 We're seeing some unprecedented challenges in a lot of ways to the norms and the institutions of the post-World War II era. There's been a rise of xenophobia, of nativism, attacks on immigration, attacks on the NATO and the UN and the alliances and institutions that we built after World War II from lots of different sources all around the world. What do you think accounts for that kind of change in the cultural moment or the intellectual moment we're in? And can you give us some hope about a path out of it? Well, I think your quick summary of some of the challenges we face only needs to be edited and added to because we're also facing internal challenges here to our institutions. And so I think you have to look at both the domestic and the international scene and try to answer that question the best we can. There's a lot of really smart people on this campus who are thinking about and writing about it, but I would just offer a few observations. You know, we did create the post-World War II order and it served the United States very well and it served the world very well. We had sustained peace and prosperity. We saw the rise of democratic governments. We had a real alliance across the Atlantic with our friends in Europe. We worked hard to make sure that we never saw the horrors of the previous World Wars. And I think that we owe a debt of gratitude to the leaders both in our own country and abroad who created this time in history. I think things have changed. There's no doubt about that. And a lot of institutions are under stress, including the ones that you mentioned, Mike. And we have to ask ourselves, okay, why did this happen? I think some of it is because the natural movement of thought and understanding about what's needed, the rise of technology and the sharing of information across the world, the competition that comes from people who are putting forth a different point of view. There's a natural rhythm to this that I think we are watching unfold. But I would add there's also a concerted effort to undermine our faith in these international institutions. There is a real effort by some to try to create dislocation and disruption. And at the top of that list, I would put Vladimir Putin who has been trying to undermine NATO and the European Union, American democracy, our elections for his own purposes in pursuit of his geopolitical strategic goals of restoring, in his view, Russian greatness. You see China offering a competing financial system and that competing financial system is grounded in authoritarianism in state-run enterprises. But it's being quite successful. And so people are saying, well, democracy is messy. The free market has all kinds of problems. And so maybe there's something to be learned from what's happening in China. You have rogue nations that are trying to create chaotic conditions for their own purposes. And so you can look around the world and you can see why it is in the interest of some leaders, particularly autocrats, to sow discontent, confusion, disappointment with those institutions. What we should be doing is saying, you know what, we need to take a hard look at what has served us well since the post-World War II era, where they need to be reformed, where they need to be updated. Let's engage in that process. But I think we find ourselves in a much more defensive crouch than we should be. We should be standing up for the success of the last 75 years, not throwing it onto trash heap of history. So unfortunately, we don't have leaders right now that are willing to do that, but that is what not only the United States needs, but I would argue the Democratic experiment, the transatlantic alliance, the hope for greater freedom and opportunity around the world. So yes, we need to engage now in a new process of trying to restore and renew, and we're necessary reform and even replace institutions that are no longer serving us well.