 Thank you very much. Thank you very much. I would like to thank the Biennale and Paulo Barata for offering us all together with Arabena the possibility of this year of bridging with Habitat 3. It has never happened in the past and this is an absolute novelty and I would like to express my absolute gratitude for that because I think that that adds a very interesting capital to the debate. I of course will also like my friends Ricky Bardard, Richard Senets, Aske Sassen and all the people of urban age for bridging between Habitat 3, U.N. Habitat, the Biennale and making possible this complex relationship that I hope it will produce interesting ideas. And in that sense also I would like to thank the Alfred Herrhausen Foundation for providing the support for this magnificent occasion. Well, I think that I don't need to speak too much about the case for urban planning. But just to begin with let me provide you with some ideas, let's assume we are working on the assumption that there's a million human settlements in planet Earth. Ok, just for your, because there has been different figures going around, if have a million, 700 million, 2 million, no. We have decided that there's a million human settlements in planet Earth. Of this million in the population, the census population of 2010, there were 4,231 cities of more than 100,000 population in the world. 4,231. From 1 million to 4,000. Ok, those are the cities of over 100,000 population in the census of 2010. Then in order to provide to Habitat III a little bit of facts and figures and if possible representative, UN Habitat, we have team with the NIU, the University of New York with a team of a slow mo angel which is here in the table that he published quite some years ago the first alas of urban extension. And he did these alas of urban extension in collaboration with the United Nations in a sample of cities of this universe of the cities over 100,000. And we have elaborated a renewed sample of this 4,200 cities and this is the sample of 200 cities. We have created a sample of 200 cities. This sample of 200 cities is available to all of you for research. Ok, if you write to UN Habitat, to the global urban observatory, you can use this sample and add layers of information to everything that is done. This sample is stratified by regions, it is stratified by GDP, it has several stratifications in order to increase the representativity of the sample. The cities of more than 100,000 population of the world, they represent 70% of the total urban population. That means that between 4,001 million human settlements is the next 30% of the urbanized population. We are going to elaborate also in the forthcoming years a sample for this 30%. And also we are going to work on this sample and in order to make sure that this sample is keeping its representativeness we are going to provide improvements whenever are needed. But for the first time we are going to have a more objective information about what is happening in the world about urbanization. Because usually we take the most richest city, the most populated cities, we choose one city, we choose another city. Here no, here we choose a sample of cities and then we try to find out what is going on. And what is going on is not very nice, as you can imagine. For example we have done a sub-sample of 30 cities of this sample and we have compared the evolution of urban planning in the last 100 years, 115 years. And what we are seeing is that the part of the planning of urban expansions is diminishing. Contrary to what with the same normal what is happening is that the use of urban planning at the beginning of 19th century every city's tension was planted, most of it was planted. Now at the beginning of the 21th century you see that the planted part of the city is less than 50% and what is emerging is the informally planned or the totally unplanned urbanization. Then urban planning and design contrary to what the common sense will say is going backwards. Why? Probably the explanation for that is because the urban expansions, the growth of urbanization is so fast that the governments they don't have the capacity to anticipate and to plan in advance. Then the actual reality is that the share of urban expansions which are planted is diminishing. Another bad news, the reserve, the amount of land allocated to the street grid is diminishing. At the beginning of the 20th century it was 25% of the land, average of the 200 cities, which doesn't mean that it's the optimal, the optimal you know it's something like 30%, but the average was 25%. And now the average has diminished to 20%, 21%. Then we are advancing with technology, with I don't know, wisdom, everything and the amount of land allocation, common land, common space, the commons allocated to the mobility. Is diminishing, not increasing, diminishing. Well, the land used per capita, we have put here the 200 cities, every bar is one of the 200 cities. The distribution of the land consumption or use per capita, it's very dramatic from nearly 10 meters per capita to 1000 meters per capita. That means that you can urbanize in very different typologies, planet or unplanned. But what is happening is that the use of land to urbanization is growing more rapidly than the urban population. The urban population is exploding, you know that, that we are nearly going to double the urban population in the next 35 years or 50 years, reaching something like 7 billion urban population from the current 3.8 million. But what is happening is that the urban consumption of this urbanization is growing, if the population is growing 100%, the urban land consumption is growing 350%. Why is that, well, you can, you can, you can take your own explanations for what is going, why that is happening. But it's a, it's a very important, it's a very important feature of a problem of the urbanization. It's like the two previous slides, a proof that urban planning is retroceding instead of in advancing. And this is representative of the planet urbanization. This is not just figures from 5 cities or 20 cities. Another thing that will interest very much is Saskian. Saskian, are you here? Yeah, look, look at that, look at this figure. The size of the urban plots are growing as never has happened in past urbanization history. Another proof of poor urban planning. Now we are reaching an average, world average plot size in urban areas of 5.3 hectares. When usually, you know, in Barcelona for example, the average plot is 250 meters. Now, and look what has happened in the last 20 years, if you compare the blue with the green. And that has to do with the ownership of the land. The owners, the new corporate owners, they like big plots. Which is against proper urbanization. Because if you have actors, sorry, 5.3 hectares of average plots, who is going to invest here? The small investor or the investment, urban investment is going to be concentrated in big investors, corporate investors. Again, this is representative of all the cities of more than 100,000 inhabitants in the planet Earth. A very interesting thing that we have found. We have divided the housing typology on four categories. Informal housing, as lambs, which is the first, I don't know, blue color. The second, which is red, is public housing. The third, which is green, is private multi property housing, condominiums or buildings with flats. And the last purple line is single families. And we have divided the cities in four categories of GDP per capita, less than $3,000 per capita, between $3,000 and $8,000, between $8,000 and $20,000 and more than $20,000. Of course, if you look at slams or informal housing, you see that informal housing is 25 of the housing in the cities of less than $3,000 per capita and is nearly zero in over $20,000 per capita. But look at what is happening in single housing. Single housing is very common in very poor countries because of the tradition and the linkage with the land. The people want to touch the land, that they don't socially and culturally they cannot imagine to leave a pilot together in a multi store building. Then we see the condominium on the multi store building climbing and reaching its highest between $8,000 and $200,000, $20,000, sorry. And then a little bit of decline and the huge promotion of single housing again over $20,000 per capita. Another pathology of urbanization which is not sustainable. Then I have been asked to defend, just one minute more, to defend why urban planning and design is needed. I'm just going to talk about the economy, to provoke you that all of you are progressive and left-linered people. I'm going to talk only about money, to offend you. Then most of the urbanization is going to happen in the developing world. I repeat, most of the urbanization, I mean 98% of the urbanization is going to happen in the developing world. And in the developing world, the countries of the developing world, they are less than $3,000 per capita and they need development. Then we need to convince them that it's very important that they do urbanization for a purpose which is related to their objective and this is development. And the reasons to do urban planning that probably you don't consider usually is first to generate economies of aglomeration and second to generate economies of aglomeration, which are fundamental for the growth of the poor countries where most of the urbanization is going to happen. But in order that this happens, they need to focus, they need to take resolute actions in relation to urban planning. And I think that this is what we need to bring to Habitat 3, how can we move the countries and governments of the developing countries to do proper urban planning when the world is not doing it. This is the big challenge of Habitat 3. Thank you.