 Restw I jus ydych chi o brexityd. A i gynyddoch y ddwi hwnnw I gofyni ar weithgzent. Roedd e'n brexityd o'r reog gwrdd r toesiaeth wildag ddrill g attractive. Mae hanifwyl gynnân o ddweud. Ond ei fydden cymdeithas eu ddesodod, ond wedi gweld e'n dweud ei ddefnyddio. Roedd e trying cofeliwch arhal ac sydd empol a yoedd yr oes y dythodd. Ond i gael. ..a bod rydyn ni'n gweld y cynghreifft. A hynny'n gweithio'r gweithio'r gyffredinol yn eu cymoedd, mae'r gwaith yw... ..credinol yn gweithio gweithio gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio... ..o'i fawr i'r bwysig o'r ffordd y gallu gwahanol. Mae hynny'n gweithio'r gwaith yw Brexith yn eu cyfeirio'r gweithio. Ond, oherwydd, roeddwn i wedi eu cyfnod oedd yma... ..yna chi'n amlwg ar y panel... ..eithio'n amlwg yma'r EU. I'm here because, quite simply, we are leaving the EU, and I think there's no doubt about that, the British people have spoken, but we're not leaving Europe, and that to me is very essential. I'm a quarter Italian, I've got a lot of major European connections. Europe is part of what I am, but that doesn't mean that the European Union is. I spent 30 years in politics talking to people across Europe who accuse me as part of the British of being the problem in Europe, the people who are holding back Europe. Why do you just get out if you don't like it? Now we're told they want us to stay, and what I'm saying is we're staying in the crucial areas, and the crucial areas are very simple. Elizabeth Gevel was talking about defence and security. European defence and security, without the positive contribution of the United Kingdom, I think would be a very poor option. For a start, we provide more than anybody else in terms of military capability in NATO, and without the British contribution any European security system would be severely lacking. We provide an enormous amount of shared intelligence. We have very sophisticated intelligence systems in the United Kingdom, not least in GCHQ, which are going to be vital in the future to the fight against terrorism. Those are where we will have a big role to play. I think, too, in the general area of foreign policy, Britain and Europe together, not together in the European Union, but working together, have a major role to play. There's been much talk about hostility during these conversations on Brexit. To me, a future relationship without the resentment at integration and the fear of increasing bureaucracy could in the end of the day be much more productive. I say to Stephen, he read out a description of my country and said, I don't recognise it. I don't recognise it either, and I think I know why. It was a newspaper article, quite rightly, a newspaper man reads a newspaper article, but he then mentioned Boris Johnson. I would remind him gently that Boris Johnson is more a journalist than he is a politician. Maybe that explains why I didn't recognise the description either. I want to look instead at where we will be going after this. I think Richard Burt actually set us a very big challenge. He said America is moving away, and I agree with him. That is where we as Europeans, and I use the word Europeans, should be concentrating and looking. We need essentially to change our philosophy. As Europeans, whether it's the EU or generally, we've got to stop being also rands to the American policies. We've got to start defining our own policies. Of course, we'll have common interests and we'll work together, but in the end we have an enormous role to play on our own. I spent a lot of time in the Middle East over the last 20 years, and the number of times people of all sorts in the Middle East said to me, why can't the Europeans deal with us directly rather than always as part of the quartet and always under the American umbrella? I feel that very strongly. A major role to play if we're prepared to disassociate ourselves, not completely, but in terms of the policies of reconciliation and conflict resolution from that which the Americans are pursuing. If you look at what's happening in the Middle East at the moment, Yemen, this terrible crisis in Yemen, we have a role to play, and I think it's a role which should be being played much more widely, but it's not. The United Nations has the principle of the protection of responsibility to protect, and I look at what's happening in Yemen at the moment, where thousands of people are dying. Many more would have died in Libya had we not gone in, and where is the responsibility to protect? Why aren't we as Europeans trying to deliver that to say that we can actually salvage something from this mess? When you look again at what's happening in the general Sunni Shia conflict, we are still, because we are under the ambit of the United States, so I may say so, we're still taking sides. Now you do not resolve conflicts like that by taking sides. You have to, I once used the analogy, that if you want to referee a game, you have to be open to both sides. If you take one side, you're cheering from the sidelines. And I think that's a very important element of where we as Europeans could be playing a genuine role in terms of what could be the biggest conflict of our lifetimes in the future. And the last one is what we hear about all the time. North Korea. We hear of the dangers. But you know, we hear the rhetoric. I heard more rhetoric this morning. A little rocket van is now being inflicted by big rocket man, if I may say so. And we're getting nowhere except the situation is getting more and more dangerous. We should be able to say first of all, this is not a fight in which we have a dog. And therefore we're not going to get involved directly in what is happening at the moment. But if it comes to conflict, we have a major interest. Because the results of that conflict could impact upon us all. And we need to be thinking very carefully about how Europe can position itself to make sure that that conflict is less likely rather than more likely. And there is one other element I just want to mention because it's an old canard of mine. If we are going to play a real role in achieving reconciliation and peace in the world, we have to change the United Nations Security Council. You cannot have a world order that is governed by people who are selected on the basis of the situation at the end of the last world war and where one country has a veto and can stop any sensible decision being taken forward. And that's a major challenge that we in Europe should be playing a major role in trying to move towards that. And then finally I want to look at where we go next in the world. There are new opportunities I think Richard Burt said this. New opportunities for the EU and the UK in the world. And what I see is that I used to be a historian that the smooth flow of history is often interrupted by periods of substantial change. And that politicians who naturally react to that by saying we mustn't allow our comfortable positions to be interrupted resist that. But in the end change happens. And if we are going to be genuinely constructive we have to accept that change and we have to work with it. The integration of the EU which is what President Macron has talked about may be an essential part of that change. But it has to be the right sort of change. It can't just be returning to the rigid structures of the EU. It has to be an EU with a new vision and that vision is still, I have to say, lacking. One of the keys to the change we are seeing around us in the world at the moment is the growth of anti-establishment feeling. You look at all these political results as one common factor and that is that people are voting against the establishment. And we have to say to ourselves why is that it's not just particularly amongst the young. Really the reason is that all these people are anti-establishment are fed up with the old order. It's not enough for us to say normal order will be resumed as soon as possible, as they used to say on television. People don't want normal order to be resumed. They want change. And that change has to come through ideas and vision. And that is what at the moment our world is lacking. And I see in Europe the real vibrancy that can create that vision for the future. We had a playwright who wrote many years ago these words which were quoted I think by Bob Kennedy and many years ago in America. Some men see things that are and ask why. I dream of things that have not been and ask why not. And I think it's time that Europe started asking why not. Thank you so much to Michael Lothian, former UK member of the parliament. Interesting enough, ending with a quote by Robert Kennedy and not Winston Churchill as I think it's always fitting for a UK man. But I think it's very interesting what you pointed out, namely that Great Britain is leaving the European Union but not Europe per se. Now that of course is an important message. We will see how that plays out in reality. In a sense interestingly enough, pointing out that perhaps even Europe should be grateful for Brexit because now the UK is no longer holding the process of unification, true unification up hold. But if I understood you correctly to dash any hopes is the British people have spoken and Brexit is final. This is what I heard you say. So for all of you not just on the panel but in the audience hoping for a reverse coming from Michael Lothian, that's not going to happen.