 We come all over Europe. From across borders, different party lines, at least, partulations of the past, and with different views of the good society. We are united by these differences. Europe will be democratized or it will disintegrate. This is not a scare tactic. It is a fact. Οι Ευρωπαϊκές Ευρώπιοι είναι συνεχαρισμένοι. Οι νέες δευτείες, οι νέες δευτείες, είναι σκυρίζονται με βάδες, μέσα σε κοινότητας μας, σε κοινότητας της κοινής. Παραγματικά, κομμερές, φεραιοτράφελες, καλώς ήρθουμε στο Μπράγ. Τα πράγματα δεν είναι νέοι. Τα πράγματα που δευτείες δευτείες were γνώρισαν στο 9ο φεβεραιό 2016 στο Φωξ-Βιναιοφιέδερ. Παραγματικά ήταν η νέα πράγματα, στις τέτοιους ευρωπαϊκούς δευτείες δευτείες δευτείες στην κοινότητα της Ευρώπης. Παραγματικά ήταν η νέα πράγματα. Είναι καλύτερο να δούμε τόσο πολλοί σας, οι οποίοι είχαν στο Φωξ-Βιναιοφιέδερ, να είχαν εδώ σήμερα, στο Μπράγ, φεραιοτράφελες δευτείες πράγματα, με 3,5 δευτείες δευτείες και 3,5 δευτείες. Ο χρόνος της ευρωπαϊκής δευτείας was to create the first transnational progressive movement, not merely a confederacy behind a solid, common, anti-austerity, green feminist, radical humanist program, a program that ends Europe's surrender to the twin authoritarianisms of the establishment strikers on the one hand και όλοι τα υποσχέσεις του αυτοντήρου πριν των φασισμων. Τα night we were swept away by the passion in the Volkswagen. I'm glad that this passion, as I said before, today is in Prague, a city that in our hearts and minds we shall always associate with the importance of bringing the spring through rebellion independently but considering whether we are going to win or lose. Comrades, fellow travelers, friends, this is not, however, the time for self-congratulation. Passion has returned to politics, but not in a manner that we wanted. As DM25 we predicted four years ago, that capitalism's major spasm which began in 2008 would continue after 2016 with a position of austerity for the many and socials of the few. And as we predicted, as DM25 predicted, the result was a toxic passion that fueled not humanism, but misanthropy. Instead of energizing progressives, it was the ultra-right that grew more passionate, vibrating with an anti-establishment fervor that led to the rise of what we, DM25, called a nationalist international. Today, almost four years since DM25 was born, the establishment that caused Europe's worst crisis since the 1940s remains fully in control of the liberation power. While the nationalist international reinforces the status quo by being the only serious recipient of the people's anger, of the people's wrath, a sure measure of a regime's fragility is the disconnect, the distance between reality and propaganda. And a sure measure of the health of a democracy is the extent to which the demos that people can challenge the regime when this distance between reality and propaganda becomes unbearable. On these two measures, Europe has never been more fragile and never has been less democratic than it is today. So, unfortunately, yes, we were right. Brexit did not happen a few months after DM, six months or so after DM was created. Brexit did not happen because people like us, our movement opposed the European Union. Brexit happened because good people in Britain, not racists or anti-Europeans, but good people, could not stomach Brussels and Frankfurt's arrogance and authoritarianism. When we were campaigning in Britain before the referendum that led to Brexit, on behalf of DM25, and this is something we should be proud of, wonderful comrades across Britain would come up to us and say, look, we like you and your movement, but mate, there's no way I'm going to vote to remain in this European Union after the way in which Brussels treated your people. The sheer contempt for democracy, which I experienced personally in the Europe and everybody is experiencing in their nooks and crannies around Europe, the sheer contempt for democracy had become evident to many anti-racist progressives in Britain and it was their vote that picked the balance in favour of Brexit at 1.8%. As was the awful insight that all these establishment figures from Christine Lagarde, Barack Obama to Wolfgang Scheuble and David Cameron, they were warning them, threatening them that if they dare vote for Brexit they will be severely punished. A sure way of turning courageous voters and citizens of the European Union against the European Union. Of course, DM25 was perfectly right to campaign against Brexit. The European Union's disintegration will undoubtedly only reinforce deflationary forces that are the nationalist international best friends. We saw this in Britain, we saw it in France, we saw it in Italy, in Poland, in Hungary, everywhere. Euroskepticism will always feed the xenophobic beast and at the same time strengthen the establishment as the majority at some point recoils from Euroskepticism, Brexit, Traxit, Lexit, recoils from it in horror. At that moment, progressive movements like DM25 we get squeezed badly between the two sides of the same coin. The authoritarianism of the establishment and the authoritarianism of the nationalist international. That was our experience as we campaigned against Brexit on a radical remain progressive agenda with our comrades Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell of the Labour Party. We were also right to predict the demise of existing left-of-center forces, movements and parties. The social democrats we said back then at the Votsbühne would never recover after having espoused financialization and austerity. The European Left Party we predicted would choose oblivion if it chose to cover up serious capitulation to the Troika while still embracing Euroskeptic forces elsewhere. Podemos would fizzle out as a result of their refusal to work with movements like DM25 to put together a coherent progressive agenda for Europe. The Greens would never be transformational given their adoption of Austerian ordoliberalism. We were also right on the one hand to support Emmanuel Macron against Le Pen in the second round of the French presidential election but also to oppose him the day after accurately predicting that his Eurozone reform agenda was dead on arrival given his determination not to confront the European establishment. Leaving him no option other than neoliberalism at home and Euro-gingoism abroad. Finally our central idea was spot on. It was absolutely right. The idea of program led transnational politics of creating a movement that seeks to unite all progressives behind a green new deal for Europe. Unity through coherence instead of opportunistic confederacies or confluences. Let me forget. The Troika, the neo-fascists, the bankers always share a tight internationalist coherent common agenda. It is internationalism at work. That's what finance and fascism points to. It is about time. It was about time we said in 2016 that progressives develop our own coherent transnational agenda. We were right. DM25 was right to invite all progressives interested in such an agenda to sit down around the table with us and help us forge the green new deal for Europe. But comrades, fellow travellers, friends, we were also wrong. We underestimated the establishment's capacity to put a lid on the economic crisis not to resolve the economic crisis but to turn this integration into permanent corrosive stagnation. At the expense of spreading this content and Euroscepticism, even into traditional socio-democratic and Christian-democratic territories' circles, the establishment stabilized the eurozone. They succeeded in stabilizing it. How did they do it? By concealing the bankruptcies without making them go away. By zombifying unsustainable banks, unsustainable states and unsustainable corporations. And by making the majority live in fear that while they understood that their future, the future of their children was bleak, to live in fear that it would become bleaker if they dared oppose the new order liberal order post 2015, 2016. And that meant that the rest who remained angry and refused to succumb to anger because they opted for rage, they only had the xenophobic nationalist international to turn to. A timely reminder of how fascism always served the system by offering its victims an opportunity to vent the anger without threatening the established order. We were also wrong to hope that major progressive parties like Dilinke, Podemos, might be attracted to, be persuaded by us and may want to adopt a solid convincing green new deal for Europe. The program that DM25 developed painstakingly calling upon all of them to participate and some of them didn't participate. Podemos did send people, Dilinke did send people. But we were wrong to think that they would be interested in adopting that policy program and running with it. They were not interested. They proved beyond reasonable doubt that they were never interested in progressive policy agendas, preferring the old style of politics that turned most people off. We were right, of course, to persevere with our cohesive progressive program-led transnationalism. We soldiered on, making huge concessions to partners that joined us. We even changed our name effectively from DM25 to the European Spring to attract them for their sake. In the end, we failed to elect a single member of European Parliament even though we did attract around one and a half million votes across Europe. Put blindly, let's be honest. Our program-led transnationalism failed to take off. A failure that was particularly painful in the one country we had banked on, Germany, where we gathered 125,000 votes instead of the 300,000 that we had targeted. Of course, that failure reflected another misprediction. Back in 2016, we imagined that some enlightened centrists would wish to contribute financially to our electoral campaign. Remember that? We thought that because of enlightened selfishness, they would recognize that DM25 is an important pro-European radical for them, but pro-European voice. It didn't work out. The only money we got, every single euro came from DMers. This is simultaneously a blessing in disguise, but a reminder that the system is not even smart at knowing what is good for it. What did we do well? And what did we do badly? We succeeded in building the first transnational pan-European movement. If anything, events since 2016 proved that only such a movement holds hope for real change. We failed to ignite DM25, spending too much precious energy, naval cases, looking inwards into the movement, with our membership being stuck at the size that it had two years ago. We haven't really grown. We succeeded in combining horizontality with verticality within our movement and attempt to avoid the perils, both of movements like the World Social Forum, Total Horizontality, or the perils of a stylist's top-down verticality. We combined horizontality in the form of spontaneous collectives, DSCs, sortition, think of our validating council, with the top-down coordinating service of the coordinating collective of national collectors. But we failed to bring these two dimensions together sufficiently to inspire amongst all DMers a sense that they, you, are in control of the movement. We succeeded in putting together the only Green New Deal agenda that is worthy of its name. An agenda that we should be very proud of. An agenda that is uniquely able to appeal simultaneously to demonstrators on the streets, to the youngsters, even to extinction rebellion activists, while at the same time making financiers lose their words when they try to explain why they are not for it. But we failed to make our Green New Deal prominent. We were the first ones to come out with this. After that, many Green New Deals proliferated. They are not worthy of the name. They are empty shirts. You read them and you lose the will to live. And yet, very few Europeans identify the Green New Deal with our Green New Deal. We succeeded in creating electoral wings, one of which is now in Greece's parliament and in bringing together the European Spring to contest the European Parliament elections. But we failed to make a difference in front-line states like Italy and to elect MEPs where we did run. We succeeded in initiating the Progressive International together with the Sundance Institute a year ago in Vermont and to forge a crucial alliance with Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell of the British Labour Party. We did take the Progressive International further. While in the United Kingdom, DiEM25 UK has not taken full advantage of our privileged relation with the Labour Party's leadership or even our own potential across the land. What must we do now? What must DiEM 2.0 look like and be like? DiEM 2.0 must begin by deepening our democratic processes within our movement. We are already doing it as part of this assembly. We have to put our money where our mouth is, establishing, for instance, DiEM25 assemblies, selected by sortition to help shape our progressive agenda for Europe on transparency, on migration, on the Green New Deal, on the European constitution process and so on. We must revisit our policy on alliances, on alliances while focusing on building up our electoral wings and the movement. We must eschew opportunistic confluences confederacies but at the same time avoid the path of lonely, puritan solitude. We must further develop the Green New Deal for Europe which is a major pillar of strength for us. The progressive international, and as I said before, our special relationship with the leadership of the Labour Party in Britain. We must throw a bridge over to the Euroskeptic Progressive Commons, the lexiteers. This clash between DiEM25 and progressive Euroskeptics must be overcome. DiEM25 must convince them that we too believe that the European Union is unreformable, that no amount of smart arguments and good policy agendas can convince the European Union cartel to change its ways. That without a clash with the institutions of late financialized European capitalism there will be no transition to sustainably shared prosperity. We have to convince them that our agenda will automatically trigger a Brussels backlash including a threat to expel any government that adopts the DiEM agenda from the Eurozone, the European Union. We have to convince the lexiteers, progressive Euroskeptics, that our radical Europeanism can uniquely expose the establishment's rejection of a proper union and we have to expose the establishment's readiness to sacrifice Europe as a price for turning Europe into a permanent iron cage of austerity. We must also move beyond calls for more democracy. DiEM 2.0 must plan for post-capitalism. We have been criticized and I believe justly for appearing to tinker at the edges of an unreformable, catastrophic, renteer-based climate-destroying capitalism, financialized capitalism. DiEM 2.0 must develop our program for overcoming capitalism. Our Green New Deal must be seen to be the first stepping stone to a better future. We must now inspire people with a vision of what follows capitalism, what follows the Green New Deal, a proper democracy where no one can buy shares in a company unless they work in it, a world where there are no longer any private banks and where everyone has a bank account with a central bank, a society that grants a trust fund for every baby born. This is not the time or the place to articulate a full pillar for post-capitalism. But it is the time to signal an intention to do so. The seeds of our post-capitalism pillar are already in our program and in what we have been doing for the last four years. DiEM 2.0 must water those seeds so that soon we can harvest a post-capitalist agenda around which young and old people from across Europe indeed from beyond Europe can organize. Friends, comrades, fellow travelers, progressive forces today are in retreat at the time of capitalism's deepest crisis. Who is to blame? The media? The oligarchy? Facebook? Put in? No. We are. It is the result of our grand failure. Social democrats unleashed the bankers and invented austerity with Steinbruch and Timmermans calling for austerity before Soible and Merkel got a chance. The Greens succumbed also to order liberalism, even daring argue against our Green New Deal on what basis? That the 500 billion euros per annum to be invested in the Green Transition when Giggles said this in a debate with me in Germany is too much money to spend on the Green Transition because an accord of capacity constraints the private sector. Who needs Soible when you have the German Greens? Syriza surrendered to Detroit. Eventually celebrating the Troika's memorandum of understanding as the program that would get the Greek people out of better space, out of the crisis. And what was the result? On the 7th of July they lost to New Democracy. And far worse they created, built the foundation having adopted in the name of the left the Troika's catastrophic Troika austerity and privatization program. They built the foundation on which the current neoliberal authoritarian New Democracy government is building a new parasitic oligarchy. That was the work of Syriza. The European party of the left. Well, they have chosen oblivion by becoming a bureaucratic armada of sinking vessels. Lexiteers, they're fading everywhere. After having inadvertently reinforced inadvertently, not willingly, but they did reinforce right wing Euroskepticism. What about our friends in Spain? Having failed to distance itself in the summer of 2015 from Syriza and from the Lexiteers at one and the same time Podemos has become a shadow of itself. A side kick of a half-baked pseudo-socialist government lacking any interest in clashing with the establishment or articulating a progressive European agenda. In the midst of this gloom our own defeats as DMs included. DM25 has managed to do one thing we promised in 2016 to stop cursing the darkness and to light a small candle. That small candle is DM25 in Greece. Despite the demonization and the absurd lack of funding DMers Oluf, or menu from across Europe came to Greece and helped us do the impossible. Put our electoral wing in Greece, DM25 into Greece's parliament. Why did we succeed in Greece? Three reasons. First, while others, like Syriza, were telling voters if you don't vote for us, things are going to get worse. Or the Communist Party that was saying first we establish socialism and then good things will happen. And like that, what we said was we showed them our pan-European agenda that could make a difference tomorrow morning. Secondly, because we combined the transnational with the patriotic. The Green New Deal for Europe and the prospect of the progressive international with programs tailor-made for our crisis stricken people. And thirdly, this is a criticism, a self-criticism of DM25. Because we managed to go beyond the cool crowd of academics, students, artists, cosmopolitans. Which DM25 already appeals to. And we managed to speak to the heart of the uncool crowd of taxi drivers, blue-collar workers, pensioners, schoolchildren. Friends, comrades, fellow travelers embracing the uncool crowd. Combining transnational humanism with non-nativeist patriotism. Deepening democracy within our movement. Building our movement while extending our alliances the progressive international in particular. Supplementing our Green New Deal with a post-capitalism pillar. That's what DM2.0 should be about. Yes, we need a radically different, revived DM25. But we also need to preserve continuity with our courageous first three and a half years. I can think of no better way of pushing us along this path of renewal with continuity than by quoting the last words with which we concluded at the Fox-Brunner Theater on that cold February night in 2016 in Berlin. The real danger is not that you shall aim too high and miss. The real danger is that we will be looking, training our eyes on the floor and end up there. So let us celebrate today. But from tomorrow, let's shake Europe gently, compassionately, but firmly. Have a good day.