 Bonnie Glazer. I'm a senior advisor for Asia at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and it is my pleasure as well as distinct honor to be hosting today Dr. Tsai Ing-wen. Dr. Tsai is chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan and as you all know she will be the party's presidential candidate for the upcoming elections on January 16th. Dr. Tsai has served her nation in a number of different capacities. In the 1990s she was a key negotiator for Taiwan's accession to the world trade organization. She was subsequently national security advisor to former president Li Denghui. Dr. Tsai served in Chen Shui-bian's administration as head of the Mainland Affairs Council. She joined the DPP in 2004 and was nominated as legislator at large and the following year she became deputy premier. From 2008 to 2012 she was DPP chairperson and ran for president in 2012. Before inviting Dr. Tsai up to give her speech let me briefly say that after her speech we will be followed in a conversation between Dr. Tsai and Dr. Kurt Campbell and as all of you know Dr. Campbell was assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs in the first term of President Obama. Dr. Campbell is now chairman and chief executive officer of the Asia Group. We're very pleased today to have Dr. Tsai talk to us about Taiwan's meeting the challenges crafting a model of new Asian values. Please join me in welcoming Dr. Tsai Yung-Wen. Thank you Bonnie for your introduction and my thanks also goes to CSIS for welcoming me into this magnificent new building and particularly Mr. Campbell my old friend Mr. Burr-Ha. Don't know where he is sitting. Well distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen and members of the media. Oh you're there. Well it is wonderful to be in Washington DC again. It is my great owner and pleasure to meet all of you today. I'm truly grateful to the fellows and staff of the CSIS for making this event possible. On April 15th this year the Democratic Progressive Party nominated me as its presidential candidate for the 2016 elections. I'm greatly honored to be associated with the political party that fought hard against authoritarian and turned Taiwan into a democracy that today cherishes freedom and human rights. The DPP is proud to have played an imperative role in bringing about such monumental changes in Taiwan. As a presidential candidate I have to be ready to deal with rising domestic and external challenges ranging from the gradual erosion of freedom and democracy to an increasing uncertainty over Taiwan's ability to maintain its economic autonomy. While responding to challenges we are actually crafting a model of new Asian value which features participatory democracy equitable distribution and social justice in a nation-based economy and proactive peace diplomacy. As noted by some prominent international organizations freedom of speech freedom of press and human rights have been on a steady decline in the last few years. In March last year the undemocratic nature of the ratification process over a cross trade agreement unleashed unformidable social forces trying to redirect the path of the government. Now some of the social forces are eager to participate in the political process through public deliberation or even through participation in elections. The newly found social political forces may cause the government to slow down if it is not ready to be transparent or open for participation. However democratically handled with the input of enormous dynamism into the decision-making process and constant oversight from the public the government can be much more effective and responsive. This is what I am ready to endeavor that is to deepen our democracy. For most Taiwanese the state of our economy is a source of great distress as it has stagnated for some time and has lost momentum for growth. Globalization and China's rise as the world's factory have affected Taiwan's efficiency driven model of economic growth. This has gradually resulted in a widening income gap outsourcing of job opportunities and stagnating salaries. The economic slowdown has hit the young generation in particular who now face an economic environment much harsher than their parents days. In addition over various public pension our various public pension funds have incurred huge implicit deficit that endangers their sustainability. Furthermore the family-based traditional social safety network no longer suits the needs of the highly urbanized Taiwan. Under these circumstances one can only imagine the tremendous burdens that are being placed on our younger generation. Therefore providing a new economic way forward will be the foremost priority of the coming DPP administration. I'm ready to present the new model of economic development with core elements of innovation, employment that is job creation and equitable distribution. The primary objective of the new model is to reshape Taiwan's economic competitiveness by shifting from an efficiency driven model to an innovation driven one. It is also aimed at striking the balance between economic growth and social need. In addition we hope that the new model can help reduce Taiwan's dependence on a single market and to ensure Taiwan's economic autonomy. We're kindly reminded by former Secretary Clinton in last year that Taiwan will be vulnerable if it loses economic independence. I also fully intend to build a strategic partnership with the U.S. on economic cooperation. A DPP administration would like to mount intensive exchanges and corporations on the next generation infrastructure for Internet of Things, cloud, big data and ICT based in industries which features the forced industrial revolution or what many call industry 4.0. I would like to have Taiwan work closely with American firms to renew Taiwan's ICT industries as well. On international trade there is an urgent need for Taiwan to participate in the Trans-Pacific Partnership that is TPP, at least to be included in the second round of the negotiations. For this purpose I have set up a special task force to discuss the important aspects of the trade liberalization and the TPP. Our discussions include the need for structural adjustments and reform, the extent to which Taiwan should adhere to international standards, streamlining legal infrastructure and bureaucratic practices and making the necessary investments in specific sectors. We want to ensure that Taiwan is ready to effectively deal with the challenges of globalization. I would like to thank the U.S. governments for expressing welcome to Taiwan's interests. Here I would also like to reiterate that I am determined for Taiwan to be ready for the TPP. When the economy grows, the Taiwan government will be equipped with more resources to invest in social infrastructure. The TPP has unveiled a plan to create a new community-based social safety net and has inaugurated the plan in some of the local governments under our administration. I also plan to invest in social housing as well as long-term senior care systems. These are highly demanded in Taiwan as it moves to an ageing society. Here I would like to stress that investment in the social safety net is not just welfare spending. It will make good economic sense by meeting local demand and generating local job opportunities. For Taiwan's economy to be more competitive and our democracy stronger, we need to build a military capable of safeguarding the country and maintaining peace. We should also help shape friendly regional environment by making meaningful contribution to international affairs. Needless to say, a critical component is a need to maintain a peaceful and stable relationship with China. Own defence. To be a reliable partner on regional security, it is my firm belief that proper investment in credible deterrence is the key. In light of the increasing military and security threat that Taiwan faces, developing a symmetric capability, capabilities that involve enhanced military relations with friendly forces, well-trained military personnel in a modern force structure, and acquisition of necessary defence equipment are essential components of our determined strategy. The transition to a voluntary military force has its challenges. I am committed to securing the resources necessary to provide adequate training and education for the active and reserved forces so that there is not only a high degree of professionalism among the services, but also a quality connection between the military service and job careers. It is important that male-to-male relations with the U.S. continue to intensify in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act and mutual security interests in the region. Taiwan is and will continue to be a reliable partner of the U.S. in ensuring peace and stability in the region. We must also work closely with our American friends, not only in deterring traditional threats and coercion, but also in jointly dealing with other non-traditional security threats such as cyber security. In addition to foreign acquisition of defence systems and platforms, I am committed to make more investments in indigenous defence programs, including research and development to meet our long-term defence needs. These investments will eventually produce multiplied benefits in Taiwan's economy. It is investment in defence and economy at the same time for the long haul. Taiwan and its people have a special political, security, economic and cultural bond with the United States because of our shared value and shared interests, but Taiwan should not take the relationship for granted. I will ensure that Taiwan works together with the U.S. to advance our common interests. Taiwan's international support can be obtained by making ourselves a reliable partner and by having a proactive diplomatic agenda for peace. Under the current situation, Taiwan will be able to participate in the international exchange program. Taiwan will be able to participate in the exchange program, which Taiwan might watch. Taiwan will meaningfully participate and contribute, provided that it is not discriminated against in international projects such as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. Medical assistance and joint efforts in central Taiwan. I would like to expand its operation so that it becomes an international training centre. I will also seek to work closely with the U.S. on counterterrorism, modelling on the continuous security initiatives and megaport initiatives, and share this experience with any neighbouring country. The former DPP administration established the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy and the NGO committee in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And this is to advance our democratic values and meaningful participation in international affairs. Their work will be re-germanated if we have a chance to return to office. Making contributions, becoming a reliable partner, will be the spirit of the new DPP administration in the pursuit of international participation. Now on cross-strait, I am also committed to a consistent, predictable and sustainable relationship with China. Cross-strait relations must be considered in the long-term context. Since Taiwan's democratisation, we have had free, democratically elected presidents and a strong social will forged by numerous democracy movements. Freedom and democracy are values deeply ingrained in the hearts of the Taiwanese people. The president, elected by the people of Taiwan, represents all the people of Taiwan in conducting external affairs. Therefore, the conduct of cross-strait policy must transcend the position of a political party and incorporate different views. A leader must take into account public consensus when making decisions. We do have a broad consensus in Taiwan that is maintenance of the status quo. I have articulated and reiterated my position of maintaining the status quo in the previous months, as I believe this serves the best interests of all parties concerned. Therefore, if elected, I will push for peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations in accordance with the will of the Taiwanese people and the existing ROD constitutional order. The two sides of the Taiwan Strait should treasure and secure the accumulated outcomes of more than 20 years of negotiations and exchanges. These accumulated outcomes will serve as a firm basis of my effort to further the peaceful and stable development of cross-strait relations. I will also push for the legislation of cross-strait agreement oversight field to establish a comprehensive set of rules for overseeing the cross-strait exchanges and negotiations. The cross-strait agreements which are currently under negotiation or legislative review will be reexamined and further negotiated according to the new rules. Last but most importantly, I will also strengthen our democratic institutions and uphold the rights of the people to decide their future free of coercion. While I advocate for constructive exchanges and dialogues with China, I will ensure the process is democratic and transparent and that the economic benefits are equitably shared. In conclusion, I would like to say this. Taiwan stands as a juncture of history and culture when people in many Asian countries are still suffering from authoritarianism. We in Taiwan are immensely proud of our democracy and cherish our heart-earned social and political rights and individual freedom, together with the rights of civil society and freedom of choice. As Asia faces rising nationalism, irredentism and threat of military conflict, we intend to engage in proactive peace diplomacy that foresters peace and stability with the spirit of giving and sharing. When globalization causes economic turbulence, brings unsustainable results in resources and leaves great disparities and injustice, particularly to the younger generations. We in the DPP are ready to undertake a new model of economic development, which aims at building a new economy based on innovation, employment and distribution, as well as to implement a community-based social safety net to complement the traditional family-based care system. These will serve as an important basis for innovation, sustainability, distribution and social justice. In summary, we are crafting a model of new Asian value in Taiwan to serve as an example and inspiration to others. With this new Asian value, we are ready to light up Taiwan, light up Asia. Thank you very much. Good to see you. Is it all right now? Is that good? Welcome, everyone. It's good to see you here. And thanks to CSIS and Bonnie for setting it up. Dr. Sai, welcome to Washington. So we're going to begin with just some conversation between us. Again, it's great to see you here in person. So I know you've had some meetings here in Washington with friends and officials. I wonder if you could characterize them. Were you satisfied with the discussions robust? How did you feel? Well, in general, we have good meetings. We convey our messages and we listen to what people and friends here have to say and what suggestions that they want to make. So in general terms, I think this is a good opportunity to come to Washington, D.C. to talk to people who care about Taiwan. Great. We're thrilled to see you here as well. So obviously, a strong, robust dialogue with the United States is essential. I'm curious if you could report to us a little bit about the kinds of discussions and dialogues that you and your colleagues have had and will continue to have across the Taiwan Straits with China. Are you satisfied with the discussions? Do you feel like you have a sense of how the Chinese government is viewing developments on Taiwan? What would you like to see going forward? Well, firstly, of course, this is a very complex relationship that we are faced with. And we are not the only player in that relationship. You have China. You have us. And you also have other countries in the region who all have an interest in a peaceful and stable relationship in that part of the world. So I guess we have that responsibility to contribute to the peaceful and stable relationship across the Taiwan Straits. So I have said this several times. And this has been our consistent tradition that will make our efforts. And this is our goal. And I think this serve the best interests of all the parties involved that a peaceful and stable relationship serve is the most important thing for Asia and for Taiwan and for China as well. As Asia is going to experience a lot of changes and challenges and what we need is a stable environment so that we can concentrate on the challenges we'll be facing. Great. Thank you. So in your speech, you had some very good words about how to perfect the democracy in Taiwan. And I think the fact is that we all celebrate this open, free and fair elections. And as you pointed out, we're now heading into a set of circumstances where that is almost taken for granted. It's also the case, not just in Taiwan, but in other countries in Asia, certain aspects of democracy are under enormous pressure. You see it in Thailand and some places in Northeast Asia. I'm curious, you talk about strengthening your democracy. I think it's undeniable that Taiwan is one of the most deeply divided societies in Asia. How would you recommend going about addressing some of these very profound divisions between the parties and the people in a way that leads to a more unified identity? I think the first and most important thing is that the government has to be prepared to be open and transparent in terms of the government's policy that concerns the general public there. And also the public need to be given an opportunity to participate in the decision-making process as well. And what is also important in a democratic society is the quality and the amount of the NGOs and the civil society. If you have enough amount of NGOs and more quality NGOs, they are very important tools in terms of facilitating the communication between the government and the general public. And therefore I will come up with a policy to encourage the establishment of all sorts of NGOs so that they will be in a position to bridge the gap between the government and the general public. And they may serve as communication channels too. And also in terms of social forces, I think after the Sun-Fu movement there is a rise of the third forces in Taiwan. And I tend to think this is a good development in the sense that the public awareness has been increased as a result and people generally want to participate in the decision-making process, especially policies that affect likely who and their future as well. So I am actually to a certain extent excited that the people in Taiwan nowadays are more ready and more willing to participate. So this is your second time running for the presidency. What did you take from your last campaign? What would you do differently? What will you do differently? And how has the political process changed just in these last few years? Well, the environment today is very different from that in 2011 and 2012. But despite the differences, I tend to think we have a pretty decent campaign in 2011 and 2012, primarily because we ran a campaign with limited resources and we have a large number of people helping us in terms of making small donations and they come up and help in whatever way they can help us. So I thought it was a pretty exciting campaign that we had last time. But this time, of course, the situation is very different and also we have a longer period of time to get ourselves prepared and have better communication with our friends here and in other places so that our intentions will not be distorted, our intentions will not be misunderstood and therefore I think in general terms our communication with our friends outside and also with people, the general public at home is much better and as a result we are building this sort of trust we need when we run a government. So I think this time we stand a better chance to win. Got to be optimistic in politics if there's one thing we know about that. So, Dr. Tsai, let me ask you about this. So I'd be curious about your views about the role of gender in your politics and more generally. You know, sometimes women candidates speak about their gender and about particularly what they bring to the race and sometimes they don't and I've looked at a lot of your speeches and discussions. You don't discuss it very much, a little bit, but you talk more about policies, economic views. I'd be curious, tell us a little bit about what you think it means to have a woman running for president in Taiwan and what's different about your candidacy with respect to gender. Well, gender used to be a barrier of some sort for women to overcome when they want to be in politics but today in Taiwan the situation is somewhat different for women who want to participate in elections and get elected. I think in general terms there is a preference for women candidates nowadays, not to the level of the president but anything below the presidential election if you have a woman candidate preferably younger, better educated you get overwhelming preference from the voters. But this time the Taiwan public has to face this test that is whether they can accept a woman leader as president of the country. Of course there are some people in Taiwan who are still rather traditional have some hesitation to consider a woman leader but among the younger generation I think the young people are generally excited about this idea of having a woman to lead the country. They thought this was rather trendy. So overall you get a balance there. So if you ask me whether gender is something that is advantageous or disadvantageous to my candidacy I think it's okay. But for Taiwanese people actually they are faced with a very serious test next year that is whether we are advanced and civilized enough to accept a woman leader. So you've spoken specifically about your approach to cross-strait relations and I'm sure we'll have more questions and discussions about this but I wonder if you could say a few words about other countries. You've talked about China and the United States. Taiwan has a myriad of relationships across Asia and elsewhere. Which relationships are you looking to which would you propose to build stronger dynamics or engagement with either trade or political if you were elected president beyond the cross-strait relationship? I think the countries in Asia are our priorities. I think Asia is going to have a lot of changes. Are there any particular questions? With these changes there are a lot of opportunities and we would of course like to explore these opportunities and possibilities and therefore I would say Japan is a country that has a long-term relationship with us and the bilateral trade and flow of personnel is increasing because we now have this rather convenient arrangement to travel between the two places. The other place, I'm naming specific countries but I'm running the rest of authentic others but the other group of countries that we want to have closer relationship with is the ASEAN countries because we'd like to have more trade with them and we also want to have investment opportunities explored there. The fact that we have a lot of immigrants from Southeast Asia I actually think that this is our asset because they will eventually help establish our connection with the ASEAN countries and I see a lot of opportunities there and we of course want to explore these opportunities as much as possible. Great. Let me ask you turning our attention a little bit to the South China Sea you will have seen that our Secretary of Defense was recently in Singapore for the Shangri-La Dialogue and gave some quite specific suggestions about the continuation of the American approach about freedom of navigation peaceful resolution of disputes and the like. Clearly we're heading into a period where there's likely to be greater tension in the South China Sea. What is Taiwan's view of this? What's your role? And how do you walk the type in the years ahead here? Well, perhaps I should remind you that we are not Taiwan yet we're still the opposition party. But as far as our position is concerned we should get ourselves prepared to work with all the parties involved and have an interest in that part of the world. So I think we're ready to talk to anybody and explore all sorts of possibilities. The most important thing is that we will follow international law and the relevant UN conventions and the most important thing as you say is to make sure that this free navigation will not be a factor as a result of this conflict or differences among different countries in that region. So I think again the best way to resolve conflicts of this kind is diplomacy and peaceful means. So you focus a lot in your speech about the concept of the status quo and it's clearly probably there's no other relationship in the world in which the concept of the status quo is so important. Do you believe in the current environment that the United States, China and Taiwan have roughly the same definition of what comprises the status quo? Well, what do you consider that a good question? It's a softball. I'm sure China, the US and us may have different interpretations of that term but I'm pretty sure despite we may have differences in interpreting that term we should all agree that maintaining a peaceful and stable relationship across the Taiwan Strait serves the interests of everybody and whatever interpretation of that term this should be part of that interpretation. So I do want to ask just a couple more questions before turning over to Bonnie. You lead out a pretty ambitious domestic agenda as well and I think sometimes American friends focus maybe just only on one dimension of the relationship but you talked about transitioning, really transforming Taiwan more towards an innovation society. You must be aware that many Asian states have tried to make that transition and have really been challenged by it. I'd be curious if you could just quickly lay out what do you think in terms of education, government intervention, what investment, what are the key features of a successful innovation economy? Well, I think the business culture has to be changed. People generally think that failure is a bad thing. I think failure is not necessarily a bad thing. It's actually a good thing. When you're facing, you're trying to build a new company, new industry and inevitably you will be facing a lot of risk and so failure is a necessary thing to happen but in Asian countries they don't take failure well and they thought that this is something they don't like and try to avoid and if they failed in a particular thing they feel frustrated and they feel that this is something that is not positive but that is something in the Asian culture but if you go to Silicon Valley to talk to people there the lesson one I learned from them is that failure is a good thing. So the business culture has to be changed and secondly you have to change the infrastructure, particularly the infrastructure because we have been an industrial country, manufacturers of industrial products for a long time for five or six decades so all our legal infrastructure structures were built at a time when we were producing a lot of industrial products. So this innovation-based economy is a completely different thing. So you have to change the whole legal infrastructure to suit the needs of an innovation-based economy. So that is a massive exercise. That is to have a comprehensive examination of your legal infrastructure and to rebuild something that suits an innovation-based economy. So in any line of work you have people you look up to and you kind of model. When I was a diplomat I had people that I'd look at either historically or in more recent times and think God I'd like to try to be a little bit more like that person or admire the way they do business. As a leader as you either look in your own political backyard or around the world give me a couple of leaders that you look at and say I really admire that person and I really think what that person brings to the table or what they've achieved is important and I'd like to emulate some of that. Well many people would expect me to answer that question with this lady Mrs. Tatcher. Not quite what I was thinking but yeah okay. But I was reminded by many of the supporters perhaps that she is not a model for us she was a conservative leader and we are a democratic party. So I have to look for another one. So somebody else suggested this German Prime Minister. Merkel. Yes I like her a lot and she can be a model but we are in a situation actually a bit different. No very different from the Germany. So whether it is a model for me to follow I should say yes. But there are the not necessarily the women politicians that I like a lot and I learn a lot from them and I would like to name this lady who you may not consider her as a political leader but her professionalism the way she deal with difficult issues have enlightened me a lot and in particular in the 1990s and I'm talking about this former U.S.T. of Bashafsky. That's very gracious yeah she's on the board here. No no no I haven't finished yet. Yep. Well yes I never asked for taking pictures with anybody but she just visits Taipei and I specifically asked for a picture with her so I have a lot of respect and I learned a lot from her in the 1990s and there's another lady though which who you may know already that is our Kaohsiung City Mayor Chen Ji she was a revolutionary but she wants a place so well that she earns everybody's respect in Taiwan so I learned a lot from her too. Thank you. I'm going to ask one last question but I want you to come up and get ready so you've talked about characteristics of political leaders as you look across the Taiwan Strait and we've now had a couple of years to observe President Xi Jinping what do you see in him as a leader do you see him as a continuity or a different kind of Chinese leader how do you interpret him and what do you see in terms of what he brings to China's present and future I understand I have to answer this question very carefully well let me say this he's simply a very determined person and I like the idea of this anti-corruption campaign I think China needs to have housing order and needs a bit of cleanup in that regard and my his courage to do all this and to many observers he seems to be a rather tough person not that prepared to exercise flexibility but as far as Taiwan is concerned I think he is someone among the Chinese leaders who probably know Taiwan better because of his experience as the governor of Fujian province so I hope that with his better understanding of the situation in Taiwan and also his understanding of Taiwan as a democracy and he is in a position to exercise more flexibility when we're facing the differences between us good thank you very much let's Bonnie, why don't you take a few questions we've got about 15 minutes left so please Bonnie thank you so much Dr. Tai, Dr. Campbell for a really terrific discussion so I'm going to pick out a question or a couple from the audience I'd appreciate if you would wait until the microphone comes identify yourself keep your question very very short very pointed well I don't mind long questions so I get to answer it in short let's get a choose Bonnie here over here yes you wait for the microphone please and identify yourself so Dr. Tai, I came to America two years ago from Taiwan from Kaohsiung and so I got a more domestic question so like President Ma in his administration he wants to push some legislations but most of his legislations are still lying on the legislative ran and if you became the next president become the next president of our country like how will you make sure your party follows your goals and your minds and so to pass important legislations and don't let them still lay in the legislative ran thank you well of course the most important thing for the coming elections is that we have to secure enough legislative seats in order to get majority there so we get to have the opportunity to form the legislative agenda to suit our policy goals so we do whatever we can to get as many seats as possible and secondly what I want to do no matter whether we have a majority in the legislature or not what I want to do is I want to share information with the opposition I want to discuss issues with the opposition so that and we share credit with the opposition so that it's a process of identifying common interests for the country and therefore I want to make the legislative process more sensible by being cooperative and thirdly I want to have good communication with the public I want to make my intention known to the public and listen to what they have to say about particular policies so that I will have a good support from the society in general so when facing different opinions in the legislature the social force can get involved and try to balance the different political forces in the legislature so if I can align myself with the social forces we can get the greatest support from Taiwan society for any particular agenda items great woman in front over here wait for the microphone please thanks for your speech and your discussion Jennifer Chen reported with Shenzhen Media Group China you said you will maintain the status quo in the cross street relationship does the status quo including admitting the 1992 consensus like Ma Indio did and Taiwan's current authority declares its support of one China principle what's your position on that thank you so much thank you for that question I think my speech has anticipated that question so I think I have answered all the questions in my speech if you don't mind you can go back and read that more carefully okay David Brown David Brown from Johns Hopkins welcome thank you for your remarks in talking about cross-strait relations she emphasized the importance of maintaining peaceful stable relations which of course is an American interest there's a great gap between your party's view of cross-strait relations and those of Beijing and so many of us have been looking for the possibility of that gap being bridged in some fashion so that dialogue can continue in your remarks about cross-strait relations if I recall them correctly you said you want to maintain stable cross-strait relations on the basis of the existing constitutional arrangement you're a lawyer and I'm sure you use those words carefully what did you mean by them the term I use is existing constitutional order I have to okay I'll give you a professor's answer to the definition of that term constitutional order which covers the provision of the constitution itself subsequent amendments interpretations court decisions based on these provisions and practices by different divisions of the government and different sectors of the population here so anything that is related to the constitution and the interpretation and practice it's part of that constitutional order okay, woman in the back with the pink jacket thank you Chairwoman Tsai I'm retouching from Central News Agency sorry about that I need to ask regarding the 1992 consensus again because I don't hear that you mentioned about the 1992 consensus during your speech I just wonder how will you maintain the status quo and does DPP accept the 1992 consensus if DPP doesn't accept the 1992 consensus what is your plan A or plan B to replace it thank you well again let me suggest you to go back and read my speech very carefully it was the points I was trying to make in my speech so please okay, over here please wait for the microphone nice to see you Dr. Tsai I'm the John Hopkins University and my question is what's the relationship between your statement of maintaining the cross-strait status quo and DPP's Taiwan independence clause okay, in Chinese what's the relationship between your statement of maintaining the cross-strait status quo and DPP's Taiwan independence clause right believe or not I have anticipated your question as well the answer is all there all right we're going to take one last question over here woman in the gray wait for the microphone please thank you thank you for your speech I'm Zhao Yingfeng from Ward Journal you talk about building up Taiwan's military capability and achieving a peaceful cross-strait relations I wonder are they compatible and how would you communicate with Beijing that you are committed to a peaceful relationship if you're building up the military capability also last night the ambassador from China to the US Ambassador Tui Tiankai has made a comment on your visit he said instead of talking to the Americans why don't you pass the test of the 1.3 billion people in mainland China first what would you reply to that thank you oh this is a press question I think the ambassador has said things he needs to say in his position so I have no further comment on that on what is your first issue military capability the military capability we're trying to build is defence in nature we don't intend to build a military capability of a defensive nation so that is pretty consistent with our goal to establish a stable and peaceful relationship with China well if there's a world as a way I'm sure China feels there's a need to talk to us the same applies to us we feel there's a need to talk to them so if again there's a world as a way well I think we've just about run out of time we will be posting Dr. Tsai's speech on our website so you can go back and study it carefully I want to thank you all for coming please join me in thanking Dr. Tsai