 So we are again joined by Prabir. Prabir, recently Amit Shah has given a commit that this victory will give new direction to the government. So my question is based on that. I mean, what direction is Amit Shah referring to? Because if we look at the BGP government, it has been ferociously following the RSS agenda. So, a majority in Rajasthanam, which way is the government moving towards? I think the first issue really is, this means that you are going to see the majority after the next round of Rajasthanam elections. So for the first time, after the 2014 elections, BGP is going to control both the houses, which today till date they did not. Once they control the Rajasthanam, that means they have the ability to change laws. So we will have to see what are the laws that they start to change, the checks and balances that the Rajasthanam provided till now. Here we go. We can try and see whether, for instance, we get a constitution, legal provisions are introduced for counter-protection, for bidding, for instance, export of meat, all this kind of issues which have been raised in the elections, so-called pink flag, etc., etc., might come back. And then the follow-up would be that interference in the way we live, eat and so on. So this is a clear threat that exists. The second threat would be to education. Obviously the education has been under attack. The university spaces have been under attack. We have seen what is happening first in the universities, second in the university, followed by what happened last year in Balaner University, and now in Delhi University. And this would be the pattern in the number of universities. I think those who now be aided by what the central government is going to do in terms of the education ministry, UGC and so on, it means also holds in possibilities of change of syllabus, etc. So I think that's the second part of the arms law we would like you to see. The third is that in terms of whatever the public sector has had, the role it has played, all of that can be weakened because now they really are going to hold unframing powers as well. So I think these are the immediate threats. There could be other threats as well. But I do see that there is today going to be no checks on the legal power that the government wields, which earlier was provided by the fact that there would not change the laws. Do you have anything to say on the Raman temple? Well, that's an UP issue, but you must remember that the Raman temple issue was more about demolition of the Babi Basjid. And that was the real venom that it provided, that we have to destroy what is what they call a mankatratik, a sign of our importance as it was at that time. So I think the issue was really mobilizing hatred. Rather than the Raman temple itself, as we have seen, most demolition of the Babi Basjid, they have never been able to whip up any passion for the Raman temple. Yes, they may go ahead, build something on the other, but that is not a mobilizing plan. We have seen that what a sounding defeat BJP faced in Bihar due to the tyranny. If you look at the whole share of BSP, SPN Congress together, it's more than 50%. Do you think there are chances of such grand alliances in 2019 elections? And if yes, then what are the limits of such alliances? Let's put it this way, the grand alliance assumes there is some commonality of politics. If the commonality of politics is not there, then it is difficult to stitch together such an alliance. And also, given the past constituency, the past elector, the kind of politics that both SP and BSP have played, and the kind of constituencies they have, I don't think that's an easy alliance to forge for a six-new. I would say we have to take a state-by-state look at what are the possible alliances. I do not see a grand alliance at all in the 11th year. Partly because I believe that opposition to BJP has to be a political opposition, it cannot be an opportunistic alliance of all opposition parties trying to come together, but that doesn't provide a positive political platform. Ruby, so, knowing the limits of the identity politics, what transformative agenda, what is that transformative agenda that can contain BJP's incredible rise that we have seen? What's the way ahead for that? Let's put it this way, when we talk about the BJP's rise, let's also put it, for a long time, the same platform was contained on defeat. It was defeated in the National Movement where Hindu nationalism was a platform that the BJP put up. The RSS had put forward, that was the Hindu nationalist agenda they had put forward, and for a good 60 years after independence also they didn't really get traction. The communal politics, which is what the Hindu nationalist agenda is supposed to be, what it is, that started gaining traction only when the columnists vacated what I will call the economic nationalism space, which is the basis of the Indian National Movement and also what we saw later as the development of what is called the Nehrubian state, which is really building a relatively more autonomous economic space for itself, of course the big two shows you as well. So I think we need to really reflect on what kind of nationalism BJP is building and can it be contested on the basis of what was called neoliberalization or an economic agenda of untrammel import of foreign capital into India and really try to integrate with global capital. I think that agenda we have to examine. I would say on one hand we have to look at the economic agenda itself, what it meant, what it means today, and we have to talk about the class agenda that if we want to unite the poor sections of the people who are Muslims, who are Dalits, if we try to unite them on the basis of identities, you get a BSP, you get an SP, you can get different kinds of parties, but you are not going to get something which brings everybody together. If we have to defeat the BJP, we need to get those sections who are really being today increasingly impoverished, who are really being made relatively much more poor. If we want to get them together, we need to transform the agenda, which arises beyond identities. I think it can help a few people, as we have seen, it helps in that section, but it doesn't help the communities as a whole. It is not that the Dalits have benefited out of BSP, some sections have. And I think that kind of transformative politics, neither the SP or the BSP can go forward, and it really depends on how this transformative agenda is put. But the Dalits, the poor peasantry, the landless labour, the artisans, which is what the Dalit communities and the peasant communities represent, how do you bring them together with the working class politics, and how you can transform, therefore, an India which empowers the people, really gives power to the poor and takes away the power from the rich. And essentially a redistribution of wealth is the transformative agenda But with the rise of BJP in the country, we have to look at the global context also. We have seen rise of right-wing politics across the world, the US, Brexit, France, Turkey. We have seen a mix of nationalism, religious identities, and corporate nexus, which is developing and it's growing very fast in different countries. How do you place it? Why is it happening and what's the way forward to counter it? Again, the analysis of the crisis of what I would say is neoliberalism, must be also coupled with the crisis of what I would call liberalism. Neoliberalism grew out of a crisis of the state itself. The state which was seen by both liberal, bourgeois liberal parties, social democracy, and the left, the working class parties, the communist parties, as an instrument of redistribution, neoliberalism started by attacking this concept of state itself. Now that legitimization of the state as an instrument of redistribution has proceeded to the extent, even if neoliberalism has run out of steam, which it has right now economically, the de-legitimization of the state still continues. So you are seeing therefore the rise of a Trump-like phenomenon, a billionaire, who is, the people are not bothered about the fact that there is a billionaire, but is promising to curb the so-called Washington Beltway. So this is one part of it. The second is, you have seen also the rise of larger forces, which are not now just pure German nationalist, French nationalist, English nationalist, or American nationalist, but they are really xenophobic, white nationalism, and therefore anti-Muslim. It is an interesting issue that you are seeing the rise of imperial powers, whose earlier demand was that we shall go and conquer the rest of the world, and they must open their doors to us. Now say we need to have barricades, preventing Muslims from coming in, immigrants from coming in. By the way, a lot of the Modi-Bhakts love Trump, and they think that he is a great guy because he is a white nationalist, and therefore an alliance with a Hindu nationalist. Well, Barron's one of his famous books is by a French author, who shows how Indians can come into various places, can flood white countries, and looks upon Indians as completely dirty. In fact, he calls them dirty. The French author who Barron is in love with, and as you know he is one of the chief ideologues of the Trump administration. So we are into that kind of situation where white nationalism is in fact super-national in terms of European and American identities, and it's really against the rest of the world. But we are also seeing the crisis of what I would call the humanist values of liberal values, which is what the Bush was he represented at one point of time. In his fall, which it is at the moment, what you see is really the worst kind of things coming out. And here is the resonance that here is why they seem to have no love for the brown races, that they consider Indians to be, as I said, dirty and so on, dirty, all the negative aspects that you would think of. Some of our people would like to identify with them. That's what I got to be you have. But it is the larger issue really of attack on the state. Untrammel capitalism, untrammel greed begin to shine at the core of these political forces. And I think that's the issue built on hatred and greed as the elements. So I think this is not a stable long-term phenomenon and we have to see how we can bring the resistance to it. Thanks for being with us this time.