by Sir Edward Shepard Chrissy part 2 under Alexander the phalanx consisted of an aggregate of 18,000 men who were divided into six brigades of 3,000 each these were again subdivided into regiments and companies and the men were carefully trained to wheel to face about to take more ground or to close up as the emergencies of the battle required Alexander also arrayed troops armed in a different manner in the intervals of the regiments of his phalanjites who could prevent their line from being pierced and their companies taken in flank when the nature of the ground prevented a close formation and who could be withdrawn when a favorable opportunity arrived for closing up the phalanx or any of these brigades for a charge or when it was necessary to prepare to receive cavalry besides the phalanx Alexander had a considerable force of infantry who were called shield bearers they were not so heavily armed as the phalanjites or as was the case with the greek regular infantry in general but they were equipped for close fight as well as for skirmishing and were far superior to the ordinary irregular troops of greek warfare they were about 6,000 strong besides these he had several bodies of greek regular infantry and he had archers, slingers and javelin men who fought also with broadsword and target and who were principally supplied him by the highlanders of Illyria and Thracia the main strength of his cavalry consisted in two chosen regiments of cuirassiers one Macedonian and one Thessalian each of which was about 1500 strong they were provided with long glances and heavy swords and horse as well as man was fully equipped with defensive armor other regiments of regular cavalry were less heavily armed and there were several bodies of light horsemen whom Alexander's conquests in Egypt and Syria had enabled him to mount superbly a little before the end of August Alexander crossed Euphrates at Thabsaacus a small core of Persian cavalry under Mazeus retiring before him Alexander was too prudent to march down through the Mesopotamian deserts and continued to advance eastward with the intention of passing the Tigris and then if he was unable to find Darius and bring him to action of marching southward on the left side of that river along the skirts of a mountainous district where his men would suffer less from heat and thirst and where provisions would be more abundant Darius finding that his adversary was not being ticed into the march through Mesopotamia against his capital determined to remain on the battleground which he had chosen on the left of the Tigris where if his enemy met a defeat or a check the destruction of the invaders would be certain with two such rivers as the Euphrates and the Tigris in their rear the Persian king availed himself to the utmost of every advantage in his power he caused a large space of ground to be carefully leveled for the operation of his scythe armed chariots and he deposited his military stores in the strong town of Arbella about 20 miles in his rear the rhetoricians of after ages have loved to describe Darius Codomanus as a second Xerxes in ostentation and imbecility but a fair examination of his generalship in this his last campaign shows that he was worthy of bearing the same name as his great predecessor the royal son of his Taspis on learning that Darius was with a large army on the left of the Tigris Alexander hurried forward and crossed that river without opposition he was at first unable to procure any certain intelligence over the precise position of the enemy and after giving his army a short interval of rest he marched for four days down the left bank of the river a moralist may pause upon the fact that Alexander must in this march have passed within a few miles of the ruins of Nineveh the great city of the primeval conquerors of the human race neither the Macedonian king nor any of his followers knew what those vast mounds had once been they had already sunk into utter destruction and it is only within the last few years that the intellectual energy of one of our own countrymen has rescued Nineveh from its long centuries of oblivion on the fourth day of Alexander's southward march his advance guard reported that a body of enemy's cavalry was in sight he instantly formed his army in order for battle and directed them to advance steadily he hurried forward at the head of some squadrons of cavalry and charged the Persian horse whom he found before him this was a mere reconnoitring party and they broken fled immediately but the Macedonians made some prisoners and from them Alexander found that Darius was posted only a few miles off and learned the strength of the army that he had with him on receiving this news Alexander halted and gave his men repose for four days so that they should go into action fresh and vigorous he also fortified his camp and deposited in it all his military stores and all his sick and disabled soldiers intending to advance upon the enemy with the serviceable part of his army perfectly unencumbered after this halt he moved forward while it was yet dark with the intention of reaching the enemy and attacking them at break of day about half way between the camps there were some undulations of the ground which concealed the two armies from each other's view but on Alexander arriving at their summit he saw by early light the Persian host arrayed before him and he probably also observed traces of some engineering operation having been carried on a long part of the ground in front of them not knowing that these marks had been caused by the Persians having leveled the ground for the free use of their war chariots Alexander suspected that hidden pitfalls had been prepared with a view of disordering the approach of his cavalry he summoned the council of war forthwith some of the officers were for attacking instantly at all hazards but the more prudent opinion of Parmenio prevailed and it was determined not to advance farther till the battleground had been carefully surveyed Alexander halted his army on the heights and taken with him some light armed infantry and some cavalry he passed part of the day in reconnoitering the enemy and observing the nature of the ground which he had to fight on Darius wisely refrained from moving from his position to attack the Macedonians on the eminences which they occupied and the two armies remained until night without molesting each other on Alexander's return to his headquarters he summoned his generals and superior officers together and telling them that he knew well that their zeal wanted no exhortation he besought them to do their utmost in encouraging and instructing those whom each commanded to do their best in the next day's battle they were to remind them that they were now not going to fight for a province as they had hitherto fought but they were about to decide by their swords the dominion of all Asia each officer ought to impress this upon his subalterns and they should urge it on their men their natural courage required no long words to excite its ardor but they should be reminded of the paramount importance of steadiness in action the silence in the ranks must be unbroken as long as silence was proper but when the time came for the charge the shout and the cheer must be full of terror for the foe the officers were to be alert in receiving and communicating orders and everyone was to act as if he felt that the whole result of the battle depended on his own single good conduct having thus briefly instructed his generals, Alexander ordered that the army should sup and take their rest for the night darkness had closed over the tents of the Macedonians when Alexander's veteran general, Parminio, came to him and proposed that they should make a night attack on the Parisians the king is said to have answered that he scorned to filch a victory and that Alexander must conquer openly and fairly airy and justly remarks that Alexander's resolution was as wise as it was spirited besides the confusion and uncertainty which are inseparable from night engagements the value of Alexander's victory would have been impaired if gained under circumstances which might supply the enemy with any excuse for his defeat and encourage him to renew the contest it was necessary for Alexander not only to beat Darius but to gain such a victory as should leave his rival without apology and without hope or recovery the Parisians in fact expected and were prepared to meet a night attack such was the apprehension that Darius entertained of it that he formed his troops at evening in order of battle and kept them under arms all night the effect of this was that the morning found them jaded and dispirited while it brought their adversaries all fresh and vigorous against them the written order of battle which Darius himself caused to be drawn up fell into the hands of the Macedonians after the engagement and Aristobulus copied it into his journal with us possessed through Arian unusually authentic information as to the composition and arrangement of the Persian army on the extreme left were the Bactrian, Dan and Arakosian cavalry next to these Darius placed the troops from Persia proper both horse and foot then came the Susians and next to these the Caduceans these forces made up the left wing Darius' own station was in the center this was composed of the Indians, the Carrians, the Mardian archers and the division of Persians who were distinguished by the golden apples that formed the knobs of their spears here also were stationed the bodyguard of the Persian nobility besides these there were in the center formed in deep order the Aksian and Babylonian troops and the soldiers from the Red Sea the Brigade of Greek mercenaries whom Darius had in service and who alone were considered fit to stand the charge of the Macedonian phalanx was drawn up on either side of the royal chariot the right wing was composed of the Colossarians and Mesopotamians the Mades, the Parthians, the Sations the Tapurians, Hercannians, Albanians and Sassacines in advance of the line on the left wing were placed the Scythian cavalry with a thousand of the Bactrian horse and a hundred Scyth armed chariots the elephants and fifty Scyth armed chariots were ranged in front of the center and fifty more chariots with the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry were drawn up in advance of the right wing thus arrayed the great host of King Darius past the night that too many thousands of them was the last of their existence the morning of the 1st of October dawned slowly to their wearied watching and they could hear the note of the Macedonian trumpet sounding to arms and could see the King Alexander's forces descend from their tents on the heights and form in order of battle on the plane there was deep need of skill as well as valor on Alexander's side and few battlefields have witnessed more consummate generalship than was now displayed by the Macedonian king there were no natural barriers by which he could protect his flanks and not only was he certain to be overlapped on either wing by the vast lines of the Persian army but there was imminent risk of their circling around him and charging him in the rear while he advanced against their center he formed therefore a second or reserve line which was the wheel round if required where detached troops to either flank as the enemy's movements might necessitate and thus with their whole army ready at any moment to be thrown into one vast hollow square the Macedonians advanced in two lines against the enemy Alexander himself leading on the right wing and the renowned phalanx forming the center while Parminio commanded on the left such was the general nature of the disposition which Alexander made of his army but we have in Arian the details of the position of each brigade and regiment and as we know that these details were taken from the generals of Macedonian generals it is interesting to examine them and to read the names and stations of King Alexander's generals and colonels in this the greatest of his battles the eight regiments of the royal horse guards formed the right of Alexander's line their colonels were clitos whose regiment was on the extreme right the post of peculiar danger Glossias, Ariston, Sapolis, Heraclides, Demetrius, Meliagor and Hegelokos Filotas was general of the whole division then came the shield bearing infantry Nicanor was their general then came the phalanx in six brigades Cynus' brigade was on the right and nearest to the shield bearers next to this stood the brigade of Peridikas, then Meliagors then Polyspercons and then the brigade of Aminias but which was now commanded by Simeas as Aminias had been sent to Macedonia to levy recruits then came the infantry of the left wing under the command of Kraterus next to Kraterus infantry were placed the cavalry regiments of the allies with Erigius for their general the Thessalian cavalry commanded by Philippus were next and held the extreme left of the whole army the whole left wing was entrusted to the command of Parminio who had round his person the Farsalian regiment of cavalry which was the strongest and best of all the Thessalian horse regiments the center of the second line was occupied by a body of phalangite infantry formed of companies which were drafted for this purpose from each of the brigades of their phalanx the officers in command of this corps were ordered to be ready to face about if the enemy should succeed in gaining the rear of the army on the right of this reserve of infantry in the second line and behind the royal horse guards Alexander placed half the agrian light armed infantry under Attalus and with them brisons body of Macedonian archers and Cleander's regiment of foot he also placed in this part of his army Manidas squadron of cavalry and Aretes and Aristons light horse Manidas was ordered to watch if the enemy's cavalry tried to turn their flank and if they did so to charge them before they wheeled completely around and so take them and flank themselves a similar force was arranged on the left of the second line for the same purpose the Thracian infantry of Scythalsis were placed there and Kerano's regiment of the cavalry of the Greek allies and Agathon's troops of the Odysseans' irregular horse the extreme left of the second line in this quarter was held by Andromacus' cavalry a division of Thracian infantry was left in guard of the camp in advance of the right wing and center was scattered a number of light armed troops of Javelin men and bow men with the intention of warding off the charge of the armed chariots conspicuous by the brilliancy of his armor and by the chosen band of officers who were around his person Alexander took his own station as his custom was in the right wing at the head of his cavalry and when all the arrangements for the battle were complete and his generals were fully instructed how to act in each probable emergency he began to lead his men toward the enemy it was ever his custom to expose his life freely in battle and to emulate the personal prowess of his great ancestor Achilles perhaps in the bold enterprise of conquering Persia it was politic for Alexander to raise his armies daring to the utmost by the example of his own heroic valor and in his subsequent campaigns the love of the excitement of the raptures of the strife may have made him, like Murat continue from choice a custom which he commenced from duty but he never suffered the ardor of the soldier to make him lose the coolness of the general great reliance had been placed by the Persian king on the effects of the side bearing chariots it was designed to launch these against the Macedonian phalanx and to follow them up by a heavy charge of cavalry which it was hoped would find the ranks of the spearmen disordered by the rush of the chariots and easily destroy this most formidable part of Alexander's force in front, therefore, of the Persian center where Darius took his station and which it was supposed that the phalanx would attack the ground had been carefully leveled and smoothed so as to allow the chariots to charge over it with their full sweep and speed as the Macedonian army approached the Persian Alexander found that the front of his whole line barely equaled the front of the Persian center so that he was outflanked on his right by the entire left wing of the enemy and by their entire right wing on his left his tactics were to assail some one point of the hostile army and gain a decisive advantage while he refused as far as possible the encounter along the rest of the line he therefore inclined his order of march to the right so as to enable his right wing and center to come into collision with the enemy on as favorable terms as possible although the maneuver might in some respect compromise his left the effect of this oblique movement was to bring the phalanx and his own wing nearly beyond the limits of the ground which the Persians had prepared for the operations of the chariots and Darius fearing to lose the benefit of this arm against the most important parts of the Macedonian force ordered the Scythian and Bactrian cavalry who were drawn up in advance on his extreme left to charge round upon Alexander's right wing and check its further lateral progress against these assailants Alexander sent from his second line Manida's cavalry as these proved too few to make head against the enemy he ordered Ariston also from the second line with his right horse and Clander with his foot in support of Manida's the Bactrians and Scythians now began to give way but Darius reinforced them by the massive Bactrian cavalry from his main line and an obstinate cavalry fight now took place the Bactrians and Scythians were numerous and were better armed than the horsemen under Manida's and Ariston and the loss at first was heaviest on the Macedonian side but still the European cavalry stood the charge of the Asiatics and at last by their superior discipline and by acting in squadrons that supported each other instead of fighting in a confused mass like the barbarians the Macedonians broke their adversaries and drove them off the field Darius now directed the Scyth armed chariots to be driven against Alexander's horse guards and the phalanx and these formidable vehicles were accordingly sent rattling across the plain against the Macedonian line when we remember the alarm which the war chariots of the Britons created among Caesar's legions we shall not be prone to deride this arm of ancient warfare as always useless the object of the chariots was to create unsteadiness in the ranks against which they were driven and squadrons of cavalry followed close upon them to profit by such disorder the Asiatic chariots were rendered ineffective at Arbella by the light armed troops whom Alexander had specially appointed for the service and who wound in the horses and drivers with their missile weapons and running alongside so as to cut the traces or seize the reins marred the intended charge and the few chariots that reached the phalanx passed harmlessly through the internals which the spearmen opened for them and were easily captured in the rear a mass of the Asiatic cavalry was now, for the second time collected against Alexander's extreme right and moved around it with the view of gaining the flank of his army at the critical moment when their own flanks were exposed by this evolution Aretes dashed on the Persian squadrons with his horsemen from Alexander's second line while Alexander thus met and baffled all the flanking attacks of the enemy with troops brought up from his second line he kept his own horse guards and the rest of the front line of his wing fresh and ready to take advantage of the first opportunity for striking a decisive blow this soon came a large body of horse who were posted on the Persian left wing nearest to the center, quitted their station and rode off to help their comrades in the cavalry fight that still was going on at the extreme right of Alexander's wing against the detachments from his second line this made a huge gap in the Persian array and into this space Alexander instantly charged with his guard and all the cavalry of his wing and then pressing toward his left he soon began to make havoc in the left flank of the Persian center the shield bearing infantry now charged also among the reeling masses of the Asiatics and five of the brigades of the Phalanx with the irresistible might of their Sarisas bore down the Greek mercenaries of Darius and dug their way through the Persian center in the early part of the battle Darius had showed skill and energy and he now for some time encouraged his men by voice and example to keep firm but the lances of Alexander's cavalry and the pikes of the Phalanx now pressed nearer and nearer to him his charioteer was struck down by a javelin at his side and at last Darius' nerve failed him and descending from his chariot he mounted on a fleet horse and galloped from the plane regardless of the state of the battle to the other parts of the field where matters were going on much more favorably for his cause and where his presence might have done much toward gaining a victory Alexander's operations with his right and center had exposed his left to an immensely preponderating force of the enemy Parmenial kept out of action as long as possible Zeus who commanded the Persian right wing advanced against him completely outflanked him and pressed him severely with reiterated charges by superior numbers seeing the distress of Parmenial's wing Simeas who commanded the six brigade of the Phalanx which was next to the left wing did not advance with other brigades in the great charge upon the Persian center but kept back to cover Parmenial's troops on their right flank as otherwise they would have been completely surrounded and cut off from the rest of the Macedonian army by so doing Simeas had unavoidably opened a gap in the Macedonian left center and a large colon of Indian and Persian horse from the Persian right center had galloped forward through this interval and right through the troops of the Macedonian second line instead of then willing round upon Parmenial or upon the rear of Alexander's conquering wing the Indian and Persian cavalry rode straight onto the Macedonian camp overpowered the Thracians who were left in charge of it and began to plunder this was stopped by the Phalanjite troops of the second line who after the enemy's horsemen had rushed by them faced about, counter-marched upon the camp killed many of the Indians and Persians in the act of plundering and forced the rest to ride off again just at this crisis Alexander had been recalled from his pursuit of Darius by tidings of the distress of Parmenial and of his inability to bear up any longer against the hot attacks of Mazeus taking his horse guards with him Alexander rode toward the part of the field where his left wing was fighting but on his way thither he encountered the Persian and Indian cavalry on their return from his camp these men now saw that their only chance of safety was to cut their way through and in one huge colon they charged desperately upon the Macedonian regiments there was here a close hand-to-hand fight which lasted some time and sixty of the royal horse guards fell and three generals who fought close to Alexander's side were wounded at length the Macedonian discipline and valor again prevailed and a large number of the Persian and Indian horsemen were cut down some few only succeeding in breaking through and riding away relieved of these obstinate enemies Alexander again formed his regiments of horse guards and led them toward Parmenial but by this time that general also was victorious probably the news of Darius' flight had reached Mazeus and had dumped the ardor of the Persian right wing while the tidings of their comrades' success must have proportionally encouraged the Macedonian forces under Parmenio his Thessalian cavalry particularly distinguished themselves by their gallantry and preserving good conduct and by the time that Alexander had ridden up to Parmenio the whole Persian army was in full flight from the field it was of the deepest importance to Alexander to secure the person of Darius and he now urged on the pursuit the river Likus was between the field of battle and the city of Arbella with the fugitives directed their course and the passage of this river was even more destructive to the Persians than the swords and spears of the Macedonians had been in the engagement the narrow bridge was soon choked up by the flying thousands who rushed toward it and vast numbers of the Persians through themselves or were hurried by others into the rapid stream and perished in its waters Darius had crossed it and had ridden on through Arbella without halting Alexander reached the city on the next day and made himself master of all Darius' treasure and stores but the Persian king unfortunately for himself had fled too fast for his conqueror but had only escaped to perish by the treachery of his bacteria and satrap Bessus a few days after the battle Alexander entered Babylon the oldest seat of earthly empire then in existence as its acknowledged lord and master there were yet some campaigns of his brief and bright career to be accomplished Central Asia was yet to witness the march of his phalanx he was yet to effect that conquest of Afghanistan in which England since has failed his generalship as well as his valour was yet to be signalized on the banks of the Hedaspis and the field of Chilean Walla and he was yet to proceed the Queen of England in annexing the Punjab to the dominions of a European sovereign but the crisis of his career was reached the great object of his mission was accomplished and the ancient Persian empire which once menaced all the nations of the earth with subjection was irreparably crushed when Alexander had won his crowning victory at Arbella End of Section 17 Section 18 of the Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Mike Botez The Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 Edited by Charles F. Horn Rosseter Johnson and John Rudd First battle between Greeks and Romans BC 280 to 279 by Plutarch The Romans in BC 290 had conquered the Sumnites and this extended the Roman power to the very gates of the Grecian cities on the Gulf of Tarentine Tarentum, the chief city among them was almost totally controlled by a party which advised a peaceful submission to the Roman conquerors The opposing party of Patriots against such cowardly measures looked abroad for aid and found a ready ally in Perus the Molozion King of Epirus He was warlike and adventurous and a member of the royal family of Macedonia through Olympias who was the mother of Alexander the Great Perus had established a reputation for fighting Not alone had he fought a dememorable battle of Ipsus in Phrygia but he had proven a formidable opponent to Demetianus, king of Macedonia having forced the latter powerful monarch to conclude a truce of him though afterward he had been conquered and driven back in his little kingdom of Epirus At the time the Tarentines sent to him to help them against Rome he was eager for a field in which he might do something to prove his mettle This was the greatest opportunity of his life and he seized upon it The campaign is memorable for having brought the Romans and Greeks into conflict on the battlefield for the first time Perus, now that he had lost Macedonia might have spent his days peacefully ruling his own subjects in Epirus but he could not endure a pause thinking that not to trouble others and be troubled by them was a life of unbearable ennui and like Achilles in the Iliad he could not rest in indolence at home He longed for battle and the joys of war As he desired some new adventures he embraced the following opportunity The Romans were at war with the Tarentines and as that people were not sufficiently powerful to carry on the war and yet were not allowed by the audacious folly of their mob orators to make peace they proposed to make Perus their leader and to invite him to be their ally in the war because he was more at leisure than any of the other kings and also was the best general of them all Of the older and more sensible citizens some endeavored to oppose this fatal decision but were overwhelmed by the clamor of the war party while the rest, observing this seized to attend the public assembly There was one citizen of good repute named Meton who, on the day when the final decision was to be made when the people were all assembled took a withered garland and a torch and, like a drunkard, reeled into the assembly with a girl playing the flute before him but this, as one may expect in a disorderly popular meeting some applauded and some laughed but no one stopped him They next bade the girl play and Meton came forward and danced to the music and he made as though he would do so when he had obtained silence he said Men of Tarantum you do well in encouraging those who wish to be merry and amuse themselves while they may If you are wise you will all enjoy your freedom now for, when Pyrrhus is come to our city you will have very different things to think of and will live very differently by these words he made an impression on the mass of the Tarantime people and a murmur run through the crowd that he had spoken well but those politicians who feared that if peace were made they should be delivered up to the Romans reproach the people for allowing anyone to insult them by such a disgraceful exhibition and prevailed on them to turn Meton out of the assembly Thus the vote for war was passed and ambassadors were sent to Epirus not from Tarantum alone but from the other Greek cities in Italy carrying with them presents for Pyrrhus with instructions to tell him that they required a leader of skill and renown and that they possessed a force of Lucanians Mesapians, Samnites and Tarantines which amounted to 20,000 cavalry and 350,000 infantry This not only excited Pyrrhus but also made all the Epirots eager to take part in the campaign There was one Kineas, a Thessalian who was thought to be a man of good sense and who, having heard the most in his orator speak was better able than any of the speakers of his age to delight his hearers with an imitation of the eloquence of that great master of rhetoric He was now in the service of Pyrrhus and being sent about to various cities proved the truth of the Euripidian saw that all can be done by words which faux men wish to do with conquering swords Pyrrhus at any rate used to say that more cities were won for him by Kineas with words than he himself won by force of arms This man observing that Pyrrhus was eagerly preparing for his Italian expedition once when he was at leisure conversed with him in the following manner Pyrrhus said he the Romans are said to be good soldiers and to rule over many warlike nations Now, if heaven grants us victory over them what use shall we make of it? You ask what is self-evident answered Pyrrhus If we can conquer the Romans there is no city, Greek or barbarian that can resist us and we shall gain possession of the whole of Italy a country whose size, richness and power no one knows better than yourself Kineas then after waiting for a short time said O king, when we have taken Italy what shall we do then? Pyrrhus, not yet seen his drift, answered Close to it, Sicily invites us a noble and populous island and one which is very easy to conquer for, my Kineas, now that Agathocles is dead there is nothing there but revolution and faction and violence of party spirit what you say, answered Kineas is very probably true but is this conquest of Sicily to be the extreme limit of our campaign heaven, answered Pyrrhus, alone can give us victory and success but this conquest would merely prove to us the stepping stones to greater things who could refrain from making an attempt upon Carthage and Libya when he was so close to them countries which were all but conquered by Agathocles when he ran away from Syracuse with only a few ships and if we were masters of these countries none of the enemies who now give themselves such heirs at our expense will dare to resist us certainly not, answered Kineas with such a force at our disposal we clearly could recover Macedonia and have the whole of Greece at our feet and after we have made all these conquests what shall we do then? Pyrrhus, laughing, answered we will take our ease and carouse every day and enjoy pleasant conversation with one another having brought Pyrrhus to say this Kineas asked in reply but what prevents our carousing and taking our ease now since we have already at hand all those things which we propose to obtain with much bloodshed and great toils and perils and after suffering much ourselves and causing much suffering to others by talking in this manner Kineas vexed Pyrrhus because he made him reflect on the pleasant home which he was leaving but his reasoning had no effect in turning him from his purpose he first dispatched Kineas to Tarantum with 3000 men next he collected from Tarantum many horse transports decked vessels and boats of all sorts and embarked upon them 20 elephants 23,000 cavalry 22,000 infantry and 500 slingers when all was ready he put to sea and when halfway across a storm burst upon him from the north which was unusual at that season of the year he himself though his ship was carried away by the tempest yet by the great pains and skill of the sailors and pilots resisted it and reached the land with great toil to the rowers and beyond everyone's expectation for the rest of the fleet was overpowered by the gale and scuttered some ships were driven off the Italian coast altogether and forced into the Libyan and Sicilian seas and some which could not weather the Apigian Cape were overtaken by night and being dashed by violent and boisterous sea against that harborless coast were utterly lost except only the king's ship she was so large and strongly built as to resist the waves as long as they broke up on her from the seaward but when the wind changed and blew directly off the shore the ship which now met the waves directly with her head was in great danger of going to pieces while to let her drive out to sea again now that it was so rough and the wind changed so frequently seemed more terrible than to remain where they were Pyrrhus rose and leaped into the water and at once was eagerly followed by his friends and his bodyguard the darkness of night and the violent recoil of the roaring waves made it hard for them to help him and it was not until daybreak when the wind abated that he reached the land faint and helpless in body but with his spirit invincible in misfortune the messapians upon whose coast he had been thrown now assembled from the neighboring villages and offered their help while some of the ships which had outlived the storm appeared bringing a few horsemen about two thousand foot and two elephants with these Pyrrhus marched to Tarantum Keneas as soon as he heard of his arrival bringing out the Tarantine army to meet him when he reached the city he did nothing to displace the Tarantines until his fleet returned to the coast and he had assembled greater part of his army but then as he saw that the populace unless ruled by a strong hand could neither help him nor help themselves but intended to stay idling about their baths and entertainments at home while he fought their battles in the field he closed the gymnasia and public walks in which the people were wont to waste their time in empty talk about the war he forbade all drinking, feasting and unseasonable revels and forced the people to take up arms proving himself inexorable to everyone who was on the master role of able-bodied citizens this conduct made him much disliked and many of the Tarantines left the city in disgust for they were so unused to discipline that they considered that not to be able to pass their lives as they chose was no better than slavery when news came that Levinius, the Roman consul was marching to attack him with a large force and was plundering the country of Lucania as he advanced while Perus' allies had not yet arrived he thought it a shameful thing to allow the enemy to proceed any farther and marched out with his army he sent before him a herald to the Roman general informing him that he was willing to act as arbitrator in the dispute between the Romans and the Greek cities of Italy if they chose to terminate it peacefully on receiving for an answer that the Romans neither wished for Perus as an arbitrator nor feared him as an enemy he marched forward and encamped in the plain between the city of Pandosia and Heraclia learning that the Romans were close by and were encamping on the farther side of the river Ceres the river Aceres, now called Agri he rode up to the river to view them and when he observed their even ranks their orderly movements and their well-arranged camp he was surprised and said to the nearest of his friends these barbarians Megaclis have nothing barbarous on their military discipline but we shall soon learn what they can do he begun indeed already to fill some uncertainty as to the issue of the campaign and determined to wait until his allies came up and till then to observe the movements of the Romans and prevent their crossing the river they, however, perceiving his object at once crossed the river the infantry at a fort, the cavalry at many points at once so that the Greeks feared they might be surrounded and drew back Perus perceiving this ordered his officers instantly to form the troops in order of battle and wait under arms while he himself charged with the cavalry 3,000 strong hoping to catch the Romans in the act of crossing the river and consequently in disorder when he saw many shields of the Roman infantry appearing over the riverbank and their horsemen all ranged in order he closed up his own ranks and charged them first himself a conspicuous figure in his beautiful glittering armor and proving by his exploits that he deserved his high reputation especially as although he fought personally and engaged in combat with the enemy yet he continually watched the whole battle and handle his troops with as much facility as though he were not in the thick of the fight appearing always wherever his presence was required and reinforcing those who seemed likely to give way in this battle, Leonatus the Macedonian observing one of the Italians watching Perus and constantly following him about the field said to him my king do you see that barbarian on the black horse with white feet he seems to be meditating some desperate deed he is a man of spirit and courage and he never takes his eyes off you and takes no notice of anyone else beware of that man Perus answered Leonatus no man can avoid his fate but neither that Italian nor anyone else who attacks me will do so with impunity while they were yet talking the Italian leveled his lance and urged his horse in full career against Perus he struck the king's horse with his spear and at the same instant his own horse was struck a side long blow by Leonatus both horses fell Perus was saved by his friends and the Italian perished fighting he was of the nation of Frantani, Hoplacus by name and was the captain of a troop of horse this incident taught Perus to be more cautious he observed that his cavalry were inclined to give way and therefore sent for his phalanx and raided against the enemy then he gave his cloak and armor to one of his companions, Megacles and after partially disguising himself in those of his friend led his main body to attack the Roman army the Romans stoutly resisted him and an obstinate battle took place for it is said that the combatants alternately yielded and again pressed forward no less than seven distinct times the king's exchange of armor too though it saved his life yet very nearly lost him the victory for many attacked Megacles and the man who first struck him down who was named Decius snatched up his cloak and helmet and rode them to Levinus displaying them and shouting aloud that he had slain Perus the Romans when they saw these spoils carried in triumph along their ranks raised a joyful cry while the Greeks were correspondingly disheartened until Perus learning what had taken place rode along the line with his head bare stretching out his hands to his soldiers and telling them that he was safe at length he was victorious chiefly by means of a sudden charge of his Thessalian horse on the Romans after they had been thrown into disorder by the advance of the elephants the Roman horses were terrified at these animals and long before they came near run away with their riders in panic the slaughter was very great Dionysius says that of the Romans there fell but little short of 15,000 but Hyronimus reduces this to 7,000 while on Perus' side there fell according to Dionysius 13,000 but according to Hyronimus less than 4,000 these however were the very flower of Perus' army for he lost all his most trusty officers and his most intimate personal friends still he captured the Roman camp which was abandoned by the enemy induced several of their allied cities to join him plundered a vast extent of country and advanced within 300 states less than 40 English miles of Rome itself after the battle many of the Lucanians and Samnites came up these allies he reproached for their dilatory movements but was evidently well pleased at having conquered the great Roman army with no other forces but his own Epirots and the Tarantines the Romans did not remove Levinus from his office of consul although Caius Fabricius is reported to have said that it was not the Epirots who had conquered the Romans but Perus who had conquered Levinus meaning that he thought that the defeat was owing not to the greater force but to the greater generalship of the enemy they astonished Perus by quickly filling up their ranks with fresh levies and talking about the war in a spirit of fearless confidence he decided to try whether they were disposed to make terms with him as he perceived that to capture Rome and utterly subdue the Roman people would be a work of no small difficulty and that it would be vain to attempt it with a force at his disposal while after his victory he could make peace on terms which would reflect great luster on himself Cines was sent as ambassador to conduct this negotiation he conversed with leading men in Rome and offered their wives and children presents from the king who would accept them but they all men and women alike replied that if peace were publicly concluded with the king they would then have no objection to regard him as a friend and when Kinia spoke before the senate in a winning and persuasive manner he could not make any impression upon his audience although he announced to them that he had taken without any ransom and would assist them in subduing all Italy while all that he asked in return was that he should be regarded as a friend and that the people of Tarantum should not be molested the common people however were evidently eager for peace in consequence of their having been defeated in one great battle and expecting that they would have to fight another against a larger force because the Italian states would join Perus but this crisis up used Claude use an illustrious man but who had long since been prevented by old age and blindness from taking any active part in politics when he heard of the proposals of Perus and that the question of peace or war was about to be voted upon by the senate could no longer endure to remain at home but caused his slaves to carry him through the forum to the senate house in a litter when he reached the doors of the senate house his sons and sons-in-law supported him and guided him into the house while all the assembly observed a respectful silence speaking from where he stood he addressed them as follows my countrymen I used to grieve at the loss of my side but now I am sorry not to be deaf also when I hear the disgraceful propositions with which you are tarnishing the glory of Rome I used to become of that boast which we were so fond of making before all mankind that if Alexander the Great had invaded Italy and had met us when we were young and our fathers when they were in the prime of life he would not have been reputed invincible but would either have fled and added to the glory of Rome you now prove that this was mere empty vaporing by your terror of these Chaonians and Molossians nations who have always been a prey and a spoil to the Macedonians and by your fear of these Pyrrhus who used formerly to dance attendance on one of Alexander's bodyguards and who has now wandered hither not so much in order to assist the Greeks in Italy as to escape from his enemies at home and promises to be our friend and protector forsooth when the army he commands did not suffice to keep for him the least portion of that Macedonia which he once acquired imagine that you will get rid of this man by making a treaty with him rather you will encourage other Greek princes to invade you for they will despise you and thank you an easy prey to all men if you let Pyrrhus go home again without paying the penalty of his outrages upon you that he has made Rome a laughing stock for tyrantines and some knights by these words Apius roused a warlike spirit in the Romans and they dismissed Kineas with the answer that if Pyrrhus would leave Italy they would if he wished discuss the question of an alliance with him but that while he remained in arms in their country the Romans would fight him to the death however many Levinuses he might defeat it is related that Kineas during his mission to Rome took great interest in observing the national life of the Romans and fully appreciated the excellence of their political constitution and by conversing with many of the leading men of the state on his return he told Pyrrhus that the senate seemed to him like an assembly of kings and that as to the populace he feared that the Greeks might find in them a new learning hydra for twice as many troops had been enrolled in the council's army as he had before and yet there remained many more Romans capable of bearing arms after this Caius Fabricius came to arrange terms for the exchange of prisoners a man whom Kineas said the Romans especially valued for his virtue and bravery but who was excessively poor the consequence of this entertained Fabricius privately and made him an offer of money not as a bribe for any act of baseness but speaking of it as a pledge of friendship and sincerity as Fabricius refused this Pyrrhus waited till the next day when desirous of making an impression on him as he had never seen an elephant he had his largest elephant placed behind Fabricius during their conference concealed by a curtain but a given signal the curtain was withdrawn and the creature reached out his trunk over the head of Fabricius with a harsh and terrible cry Fabricius however quietly turned round and then said to Pyrrhus you could not move me by your gold yesterday nor can you with your beast today a table that day they conversed upon all subjects but chiefly about Greece and Greek philosophy Kineas repeated the opinion of Epicurus and his school about the gods and the practice of political life and the objects at which we should aim how they considered pleasure to be the highest good and held aloof from taking any active part in politics because it spoiled and destroyed perfect happiness and about how they thought that the gods lived far removed from hopes and fears and interest in human affairs in a placid state of eternal fruition while he was speaking in this strain Fabricius burst out Hercules cried he May Pyrrhus and the Summonites continue to waste their time on these speculations as long as they remain at war with us Pyrrhus at this was struck by the spirit and noble disposition of Fabricius and longed more than ever to make from his friend instead of his enemy he begged him to arrange terms of peace and after they were concluded to come and live with him as the first of his friends and officers Fabricius is said to have quietly answered that, oh king will not beat your advantage for those who now obey you if they had any experience of me would prefer me to you for their king Pyrrhus was not angry at this speech but spoke to all his friends about the magnanimous conduct of Fabricius and entrusted the prisoners to him alone on the condition that if the senate refused to make peace they should be allowed to embrace their friends and spend the festival of the Saturnalia with them and then be sent back to him and they were sent back after the Saturnalia for the senate decreed that any of them who remained behind should be put to death after this, when Sifabricius was consul a man came into his camp bringing a letter from king Pyrrhus' physician in which he offered to poison the king if he could be assured of a suitable reward for his service and thus bringing the war to an end without a blow Fabricius, disgusted at the man's treachery brought his colleagues to share his views and in haste sent off a letter to Pyrrhus bidding him be on his guard the letter Rhanus follows Caius Fabricius and Quentus Emilius the Roman consuls greet king Pyrrhus you appear to be a bad judge both of your friends and of your enemies you will perceive by reading the enclosed letter which has been sent to us that you are fighting against good and virtuous men and trusting to wicked and treacherous ones we do not give you this information out of any love we bear you but with the fear that we might have assassinated you and be thought to have brought the war to a close by treachery because we could not do so by manhood Pyrrhus on receiving this letter and discovering the plot against his life punished his physician and in return for the kindness of Fabricius and the Romans delivered up their prisoners without ransom and sent Kinyas a second time to arrange terms of peace however the Romans refused to receive their prisoners back without ransom being unwilling either to receive a favor from their enemy or to be rewarded for having abstained from treachery toward him but set free an equal number of Tarantines and Samnites and sent them to him as to the terms of peace they refused to entertain the question unless Pyrrhus first placed his entire armament on board the ships in which it came and sailed back to Epirus with it as it was now necessary that Pyrrhus should fight another battle he advanced with his army to the city of Asculum and attacked the Romans here he was forced to fight on rough ground near the swampy banks of a river where his elephants and cavalry were of no service and he was forced to attack with his phalanx after a drawn battle in which many fell knight parted the combatants next day Pyrrhus maneuvered so as to bring the Romans fairly into the plain where his elephants could act upon the enemy's line he occupied the rough ground on either side placed many archers and slingers among his elephants and advanced with his phalanx in close order and irresistible strength the Romans who were unable on the level ground to practice the bushfighting and skirmishing of the previous day were compelled to attack the phalanx in front they endeavored to force their way through that hedge of spears before the elephants could come up and showed marvelous courage in hacking other spears with their swords exposing themselves recklessly after a long struggle it is said that they first gave way at the point where Pyrrhus was urging on his soldiers in person though the defeat was chiefly due to the weight and crushing charge of the elephants the Romans could not find any opportunity in this sort of battle for the display of their courage but thought it their duty to stand aside and save themselves from a useless death just as they would have done in the case of a wave of the sea or an earthquake coming up on them in the flight to their camp which was not far off Hieronymus says that 6000 Romans perished and that in Pyrrhus' commentaries his loss is stated at 3505 Dionysius on the other hand does not admit that there were two battles at Asculum or that the Romans suffered the defeat but tells us that they fought the whole of one day until sunset and then separated Pyrrhus being wounded in the arm by a javelin and the Samnites having plundered his baggage he also states the total loss on both sides to be above 15000 the armies separated after the battle and it is said that Pyrrhus when congratulated on his victory by his friends said in reply if we win one or more such victory over the Romans we shall be utterly ruined for a large part of the force which he had brought with him had perished and very nearly all his friends and officers and there were no more to send for at home End of section 18