 Hello, everyone. My name is Camille Cameron. I'm the Dean here at the Shuling School of Law, and it's my very distinct pleasure to be able to welcome you all here. I'll begin by acknowledging that we're all gathered today on traditional MiGMA land. Today we're gathered for the 10th Innis Christi Lecture in Labor and Employment Law. And I will tell you a little bit, many of you know more about him than I do, but I will make some comments about the namesake in his Christi, and then I'll turn things over to Professor Archibald to introduce our guest. Professor Christi was born and raised in Nova Scotia. He started his academic career at Queens University in 1964, and it was during that time that he completed the liability of strikers in the law of torts. Then he saw the light and came this way. In 1971 he returned to Nova Scotia and to Dalhousie, where he taught full-time until 2003, and then part-time for several more years. He was the Dean of the Law School from 1985 to 1991, and for those of you who don't know, that's when the big fire happened. So he had the misfortune, and we, I think, had the fortune because it was a situation requiring great leadership to be the Dean at that time. And I've got an good authority that the rumor that he started on purpose to get a new building is just that. It's a bad rumor. His teaching interests were wide. Labor and employment law, poverty law, municipal law, administrative law, contracts, commercial law, and professional ethics. He had a leading role in law reform. He was engaged in the Woods Task Force on Labor Relations in Canada in 1967. He drafted the Nova Scotia Trade Union Act in 1973 with former Dean Reed and the Nova Scotia Labor Standards Code in 1972. He also changed the way employment law was taught in law schools in part through the influential text employment law in Canada. Professor Christie served in the 1970s as a member of the Canadian Anti-Inflation Appeal Tribunal. He was counsel to the Nova Scotia Labor Standards Tribunal and was chair of the Nova Scotia Labor Relations Board. In addition, he was deputy minister in the Nova Scotia Department of Labor and served as a member and chair of the Nova Scotia Workers' Compensation Board. He also served as a part-time member of the Federal Public Staff Relations Board and of the Canadian Human Rights Commission Tribunal. I think his career, when we stand back and take a look at it and its span, was the sort of career that many of us would probably aspire to. He was a teacher, he was a mentor and he inspired generations of labor law students across Canada. His contributions to academic labor law, to public policy formation and administration, to labor arbitration and adjudication and to legal education are broad, deep and enduring. Really quite a role model and just as an aside, I had lunch yesterday with an alum who was for a long time a litigation lawyer and then a judge and he commented to me what a great advocate Innis Christie was. I thought that was interesting to hear, especially given that the lecture was happening today. The Innis Christie lecture, this lecture in Labor and Employment Law honors his life and his work and his legacy. Before I turn things over to Professor Bruce Archibald, I want to thank him for all the work he does to make the lecture happen. I also want to thank Elizabeth Sanford for the assistance she provides in making this happen. Afterwards, we'll have a reception up on the second floor in the A-term and I invite every one of you to join us. And now I'm going to ask Professor Archibald to introduce, I guess. It's an extraordinary pleasure for me and an honor to introduce Anne Trebilcock. We don't say Trebilco, that's our friend and colleague from the University of Toronto, but I understood that Trebilcock is the Cornish pronunciation, the original pronunciation, which should be preferred, but at any rate. And I met Anne first today, quite frankly, and we sort of had a conversation about the conferences we've gone together and not met one another and the friends we share in common. So it's wonderful for me, after having read her work and seen her name for ages, to be able to introduce her to you. Anne is here in great measure, not solely, but in great measure, because she worked for the better part of 25 years for the International Labour Organization and became its legal advisor and director of Office of Legal Services. She had started in 1983. She retired from that organization in 2008. But she's certainly been working hard to improve the nature of labour and employment law, as we would say, or as she might say, social law in the European sense, the broader context for labour and employment law, since her retirement. She is now associated with what in English would be called the Labour Law Institute of Georg August Universität, Göttingen University in Germany. She's a member of the editorial board of the International Labour Rights Case Law Journal. And she's had a fascinating career in what I have learned to call international administrative law. And it's really the law which governs international, sometimes sovereign or not. I was, I guess we can't say non-governmental organizations, really, but yes and no. But it's a complex field, which is an interesting one and leads her to have been, for example, a member of the Global Alliance for Vaccination and Immunization, Appeal Administrative Appeal Tribunal. She's a member of the Asian Development Bank Administrative Tribunal and has served in similar organizations for Red Cross and Ren Crescent, the Grievance Committee at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. So she's an adjudicator and a practitioner of international administrative law, which I find to be fascinating. But she, although she has family and roots in Canada, in the part of Ontario that is north, no, sorry, it's south of Detroit, which is bizarre. It's counterintuitive for me to think that Windsor, Ontario is south of Detroit, but it is. I know that. But at any rate, she taught at the University of San Diego School of Law. She worked in her early period with the United Auto Workers International Union. She has a Juris Doctor from the University of California Law School Berkeley. She got a Bachelor of Arts at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. She's a member of the Michigan State Bar in addition to a whole lot of international organizations. Her mother tongue may be English, but she speaks and works in French, German, and Spanish. And if you go online, you can probably find some of her recorded interviews and so on. She has a list of publications, which is in three languages. And it's an extraordinary list. The most recent is a research collection on comparative labour law published in the UK in 2018. And with Adele Blackett, who is going to actually be coming on the 9th of October to do the READ lecture, she has edited a research handbook on transnational labour law, again published by Edward Elgar, but in 2015. It's a wonderful privilege to have you here, Anne. Thank you very much for agreeing to come. And we're all fascinated to hear what the new Convention on Violence and Harassment at Work tells us about the international labour organization on its centenary. The international labour organization was first started in 1919 as an organ of the League of Nations, right? And then was reinvigorated in ways that Anne will probably tell you about in an interesting fashion. What's another important thing, we have organized these annual lectures in honour of Innis for 10 years. Each year we've alternated. One year there is a short course and in the other alternating year there is a symposium or one-day workshop. This year Anne will be giving a course called traditional labour law, transnational, I'm getting old, right? We were born in the same year, she's a lot younger and more trim looking than I am, but there you go. The course is called transnational labour law today and this I see in the room number of the students who are taking this course and this is the first session of the course which will go on tomorrow and on Saturday. So I'm sorry I've taken so much time, Anne, carry on. Thank you very much for that kind introduction. Thank you as well to the Schulich School of Law and to Dean Cameron for the kind invitation to deliver the lecture in honour of Dean and Professor Innis Christie. I had the pleasure a few moments ago of meeting Professor Christie's wife and son and I am very grateful for this opportunity to be here with you for the lecture and as well for the course in the coming days. I chose the topic for today what the new ILO convention on violence and harassment in the world of work tells us about the international labour organization on its centenary for two reasons. First, these instruments that were adopted on June 19th of this year show what the ILO can accomplish when it works well with its now 187 member states in fulfilling its mandate of social justice. We now have international instruments that denounce violence and harassment in the world of work and the call for effective remedies. They make the invisible visible. Second, another reason for choosing this topic was that the development of this convention and recommendation was very much a Canadian affair. Canadians were among the members of the tripartite expert group on violence against women and men in the world of work in October of 2016. The expert used by the international labour office which is the secretariat of the organization. The expert used in drafting its background report was Professor Catherine Lippell of the University of Ottawa and an ILO secretariat member who played a leading role in the preparatory work for the instruments was Shauna Olney, a Canadian who heads the gender equality and diversity unit at the ILO. I'm sorry I don't know which of those people was a graduate of Dalhousie but perhaps one of them was. When the international labour conference began its discussion of the possible instruments the committee elected its chair to be Mr Rakesh Patri who is the director general, international and intergovernmental affairs of the labour program of employment and social development Canada. Marie Clark, secretary treasurer of the Canadian Labour Congress was elected one of the two co-chairs of the committee examining the drafts. Also on that committee for the Canadian employers was Sonia Reganbogen who has long experience with ILO standard setting. So you see that this was very much a Canadian product and yet it is one that resonates with countries around the world. Before we look a little bit more closely at the new convention and recommendation I'd like to make a few preliminary comments. The ILO was indeed created through a chapter in the Treaty of their Sai as Bruce Archibald mentioned which ended the First World War. The year this occurred in 1919 was one of profound change in the political landscape and in society. The Bauhaus Design School opened in the country I now live in Germany leading to a revolution in design that we still see much in evidence in our offices and homes. So too was the innovative structure of the newly created international organization. In a break with the past its decisions were to be taken not just by representatives of governments but of employers and of workers as well. This tripartite structure remains a unique experiment of international law and indeed a unique feature of the ILO. Transnational labor law has origins in the struggle of social movements and involves an interplay between public and private orderings at various levels. From today's perspective the ILO is an important part of transnational labor law precisely because of the involvement of non-governmental actors in the governance of the institution and in shaping international labor standards. When the ILO reached its half century mark in 1969 it was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for having carried out its vision that universal peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice so persistently. The preamble to the Constitution sets out the premises that labor conditions were then in urgent need of improvement and well often better than in 1919 still are need of improvement. Another premise was that the failure of any nation to adopt two main conditions of labor is an obstacle to others wishing to do so. And the preamble also to borrow Professor Brian Langell's phrase notes that social justice is really what you could consider both a constitutive and a deeply instrumental factor for having lasting peace. The mandate of the ILO was elaborated on by adoption of the Declaration of Philadelphia as the Second World War with waning. This was a period in which the ILO's secretariat sought temporary refuge at McGill University in Montreal. The Declaration of Philadelphia asserted that all human beings have the right to pursue both their material well-being and their spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity of economic security and equal opportunity. These words speak to us over so many decades. Last June the message of that declaration was echoed in a new one the ILO Centenary Declaration which among other things reaffirms the role of ILO standard setting while calling for much-needed greater policy coherence across economic social and environmental issues. We will return to that aspect in due course. In addition to the ILO's development of international labor law its functions include cooperation with other international organizations. Also under the Constitution the ILO secretariat is to collect and disseminate information or in today's vocabulary do research statistical and promotional work. Under instructions given to it by the International Labor Conference and the governing body the ILO is engaged in a range of practical action on the ground throughout the world in what it calls technical cooperation. We'll return to that a bit as well later. However it is hardly a secret that the ILO is facing new challenges. In contrast to 100 years ago multilateralism is increasingly questioned today and unlike in 1919 the ILO is no longer the only player on the block. There is a dizzying array of institutions and processes that touch upon transnational labor law. Thus one of the challenges the ILO faces is to embed the international labor standards and other expressions of ILO policy in the processes and commitments of others. This happened this week for the ILO Centenary Declaration which the UN General Assembly just endorsed encouraging other organizations to take it into account in their own work. Embedding can also be expected in a range of other initiatives for the violence and harassment in the World of Work Convention 2019 number 190 and recommendation number 206. Since the phenomenon touches people in so many fields. Just think of the vulnerability of health care workers to abuse or to people in security services or a whole range of activities where the issue resonates. The ILO governing body actually decided in the autumn of 2015 to place violence and harassment on the agenda of two successive sessions of the conference. Thus it predated the media outcry on these issues that arose out of Hollywood. The period of preparation and adoption of the new instruments thus serendipitously coincided with a groundswell condemning sexual harassment at work. This ended up filling a gap in human rights law. But when the ILO filled this gap it did so in a way that encompasses but goes well beyond gender issues. The continuum that spans violence and harassment severely undermines the freedom and dignity that is celebrated by the ILO constitution. And such behavior is denied is linked to denial of equal opportunity and it perpetuates economic insecurity. The ILO was thus right on target in celebrating its centenary year with the adoption of trailblazing instruments on the prevention and elimination of such intolerable conduct in the world of work. There were already a few direct or indirect fragmentary references in international labor standards on the issue. The Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention from 1989 number 169 called for the prevention of discrimination including as regards protection from sexual harassment in Article 20. The night work recommendation of the ILO from 1990 which supplements the convention on that topic suggested measures to improve night workers safety while traveling at night for both men and women hinting at the possible violence they might encounter. Meanwhile the issue of gender based violence was gaining considerable attention outside the ILO especially in context of the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, say now. But the problem of violence and harassment work was not limited to women. The issue attracted ILO interest as from the late 1990s principally through publications on conditions of work and then adoption of a non-binding code of practice on workplace violence in the services sectors which appeared in 2003. The occupational safety and health perspective on the issue reflected in this work had broadened understanding of a topic that had been seen primarily from the angle of discrimination. Legal scholarship has informed the knowledge base on the gender aspects of workplace violence and harassment in important ways. This is illustrated by a special issue from 1995 of the Canadian Journal of Labor and Employment Law with important articles by Professors Patricia Hughes and Colleen Shepard. The approach to the topic taken by the ILO has been grounded in such work that is multidisciplinary in its analysis. The committee of experts on the application of conventions and recommendations of the ILO which is part of the ILO system of supervision of how standards are implemented, highlighted the issue of harassment beginning in 2002. The committee of experts repeatedly called for effective measures under the Discrimination in Employment and Occupation Convention number 111 to prevent and prohibit both quid pro quo harassment and hostile environment sexual harassment at work. In 2009, this committee pointed to sexual harassment as an important implementation gap when it marked the 50th anniversary of convention number 111. Finally, in 2011, the pathbreaking decent work for domestic workers convention number 189 and recommendation picked up violence and harassment as a central issue. Perhaps Professor Blackett will address that issue when she's here next month because she was largely responsible for the work done on that convention. Convention 189 on domestic workers stated plainly that each member of state shall take measures to ensure that domestic workers enjoy effective protection against all forms of abuse, harassment and violence. The recommendation that accompanies that convention outline how to handle domestic workers complaints of such behavior. So this instrument helped to pave the way for convention 190 and recommendation 206. Yet until their adoption this past June, there was no comprehensive international instrument embracing the issue for all categories of workers and in all types of work circumstances. As I mentioned, when the ILO governing body placed the item on the agenda of the conference, it also convened a tripartite committee of experts to provide guidance on the topic. The report of the three day expert meeting on October 2016 reached conclusions on understanding what violence entails in the context of work, the risk factors that are at play, means of addressing the phenomenon and gaps in the ILO's body of international labor standards that needed to be filled by a new instrument or instruments. The steps that followed over the next 32 months involved translating those conclusions into a legal form, preparation of documents by the secretary, official consultation of member states, informal consultations involving the social partners, and of course the deliberations by the standard setting committee of the conference in 2018 in the first discussion and in 2019 for the second and final discussion. One of the dilemmas facing the drafters was that countries take a wide range of conceptual approaches and use a variety of terms when dealing with the issue. Some talk about bullying, some talk about harassment, and so forth. Thus convention number 190 instead of containing a fixed definition of violence and harassment in the world of work focuses on the impact of the unwanted behavior of the persons affected by it. In the end, the conference decided that the instruments would cover a range of unacceptable behaviors and practices or threats thereof, whether in a single occurrence or repeated, and these are behaviors and practices that aim at result in or are likely to result in physical, psychological, sexual, or economic harm. And the article explicitly states that it includes gender based funds and harassment. I'll read that once again because it's important. The instruments cover a range of unacceptable behaviors and practices or threats thereof, whether in a single occurrence or repeated, that aim at result in or are likely to result in physical, psychological, sexual or economic harm, and includes gender based violence and harassment at work. That is article one paragraph one of the convention. The convention calls for each country to adopt a national definition or definitions in its own context, for example, a federal system. But taking into account and being consistent with what the convention provides in relation to its scope of application. So it casts the wide the net widely, yet it leaves flexibility in how each country's laws and legal traditions will in fact embrace the concept that is addressed by the convention. The convention and the recommendation are also rather capacious in relation to situations in which violence and harassment may arise again, I quote, in the course of linked with or arising out of work. Article three. The relevance is thus not limited to the traditional workplace. Since work or indeed harassment and violence may be performed or may occur, for example, in cyberspace. The instruments also extend protection to people in all sectors, whether or not they are informal, whether or not sorry, whether or not they are informal employment relationships. So it is not simply a question of employment law as we in common law systems tend to understand it, but it is a broader net that is cast to encompass anyone who performs work in whatever whatever kind of circumstance. The new provisions apply as well to third parties, such as clients and service providers. They may be either victims or authors of harassment or violent acts in the world of work. The focus of the instruments is on protecting the individual affected by these practices. Thus legal entities such as corporations are not the objects of protection. But there is specific reference made in Article two to quote individuals exercising the authority, duties or responsibilities of an employer. The phrase in the world of work, thus encompasses much more than at work or on the job or a traditional employment relationship would contemplate. The new convention directly anchors respect for fundamental principles and rights at work, which were consecrated in the ILO's 1998 declaration that bears that title as a means of preventing and eliminating violence and harassment in the world of work. This is provided in Article five. By its nature, much forced or compulsory labor, which is one of the fundamental principles to combat that is performed under threat or the actual use of violence. The same also applies to child labor, especially in its worst forms, including the sexual exploitation of children. Or indeed, in modern versions of perhaps child influencers who may in fact be economically exploited under duress. On the other hand, the exercise of freedom of association and the right to engage in collective bargaining, which form part of the concept of fundamental principles and rights at work. These freedoms are basically the bedrock that emboldens people to call out abuses of power, such as violence and harassment they encounter while doing their jobs. And the role of this behavior as an obstacle to equality of opportunity and treatment is intuitive, as I already mentioned. Like the fundamental conventions, the new ILO convention brings the sometimes different streams of international labor law and international human rights law onto the same page. It is avowedly a human rights instrument. Convention number 190 also displays ILO traditions, excuse me, of building flexibility into how the obligations laid down in the instrument may be met. The convention is to be applied by national laws and regulations, as well as through collective agreements or other measures consistent with national practice. This is standard ILO language in such instruments. What about enforcement and remedies? Well, states are to provide that victims of gender-based violence and harassment in the world of work, and other victims as well, have effective access to gender responsive, safe and effective complaint and dispute resolution mechanisms, support, services and remedies. And well convention number 190 does not use the term due diligence in relation to employer accountability. Article 9 of the convention calls on states to adopt laws and regulations requiring employers to take appropriate steps commenced through it with their degree of control to prevent violence and harassment in the world of work, including gender-based violence and harassment. This would include, so far as reasonably practicable, identification of hazards and assessments of risks of violence and harassment, with the participation of workers and their representatives, and taking measures to prevent and control such risks. Thus, some of the language sounds like due diligence processes that are already familiar to firms. Another issue touched on by the convention is domestic violence. Domestic violence has long been a focus of gender rights advocates because it is at once so serious and unfortunately so common. While it is obvious that employers cannot be held responsible for ending domestic violence, discussion at the 2018 conference led to seeing the world of work as an important entry point to prevent or mitigate the effects of domestic violence. Thus, convention number 190 foresees, so far as reasonably practicable, mitigation of the effects of domestic violence in the world of work. Recommendation number 206 lists specific actions aimed at doing so. To a certain extent, adoption of the new instruments reaffirmed the role of tripartite dialogue and reaching consensus on matters of common interest in the world of work. Non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations also played some part in shaping the instruments, albeit not in terms of decision making, which remains the purview of the tripartite actors alone. This is, I might add, a recurring point of criticism for the idea. A few specific aspects also drew out diverse views. The employers and some governments were reluctant to include commuting to and from work within the notion of the world of work. They argued that how workers did this, how they got to their jobs, often escaped an employer's control. While the community decided to retain this provision, another, the draft was also amended to provide for account to be taken of the varying nature and extent of the responsibilities of governments, employers, workers and their respective organizations. Similarly, the phrase appropriate steps commensurate to the employer's degree of control was added to the draft that became Article nine. More generally speaking, the standard setting process has not had an easy ride over the past two decades or so. Of the 190 conventions adopted since 1919, only around 170 are now considered up to date. And too often, even these are honored in the breach, although the ILO has a fairly robust monitoring system. The pace of adopting new instruments has also slowed considerably in this century. The governing body has had difficulty in reaching consensus even on fixing a topic for standard setting, particularly if a binding instrument is envisaged. One factor in favor of this happening, in the case of Convention 190, was a simple recognition that the occurrence of violence and harassment is not in the interests of successful employers, motivated workers, their organization or governments. On the contrary, it acts as a drag on productivity and has economic and as well as social costs. So where the track project actors see a mutual interest, they can and do come together to forge strong legal instruments. It would be overly optimistic, however, to extrapolate the success of the standard setting exercise for these instruments to other areas of labor and social policy that remain more contested. So what's next? Well, all ILO member states are required to submit instruments adopted by the conference to their relevant competent authorities and to report on having done so. So for Canada as a federal state, this will involve referring the new Convention and recommendation as well to the provinces. Quote for the enactment of legislation or other action. There is however no obligation to ratify. Canada has to do this reference within 18 months of the adoption. So by December of 2020, and then to report to the ILO on results in 2021. The ILO's own promotion of Convention number 190 and recommendation 206 has already begun, including a side event at the United Nations next week. The secretariat is already building the instruments into its technical cooperation work, such as in Bangladesh, where earlier experience pointed to violence on the job as one of the problems facing women in the garment factories there. The mention of Bangladesh, of course, brings to mind the Rana Plaza tragedy in which over 1,300 people died and well over 2,000 were injured in the building collapse in 2013. The aftermath of this tragedy involved the ILO playing roles as convener, advisor, neutral broker and trustee while drawing on international labor standards and social dialogue. Right after the Rana Plaza collapse, the two main global trade union bodies and 40 global garment buyers asked the ILO to help in reaching an agreement that became known as the Bangladesh Accord. The Accord eventually brought in more partners, including 220 brands, Bangladeshi trade unions and four international NGOs. It was unprecedented due to its legally binding nature in committing brands to pay into a central inspection regime while maintaining their purchasing volumes of garments from Bangladesh for a period of five years. When the original agreement expired in May 2018, a transition Accord extended operations until functions can be taken over by a national remediation structure in 2020. By April of this year, thousands of factory inspections for structural, electrical and fire safety had been done under the Accord, with a 90% rate of remediation of problems. Factories found to pose immediate harm to workers' health were ordered closed. Inspection training training and inspection built local capacity. The Accord provided for dispute resolution mechanisms, anonymous safety complaints, time bound mediation and the option of appointment of a court of arbitration in line with international rules. I'd like to think that Dr. Zia's Professor Christie would probably have been pleased to see the use of arbitration to achieve relatively rapid results. Today, two important cases arising from the Rana Plaza tragedy have been reported as settled through confidential arbitration under the Accord. The Permanent Court of Arbitration's procedural decisions played a role by affirming the binding nature of the Accord. The ILO Secretary, as I mentioned, has acted as the neutral and independent chair of the Accord Steering Committee and his advice on relevant international labor standards as well. It has played a similar role in another initiative, the arrangement, which ensured that there was a single approach to victim compensation. There were, of course, the survivors of the workers who had been killed. There were workers who had been injured and needed assistance. And the legislation in place in Bangladesh and the structures were simply not up to the task of ensuring rapid compensation to the victims. So one of the things that the ILO did was to look to its own convention on workers' compensation, which the ILO calls Employment Injury Benefits. This is the Employment Injury Benefits Convention from 1964, number 121. Even though it was not ratified by Bangladesh, the principles from this convention were used as a basis for calculating the payments that were made to the persons entitled to them. The fund that was created for this was entirely made of voluntary contributions that has been a source of criticism. Nevertheless, this fund has been used to pay over 30 million US dollars spread across the survivors' families and as well has brought training, counseling, and medical support to the injured victims. Now there is a move in Bangladesh to create a new workable National Employment Injury Insurance Scheme as part of wider efforts to improve labor standards. In September 2013, with support from Canada and other countries, the ILO launched the Improving Working Conditions in the Readymade Garment Sector Program in Bangladesh. A major focus has been on remediation of the substandard facilities in cooperation with the Accord and with a parallel but less robust entity known as the Alliance, which has ceased operation in the meantime. The Working Conditions Initiative involved a range of stakeholders and it also entails collaboration between the ILO and the International Finance Corporation. Together, the ILO and the International Finance Corporation have developed the Better Work Program in other countries as well. The importance of involving the IFC has simply been that many of the factory owners, even if they were, even when they were willing to do the improvements, simply did not have access to financing to make this viable. So that helped to fill a void. The Better Work Program is seeking to promote competitiveness in the garment industry around the world by incentivizing compliance with international labor standards and overcoming obstacles to financing the remediation work that is needed. Also on the agenda in Bangladesh, as elsewhere, is law reform. One of the challenges here is how to reach the many millions of workers who are informal in informal working arrangements that are also linked in global production chains. The ILO Supervisor Machinery that I mentioned earlier has continued to call for law reform in Bangladesh to address the serious shortcomings that persist in relation to labor inspection and freedom of association, which are both crucial to achieving workplace safety and health. There have also been initiatives in the country to align safety within factories to better environmental practices outside them, such as use of chemicals that end up in the environment. Canada has long been an important contributor to technical cooperation in the field of Better Work. ILO technical cooperation is largely financed by contributions that go beyond the contributions to the budget that are assessed under a UN formula. In 2018, Canada paid about 11 million US dollars in terms of its regular budgetary contribution to the ILO, and in the same year it made a contribution, a voluntary one, that exceeded 5 million US dollars. These funds mainly go through two channels. The first is the Employment and Social Development Canada, in which the focus is on the labor dimensions of international trade and economic integration, a stress on fundamental labor rights and on occupational safety and health. The ILO Partnership with Global Affairs Canada supports initiatives that promote youth employment, empower rural women, and also those that maximize the benefits and minimize the risks of labor migration. At the core of both channels is a focus on tackling inequality and empowering women and girls. So perhaps in future, Canada will support technical cooperation work to translate the messages of Convention Number 190 and Recommendation Number 206 into concrete action in other ILO Member States. However, it is important to recognize that such initiatives, however laudable they may be, such initiatives alone will not wipe out the tension that exists between a quest for greater accountability along an entire value chain, and at the same time, an encouragement of business models that precisely aim to limit this in law. An ILO Traparitite Meeting on Global Value Chains is set for next February. Hopefully this will go into the issues more deeply and run up to meetings of the G7 and the G20. This would be another example of what I discussed earlier in terms of the ILO embedding certain policy messages in other institutions and processes. Let's watch what emerges. There certainly are many ideas out there. Some of those ideas have come from the Global Commission on the Future of Work. The ILO convened this group, which was headed by the Prime Minister Sweden and the President of South Africa, as its centenary celebrations were approaching. The Commission delivered its report in January of this year and envisioned a human-centered agenda for growth and development. An agenda that places work at the center of social and economic policies. The Commission reminded us, importantly, that as challenging as the gig economy or the platform economy or whatever is coming down the road, now seems to be for labor law, our future is not dictated to us. We can shape it. The Commission urged investing in people's capacities to keep pace with change as one means of steering our own future and of ensuring a universal social guarantee. The Commission pushed for greater stress on growth, led by greening the economy. A number of these thoughts were echoed in the ILO Centenary Declaration for the Future of Work, which I mentioned earlier. This new and renewed policy orientation, urges the ILO to direct its efforts to ensuring, quote, a just transition to a future of work that contributes to sustainable development in its economic, social, and environmental dimensions. That declaration calls for harnessing the fullest potential of technological progress to achieve decent work in order to ensure dignity, self- fulfillment, and a just sharing of the benefits for all. Part of that dignity is, of course, a world of work that is free from violence and harassment. The Centenary Declaration puts achieving gender equality at work front and center through what it calls a transformative agenda. And it recalls that safety and health in working conditions are fundamental to decent work. The threats that run through Convention 190 and Recommendation 206 thus show up here as well. In a way, the Centenary Declaration was an updating of the Declaration of Philadelphia by bringing into the fold the notion of the environmental dimension. What is more, respect for rights relating to occupational safety and health goes hand in hand with showing greater care for the external environment. The Global Commission on the Future of Work thus urged adoption of a new indicator under the UN Sustainable Development Goals to capture the externalities of economic activity, and in particular the costs of cleanup and healthcare. With firms increasingly aware that prevention is in their own long-term interest, there may be further progression from voluntary corporate social responsibility to real accountability. In terms of policy coherence, the ILO's Centenary Declaration recalls the ambition of the Declaration of Philadelphia. It therefore advocates macroeconomic policies that have, as their objective, the promotion of sustained inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work. It instructs the ILO to reinforce its own cooperation with other institutions to promote policy coherence in pursuit of a human-centered approach to the future of work. Next week, one step towards that will be the launch of the new Climate Action for Jobs Initiative at the UN's Climate Action Summit. The initiative provides a roadmap for ensuring that people's jobs and well-being are at the center of the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. This will also be linked to the fulfillment of the range of sustainable development goals which countries have pledged to meet by 2030. Those goals embrace, in various ways, the four pillars of the ILO's decent work agenda. Employment rights at work, social dialogue, and social protection. Social development goal eight, unemployment and decent work, and goal five on gender equality are obvious examples, as are those that deal with the climate. But other goals are relevant as well to harnessing ILO standards for sustainable development. The new landmark instruments on preventing and combating violence and harassment in the world of work will form part of the contribution to achieving the SDGs. But as a treaty, the impact of convention number 190 should have an impact that goes well beyond the year 2030. It will enter into force after only two ratifications, and it is likely that that will occur soon. Along with recommendation 206, convention 190 can guide the actions of governments, employers, workers, and their organizations to achieve a world that is free of violence and harassment in the world of work. Work in dignity was very much envisioned when the ILO was created in 1919. The ILO will surely carry that vision forward for the decades to come. I'd like to thank you very much for your attention, and also for the warm welcome that I've had here at your office. I look forward to our discussion. Somebody in Referee, or are you comfortable in doing that as a law teacher? As what's the tradition? Say it's up to you. If you want me to do it, I'd be delighted. Okay, you can help me get out of a tough spot, Hossa. All right, let me just drink some water, and in the meantime you can think about your questions or comments. I know that Larry Haven wanted to say something, and he has a commitment that he's going to have to leave early. Okay, please introduce yourself. My name is Larry Haven, Professor Emeritus of Management at St. Mary's University, and also a member of an organization called Equity Watch. One of the projects that Equity Watch is underway is to do a review of occupational health and safety law across Canada, especially with regard to the content of Convention 190 that you were talking about. So thank you so much for giving a very interesting and fascinating talk, and it's especially relevant. Again, according to our research, with which we were helped by Professor Catherine LePel, who is in part that no disclosure seems to be the only province in Canada that has made her introduce legislation regarding harassment and bullying and psychological injury, or has not given notice that they're going to introduce. There's just nothing out there. So there will be a campaign that's in the making, especially in the fall sitting of the legislature, to this end. My question is, if Canada was right there at the front table with Great Black Walker and Sonia Regenbogen, speaking for the unions and employers and the federal government's behind it, and I suspect there's no way they would have done that without some assurance that the provinces would line up, why? Why hasn't Nova Scotia come on board? I don't know why Nova Scotia hasn't come on board. I can't know that. But there's a new opportunity for Nova Scotia to take a look at it through the submission requirement. Now, as I mentioned, there is this process that all island member states have to go through when an international labor convention or recommendation has been adopted. They have to take a close look at it. They don't have to ratify, but they have to examine it and see what they can do. And what I didn't mention is that the Constitution also provides periodically for a review of what countries have done in relation to instruments adopted by the conference, even if they have not ratified them. So, there is done what's called a general survey by the committee of experts on the application of conventions and recommendations. The topic for this survey is set by the governing body several years in advance. The one coming up this year for next year's conference is on employment related instruments. So, that will be an opportunity for a lot of these initiatives related to green jobs and managing the just transition to be examined. But at some point this convention recommendation will come up for that kind of a survey. So, even if there is no immediate action there will be occasions on which the countries will be asked to report. And in relation to federal states there are some more specific provisions in article 19 of the Constitution. So, it's encouraging to hear that there's an advocacy group that will be encouraging no discussion to also give a serious thought. Other comments? Yes. The world of work it seems like a very, very big area. I'm just wondering are there examples that you can point to of how that the world of work can be regulated in this type of a problem. Like for example, the drivers that we work for. But beyond that there's a lot of people who work kind of as contractors like all the doctors in the discussion are part of the collective art identity that we're working on. So, how far does it go with this world of work? The world of work includes anyone who does work for compensation of some time. The wording of article 2 specifies. First of all, how it can be influenced? Let's go back to the article of the convention first of all. The convention protects workers and other persons in the world of work including employees as defined by national law and practice. Including employees but not only employees. As well as persons working irrespective of their contractual status. Persons in training including interns and apprentices. Workers who employment has been terminated. Volunteers, job seekers, job applicants and individuals exercising the authority, duties or responsibilities of an employer. So it's not even linked to compensation. It's anyone who is in the world of work performing work. It's quite broad but that is deliberate because basically unless you're working at home. In which case that's where your world of work is. Well yeah, it wouldn't limit the protection to a woman working at home. It applies ubiquitously to the society. So staying at home long she's protected by that convention. Well she's a worker. Yeah that's a very interesting question. And to answer that properly you'd have to go into the preparatory work of the instrument. And I don't want to say something that's not right. So I'm not going to actually directly answer your question. I think what is envisaged here is trying to cope with the fact that we are more and more in a world where the traditional employment relationship is not capturing the reality of how people earn their living or have experiences like volunteers or interns that enable them later to earn their living. That these are people who may be in circumstances of vulnerability and therefore are the object of these instruments. So it is very broad and you say okay well how can this be implemented. This I think very much depends on the actual circumstances that the person finds himself in. Let's take a street vendor who has to struggle for space on a sidewalk that is controlled by a municipality somewhere. And the person who issues the licenses and so forth tries to exert exact a sexual favor in order to. The measures that are going to be taken in that circumstance are going to be different from ones that would be taken in a large cooperation with the traditional employment scenario. So it is not a blanket kind of response but it is an obligation on the government to take a look at okay where are people working and what do we need and what circumstances are they working and what do we need to do in terms of our own legislation our own policies our own structures that help support people who are victimized and who need to be able to know where to go to file complaints to get remedies. So I think the emphasis on it is very much you know try to it is englobing and yet when it comes to the specifics of how a particular situation is addressed that does need to take into account the realities. Is it is cyber bullying involved I mean then you have to obviously take different measures than you would take when when the workers in the garment factory are being hit because they're not working fast enough. Sarah. Thank you ma'am for that very enlightening talk with Sarah. Yeah nice to see you. Nice to see you too. I'm really curious to hear you reflect on how any of this aligns with some of the human rights due diligence legislation that's appearing in places like France and others just I mean it seemed at least my impression from this was that the focus here is very much on host state implementation but then there's reference to control and also that the way this is that the way this particular convention is conceptualized doesn't fully embed the independent business responsibility in the same way. I'd love to hear your thoughts. Yeah as I said I think it I think the convention has glimmers of the due diligence framework in the human rights sense that is what is expected of member states but it also I mentioned these the issues about risk assessment and so forth which is very much the business approach to do due diligence in business operations and how companies actually operate and in my own view linking it to that is a very strong driver because it works with how companies are already operating it's not something that has to be added on it's something that they then build into their how they do their business so it's potentially quite powerful but it is not entirely explicit their elements of it so it's perhaps not complete if you look at it from a due diligence perspective in in relation to the the French law that she mentioned the droit de vigilance it's a very interesting law and it'll be it only applies as I understand it to large companies it'll be interesting to see how it plays out in practice but it has been cited as as you know important you might be interested that there's a there is a zero draft I'm sure you know of the binding potential binding instrument on business and human rights that will be discussed in October within the framework of an inter governmental working group and the zero draft that was published in July just a few weeks after the convention 190 was adopted makes a reference to it so we'll see if that survives or not it is a very fraught treaty making process within the UN and it's not yet clear whether or not it'll come to anything but I thought it was quite interesting that there was such quick pickup of of this new other instrument other questions so I must admit that I didn't spend a lot of time like going through the convention article by article I urge you to do that it is and the recommendation as well which provides more specifics it's a very rich instrument and it is in many ways a last stretch of the IOS approach where you have of course as a treaty obligations can only be imposed directly on member states and yet the body of some of the articles specifically caught on this member states to require employers or indeed in this case workers organizations to behave in a way that is consistent with what this convention expects which is to eliminate this type of behavior if there are no further questions I assume it's because you all want a drink and there are drinks you can stay at earth in the atrium and we can continue the conversation but I would like to thank Anne for an extraordinarily I have an adage right and one of them is to say that there's nothing so practical as good theory but the divine is in the details and I'm stunned at your ability to see the big picture and know the details which can allow us to move in the direction that you have outlined that the ILO is doing and what's extraordinary as well for for people who are not necessarily close to the ILO might know what the initial stand for but don't see it working on the ground it's extraordinary to me and wonderful to see somebody who after 25 years of work there is still optimistic and moving toward a better world in such a fundamental and important way it's wonderful thank you very much