 Well, it's a great pleasure to meet you. Thank you. Very honor. Very honor. Is that the Prime Minister? The President. Thank you. Then your Ambassador. Thank you. Thank you. You and I are going to sit on the chair. We're going to be here. We're going to have three ways, I think, of President Trump. I can't get him all in once. And so we'll have to kind of small talk. Then we can get down with the business of the day. I warned him, Mr. President, that there are a lot of new white people in the President. We have a question. And he doesn't have to answer. We're very happy to be able to come to a meeting. Be able to come to Washington to have a chance to meet you. When the press comes in. We, Costa Ricans, like this country very much. We admire you quite a lot. Costa Ricans almost remember your visit to my predecessor. That was, yes, four years ago. I was a member of this country. I stayed in Washington for a while. Then I had the opportunity to go to England. That's where I learned my English. And I got a PhD in political science, which doesn't help much. Thank you. This way please. This way please. Thank you. This way please. Thank you. This way please. Thank you. There's no questions here. But I wouldn't have to answer that one. I think it should be perfectly obvious. It is not new or unusual. It's happened many times before. But when there is going to be an independent council starting an investigation, individuals who have no access to the files or papers or time for preparation for questions have done just exactly the same thing. So that they can then be witnesses for the investigation. Sir, are you going to direct members of your cabinet not to take a fifth amendment? Mr. Dernberger has said that you would like them to testify. What is your opinion? The individuals will have to make that decision for themselves just as these two have. What they feel their situation is with regard to the oncoming. You're not going to protect them with executive privilege, is that correct, sir? I haven't given any thought to that. This way please. Thank you. This way please. Thank you. This way please. This way. Let's go. This way please. Let's go. Many, many. Well, central marine. Thank you. The future of democracy. Thank you. And region. And also I'm interested in my own country. This way please. Thank you. Thank you. This is the same moment. All of them are equal. I'm mainly interested in this. So it's not working. It's not an impact. You mentioned here inside. The fourth power to this country. And also the North Traces. They are quite aggressive. You've already agreed this. This thing is responsible for it. Oh yes, yes. that is without responsibility for freedom and differences. That is being safe to talk about. Cameras are coming in and out, but I would like to say that we admire very much your strong criticism of the Sandinistas and that totalitarian regime that they have established in Nicaragua. And I think we're in agreement that democracy in Nicaragua is required if we're going to have peace in the future. And there's just no question. What we hope for when our supported countries is all about is based on the need for democratization, which was the beginning of the revolution when they were heading for the overthrow for Samoza. And could I ask one thing about you, because you are one of the Latin American countries and you're a little self-conscious, we know that there still is some memory about the great Colossus of the North when maybe we did things years ago that were not the proper thing to do. I think we changed. I have told President Arias in the other room about the long friendship between our two democracies, but he was also telling me about it from your standpoint. So I think we have in common a real affection between our two countries and a relationship that is based on your great democracy. Our efforts at democracy, too. I think of your country as a value to power. I've shown real courage in your approach to the Sandinistas. Your call for democracy for the other states of America. Our feeling is not honest. So many try to imply that we want to come in and conquer overthrow. No. No. This is the Roosevelt. It's called... Right here. And then it arranged for the second world's outland. And then it led to the family that first was held and became very generous. We came in and presented the Nobel Prize in the last few years. And we're making peace between Japan and the United States. And I'd like to tease my fellow Republicans that we have done 20 times today. Yes. We won that Nobel award. That's it. This is what a stand does with people who don't understand what it's like to be a lawyer. We don't think that I don't know about any time to be out for more than years. But if you're going to be able to understand these questions, I'm going to give you one before we get to see what's interesting. Before we get to some more words, I want to thank you for working on the flowers. Thank you so much for being here. Thank you for being here. I'm glad to be able to be here today. I'm glad to be here today. I'm glad to be here. Could I just add a couple of comments? Any comments to Secretary Schultz and your resources? You are in the process of remuneration, remuneration, or extended remuneration. You are also finishing in agreement with the AMI-FAS. It's been a great pleasure to welcome President Arias and distinguished members of his government here today. The goodwill evident in our meetings underscores the enduring bond between our countries and between all peoples who cherish democracy and human freedom. Costa Rica and the United States stand together. Four square in our commitment to democracy has been replaced for the most part by the promise of tomorrow. A leadership in Nicaragua, where a totalitarian expansionist regime violates the human rights of its people and threatens the peace and freedom of its neighbors. On land, seeking safety in Costa Rica and the Honduras. This challenge cannot be ignored without its totalitarianism next door. As the leader of the region's oldest and strongest democracy, your words have special significance and carry moral weight. As you've said, Congress and the American people, the establishment of a Soviet beachhead in the mainland of the Americas, a base camp for terrorism and the subversion of democracy remains unaccepted, remains unflinching. Costa Ricans and the other free people of Central America can have faith that they will not be abandoned in the face of this been respected bin hallmarks of the U.S. Costa Rican relationship for many years. Our discussions today reaffirmed that our relations will continue on a high note. Mr. President, I am very pleased by this frank and sincere dialogue. The discussion on the North by oppression and violence. My country is not a party to the problems of Central America, but the peoples. Accordingly, we have proposed an alliance for freedom and democracy. Only if we endeavor to enable all peoples to enjoy democracy. We aspire to higher levels of development. Only the absence of extreme poverty is a guarantee of peace and a shield against violence. We wishn't me. Today, more than ever, we must strive for general well-being and prevent the spread of poverty. Today, more than ever, foods to freedom. Today, more than ever, we must direct our sacrifices with a full sense of history. Today, more than ever, we need international solidarity and fair treatment and trust in the democracies of the America. There must be a commitment from the western world to strengthen democracy in all our nations. Working together for democracy, freedom and development is working together for peace. Mr. President, once again, I wish to tell you how pleased I am with the numerous areas of agreement in our talks. I leave convinced that this ongoing dialogue between ourselves. Mr. President, did you agree with the Vice President that the stakes were made in your Iranian policy, sir? Deserting you!