 Prime Minister of Qatar, Monsieur le Ministre d'affaires étrangères, anciens premiers ministres de la République Française, Excellences, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, now I am going to switch to French, to the French language. So I hope that the simultaneous translation is going to work well, and I am sure. So please show me when it seems to work. Of course there are those who can speak all languages. It seems to work? Yes? The 9th edition of the World Policy Conference begins 12 days after the election of the 45th President of the United States. The result of this election has stupefied the world. It is that the world, started by the elite as American as European, blinded by certifications, was not psychologically ready for the success of Donald Trump. These elites, to whom the vast majority of the media such as commentators and Western researchers have not been able to interpret the deep forces that, yet, for years in the United States, have been crossing as well the Democrats as the Republicans. For them, neither Bernie Sanders, nor Donald Trump really represented their America, those of Harvard and Washington, or even Hollywood. Their arrival to power was simply inconceivable. As most of us, I have always admired the attachment of the American people to a constitution that is even the strongest identity sign. What is worrying today is less the result of the election of November 8 than the often degrading level of the electoral campaign that preceded it. It is also that the system has allowed the victory of a personality without the slightest political experience. It is the possibility that Americans could be doubted by their institutions. We are not yet there, but some are talking about a crisis of democracy in the first world power. This crisis, only waiting until the defeat of Hillary Clinton, is not only American. It is Western, if not by Western, the part of the world, mainly in Europe and North America, which was most influenced by the period of light and which engendered the ideal of liberal democracy. For a long time, liberal democracy appeared a necessary condition for the long-term success of economic and social development. This perception is now misaligned. The ideal of liberal democracy inspires less and less the rest of the world since the failures of the post-Soviet transition and the very badly named Arab Spring. This is a reality that must be looked at in the face. This is not only a question of geopolitics. Liberal globalization has brought immense benefits to the whole planet. For example, the Chinese are the first to recognize them for what concerns them. But these benefits are not well distributed and the ravages of poverty and destructions are also globally extended, including in the United States or in Europe. The anger against inequalities, against the explosion of inequalities, the unexpected revenues or corruption are a general phenomenon that greatly contributes to the rejection of elites. This is not a coincidence. If the rise of illiberal democracies frequently accompanies devices of struggle against corruption. Faced with this little-contestable diagnosis, we Westerners are less well placed than ever to give lessons to the rest of the world, even if we have the right and, in my opinion, the duty to defend our values and correct our mistakes. The risk has become serious that the populist drift of democracies does not lead to the rise of nationalism, therefore to the rejection of the other and to the return of a process of political and economic fragmentation of the world. The history of the 20th century must keep us against the devastating consequences of such a process. Thus, it seems indispensable to me to resist the protectionist temptation. The objective of the liberalization of exchanges must be pursued on a basis of reciprocity and by putting in place compensation policies designed for the long-term for the benefit of the lost parties. This is not only a question of morality. The economic and social disintegration is the most fundamental cause of uncontrolled migrations, waves of refugees and terrorism. The compensation of the lost should also become a common, fundamental objective for international politics. The difficulties for the latter are considerable. I will add in the same spirit that the European integration must continue. We must take note, we must take action from Brexit and take the lessons positively. The deepening of European construction is a fundamental question for the Europeans themselves, but also for the whole world, which would dramatically suffer from a return to the latter, as it would also suffer from any sudden jump in other parts of the world. I typically think of China. A multipolar world must rest on strong and cooperative regional entities. Still, we must not forget the lessons of the tragedies of the 20th century. The continuation of European construction is much more important than the future of the latter. During the electoral campaign, the candidate Donald Trump shocked the transatlantic elites by qualifying them from the U.S. However, in 1991, the fall of the Soviet Union, the question of the survival of the Atlantic Alliance to the disappearance of the conditions it had been born, was asked. Whatever we think of the causes of the degradation of the relations of the Western countries with Russia since the beginning of the militant extension of the Alliance to the East, it was obvious that the geostrategic issues had changed in nature for the United States and that sooner or later, this would appear on the big day. The candidate Trump has entangled the small community of the thinkers of the Otanesc strategy by brutally raising the problem. The President, Trump, will certainly deal with it with more support than in his campaign speeches, but we have little chance to see him take back the flamboyant of the neo-conservators and point to Russia as the main trumpeter of the planet. All these developments could, and in my opinion, should lead to an update of the European security organization. Among the other major problems, I will still quote the East Asia, while the North Korean leader plays more and more dangerous games, with, as a consequence, a major destabilization of the region. And naturally, the Middle East, whose future may not be founded on solid bases but on the basis of a political agreement between the main powers and, of course, the United States and Russia. It is in the wide sense of Europe, of East Asia or of the Middle East that only viable agreements will be made in the framework of the international law, the United Nations. It is also in this framework that the learning of the planet's management will continue, the land to which we want to believe that President Trump will end up. A quarter of a century after the end of the Cold War, time is no longer dreaming of a naive globalization at the end of history, but it is necessary to learn to live better with real globalization, that is to say, with a degree of interdependence, called to deepen even more considerably, if we judge it by the new waves of technological innovation that are profiling in front of us. As the previous ones, these waves are rich in promises but also in danger. The lack of a sufficiently robust governance to ensure the structural stability of the international system in its entirety. To overcome the inevitable challenges to come and to maintain a reasonably open world, we all have to want to work with each other in listening to and respecting each other. We must resist to the omnipresent temptation to export our ideologies. It is natural that each one defends its domestic interests, but each one must also, without the spirit of conquest, take its part of responsibility in the management of its environment and at the limit of the entire planet. To better understand and share this conviction is the reason behind the World Policy Conference. The program of this ninth edition of the World Policy Conference is particularly focused on the current complexity of the current situation. This year, we are meeting in a region where, for reasons as geopolitical as geopolitical, the future is in the hands of humanity. As founder and chairman of the World Policy Conference, I would like to thank the State of Qatar for having expressed its interest in our work by being our partner for this event. I would like to place it, this event, with the agreement of all of you under the sign of hope. And now it is my great honor and pleasure to leave the floor to His Excellency, the Prime Minister of Qatar. Thank you very much. I would like to thank all of you for being here today. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Now, ladies and gentlemen, this closes the formal opening session of the 9th edition of the WPC. we will take just two or three minutes to allow his excellencies, the Prime Minister, Minister Ero, to leave the room, and then there will be a special address of former Prime Minister of Turkey, Mr. Ahmed Davutoglu. I'm sorry because my Turkish pronunciation is even worse than my Arabic one, but if I may say so, you are very old friend of Ifri, Mr. Prime Minister, so just don't move only those who have to leave the room will leave the room, and then Mr. Ahmed Davutoglu is going to take the floor. Excellencies, thank you so much once again.