 Well, good evening everyone. I hope you're all doing well. I know things are difficult at the moment. A lot of things are uncertain. And part of the reason for that uncertainty, of course, is coronavirus. And it's like someone took the world in January and just shook it. Everything is, well, very, very different to this time last year. So what I wanted to do this evening was take you through the Coronavirus Act. Now, this is the legislation that was passed, the emergency legislation that was passed. And it gave absolutely unprecedented power to the government. The problem, I guess, with legislation is that it can sometimes be really difficult to predict how it's going to be interpreted. And when you have judges who are effectively political activists, it may well be interpreted in a way that wouldn't be beneficial to people with my politics, for example. But in any case, it's vague, in other words, and open to great deals of interpretation. And that's always dangerous. It's like the Human Rights Act and the Racism, Religious Hatred Act. Too much in it can be is open to varied interpretation. And so that makes it very powerful. A piece of legislation that is open to wide interpretation is very dangerous from the perspective of the people and very beneficial from the perspective of the powerful. So let's go through it in some detail. I won't read it, don't worry. And I have found rather than go through the act, because the way acts of parliament are written is incredibly tedious and monotonous. And you have to go from here to here and back and back to this section. I did it for years. I spent a bit of a nightmare. So I'll read you a summarised version. I will link to the legislation itself for those who want to read it and read you out some summaries of it. So early on in the legislation is largely about the NHS and mitigating an NHS crisis. And this, of course, was what we were told was the main reason for the lockdown, which was to protect the NHS. So I'll read you how the various sections of it are summarised. So sections two to nine, mitigating NHS staffing shortages. And the act here enables the registration of recently retired health and social care professionals, medical students and people who have recently left us. So essentially what this does is allow for the bringing in of health professionals who are not working. So retired students to help. The volunteering process, essentially that was set up for the NHS, is covered in sections two to nine. Sections 10 and 14 to 17 talk about, again, about the NHS and local authority resources. They are, for example, allow the delayed assessments of a patient's need for ongoing nursing care before discharging. The act eases in exceptional circumstances the requirements on local authorities to conduct a needs assessment. That would be quite significant because local authorities are required to care for the people in their vicinity. And it seems that this has essentially been knocked on the head for the time being. It's quite, if you're an adult in need of care and support from your local authority and they no longer for a period have no obligation to you, that matters quite a lot. Significantly, this is also in the same region of the legislation. The act allows for powers to detain and treat patients for mental health disorders to be implemented using the opinion of fewer medical professionals. A little bit chilling that, actually. Okay, reducing administrative staff or administrative burden on frontline staff is covered in 18 to 21 and 30 to 32, nothing of particular, if you're particularly interested in administration, it's fascinating. But one thing that sticks out and which really is worthy of note and is really quite significant is that the act removes the requirement that any inquests into a death from coronavirus be held with a jury in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. They're removing the requirement for inquests into deaths from coronavirus. Now, this is very worrying. It's worrying because we're not clear on the numbers and we know we've got at least lots of anecdotal evidence that people are described as coronavirus death even when the death was caused by something else. Randomly or willy-nilly handing out coronavirus death when it may or may not have been. And we're knocking on the head again the requirement for an inquest. Now, the numbers are important in all this because the numbers of infections and the number of deaths are what are determining public policy so we need to know what those numbers are. And remember, the advisers have got this rather wrong in the past so we need accurate numbers to know what we're dealing with. And if we are dispensing the requirement for inquests at a time when we would actually need inquests and at a time when we are aware of and concerned about that deaths are not actually coronavirus deaths at all are being recorded as coronavirus deaths and therefore driving up the numbers therefore affecting public policy, this really, really matters. Here's another interesting one. Indemnity. The act enables the Secretary of State and ministers in devolved administrations to provide an indemnity for clinical negligence liabilities from NHS activities. Who's going to pay for the taxpayer? The taxpayer is going to be heavily, heavily burdened in all of this. 58 talks about... I'm not going through this in chronological order. Sections 20 to 23. Modifying requirements under the Investigatory Powers Act. Now, essentially what this does is allow for the recruiting of extra-judicial commissioners. These are people who have to approve investigatory powers and warrants, investigation warrants. And essentially they're allowing for the appointment of more of those on a temporary basis. Another particularly controversial there. Here's one that is slightly controversial though. 24. The act allows the government to extend the period for which fingerprints and DNA profiles may be retained. For up to six months, if the Secretary of State considers that coronavirus is having or is likely to have an adverse effect on the capacity of those responsible for security decisions, and it is in the interest of national security to retain fingerprints and DNA profiles. We already know that the Secretary of State has the immense power to take away our civil liberties and we've never seen it more starkly revealed to us than we have now. We need to reverse all of this at the end of coronavirus and that's the issue. The Secretary of State needs reining in and that's why I have long advocated for a constitution that will not allow the Secretary of State to willy-nilly take away our civil rights or indeed allow the police to retain fingerprints and DNA profiles if it's unnecessarily. You may not be overly concerned about that and perhaps it's not the most concerning thing on there by a long stretch, but all of it just screams police state and that police state may not be easy to get rid of on the other side of this if there is another side of this. I don't know if we're going to have an identifiable other side of this. Here's one that is controversial. Suspending Port Operations, Section 50. The Act provides powers to suspend port operations if shortages in border staff mean there are insufficient resources to secure the border. Wow. Anyone would think by reading that that we had a secure border, that we had a border at all and then even suspending the border force if they don't have sufficient resources to secure the border. This is farcical. We know that the border force has plenty of resources to go out into the English Channel and take illegal immigrants and bring them back to the UK. The very opposite of what they're actually supposed to do. So the whole thing is a farce anyway. It was a farce before coronavirus and it will be a farce after coronavirus. There is no securing of our borders. There is no border. There isn't, despite the rhetoric from what Johnson and Patel, no border. Powers relating to potentially infectious persons. The government has already passed secondary legislation to give public officials in England emergency powers to test, isolate and detain a person where they have reasonable grounds to think the person is infected. The Act puts the powers on a statutory footing and extends them to authorities across the whole UK. Someone who breaches a direction given under these powers commits an offence and is punishable by crime. This is their able to... If they think... This is what I talk about, where they have reasonable grounds to think that a person is infected. So if I cough, they have reasonable grounds to think that I am infected. And knowing who will be applying these laws, a loony left local councils and a complicit police force, a police force that literally gets down on its knees to Black Lives Matter, a communist anarchist group on a mission, a current mission to destroy and dismantle British society. The police get down on their knees to them. This is who will be left to decide what are reasonable grounds. What reasonable grounds they have to detain and test and isolate you. Understand that the police, the police who get on their knees to Black Lives Matter, the same police have the power to test, isolate and detain you if they have reasonable grounds to think you are infected. Take that in and absorb the enormity of it. Powers regarding public gatherings and premises. The act gives ministers, including in devolved administrations, the power to restrict or prohibit gatherings or events and the power to close or restrict access to premises. We have never, perhaps, certainly not for a long time, not since I can remember with the dismantling of our culture and society that's going on now while our government watches. We've never needed more to be able to gather, to meet, to discuss. We've never needed our recreation more either because it's a really, really difficult time and normally in Britain we like to let down our hair with our friends. We like to go and see a film or have a meal or go to the pub. Our recreation has been cut off from us as well and the ministers have the power to close out gatherings, events and restrict access to premises or close them. Now, the minister can only use this power if they have made an official declaration that the virus constitutes a serious and imminent threat to public health and that using the powers would either help to control the transmission of the virus. I would facilitate the most appropriate deployment of emergency resources. Once again, this is, we have no power in all of this. The civil, there's no civil rights. There are no civil rights in any of this legislation. All this legislation does is remove civil rights and take all of our individual power away and place it in the hands of government and devolve ministers and local councils and police, all of whom have the discretion to decide whether or not to allow you to do basic everyday things we took for granted not six months ago here in the UK. It is up to the very people that we are opposing, the up to the very people who are taking our liberties away to decide when to give them back. This is total control by the government. So, where are we? I'm just going to go through some of the least contentious ones. A couple of things regarding differences in Scotland. I'll go through schools. Schools are covered in 37, 38. The Act gives ministers, including in the devolved administrations, the power to require the temporary closure of a school or registered health care or registered childcare provider. Again, it's just immense, immense power in the hands of the government. Absolutely no recourse, nothing. There's no checks and balances in here. There's no ability for the people to hold local authorities to account, for example. There are no civil liberties. It's the only way I can describe it. And it's a glaring removal of civil liberties section after section after section and nothing in there to reassure us that we still have some ability to challenge, for example. So, if the police erroneously punish us, if the police interpret this stuff all too widely for their own political agenda, their own political beliefs and interpret as they do with legislation, there's no protection is what I'm trying to say. There's no protection at all in here. There's no signposting to protection. For example, you have no liberty. You have no liberty. You have no liberty. It's immense, intense, complete, unlimited power in the hands of the established state and nothing in there giving us a recourse for misuse of this legislation. There's been an expansion in technology in court. You can already use a technology in court for vulnerable witnesses to give testimony. For example, this is now obviously been expanded so that anyone really can video link. Statutory stick pay. The Act enables the government to make regulations to allow certain employers to reclaim the cost of providing statutory stick pay to their employees for COVID-19 related absences. Fairly uncontroversial there, except for the fact that, of course, even greater strain on the public pause. Rules preventing those in receipt of NHS pensions returning to work will be suspended. That's, again, fairly uncontroversial. Let me move down a little bit. The May 2020 elections. The Act postpones elections during May 2020 for local councillors, mayors of local and combined authorities, police commissioners, the mayor of London and the London Assembly until May 2021. Again, seems uncontroversial, but we have to make sure they don't extend this. What if we're extended again? What if when we get to May 2021 it's still unsafe and the minister responsible deems it unsafe because all of the power here is in the hands of ministers? While that's usually the case, we also have recourse. We have avenues for misuse. This isn't in here. And we've got to make sure and why I say we've got to make sure we get all these freedoms back at the end of this. If there is an end to this, this is one. This is one we have to keep a very, very, very close eye on and make sure we don't have indefinite extensions of elections because things are happening in our country right now. Enormous things. And our way of fighting back is the ballot box. They can't take the ballot box away from us. I really think this one has to be watched very, very closely to make sure they don't kick elections down the road, even further. So all elections, as a further, it goes on to say that the act also postpones any by-elections to local authorities, Westminster, devolved legislatures or other electoral events until May 2021. Keep a very, very close eye on that. Power to turn provisions on and off. This allows UK ministers, in some cases, ministers of the devolved administrations, to make regulations to turn some measures in the act on and off as needed. How about that for power? Ministers may make different regulations for different purposes or areas. Many measures, including powers related to potentially infectious people and to limit events and gatherings, cannot be turned on and off in this way. So they specify the powers that can't be turned on and off, but there are still powers that need, and they don't specify which powers can be turned on and off. It doesn't, for example, say that calling elections is in the remit of things that cannot be turned on and off. I can't get across to you quite what a power grab this is. This is unlimited power. How long will measures last for? Most of the act will stop having effect two years after its past. Some provisions, including certain provisions relating to the emergency registration of health professionals and indemnity of health service activity, do not expire after two years. Following government amendments in the Commons, MPs will have an opportunity to express a view on the continued operation of the act's temporary provisions every six months. Every six months, a minister must, as far as is practicable, make arrangements for MPs to vote to keep the provisions of the act in force. If MPs are able to vote and vote to stop against keeping the provisions of the act, I assume that stop shouldn't be there. Vote against keeping the provisions of the act in force. The government must make regulations to prevent provisions having effect within 21 days. MPs will only be able to vote on the continuation of the powers if Parliament is sitting. If they are not able to vote, the powers will remain in force. Do you know, I've never been, I don't believe in conspiracies and I don't believe in a conspiracy now either, but this is what conspiracy theorists talk about when they talk about seizing power. This is a nightmare for a conspiracy theorist, this piece of legislation. Absolutely. It's everything that they want against. It's the kind of thing that you would dismiss as crazy if a conspiracy theorist told you the government was going to take this much power in a single piece of legislation, passed through Parliament in a hurry. If a conspiracy theorist told you that this was going to happen in 2020, that the government was going to, that the Parliament was going to pass this legislation, you would not have believed them. You would have dismissed them. But we, everything, everything has changed. Everything. And while that may sound like a negative, it isn't in so many respects. It has shown us how powerless we can be made and how easily. And this, again, is why we need a UK constitution and I will keep arguing for one. But this is a turning point. This is crunch time. The government currently holds the power to dictate and determine every aspect of our lives. And the Parliament took that power and it's now up to Parliament to give it back according to the very laws that they passed to restrict our every action in our daily lives. We're going to see a new society at the end of this. We're going to see, I suspect and I fear, a society where we will not be able to sit next to each other. Cinemas, theatres, etc. will be hugely impacted. Our social life, our socialising will never be the same again. Our service provision will never be the same again. Our economy will never be the same again. And in that great change comes great change. And that great change, I know and hope and I know you're with me on this, will be to retake Great Britain from the insanity that has been holding our great country hostage for decades now. Not only but now in plain view. It's our time to fight back and take back our country from these dangerous politicians who have taken all of our civil liberties. We can and will get them back but keep a very, very close eye on this government. They have limitless power now. Let's remember our own power. Never, ever forget your own power by the way. Keep fighting. If we are allowed to have elections next May, stand and reclaim your civil liberties. It's the only way we are going to be able to do it. Thanks for joining me this evening. Please do let me know any comments, any thoughts you have on all of this. And remember to keep positive. Keep your head high. Out of darkness comes light and out of this darkness will come the light of saving Great Britain. Thank you sincerely to everyone of you for your support, for your encouragement and for your passion for this country. It inspires me every day. I shall see you on my live stream on Monday where I'll be talking about again the state of our world at the moment and what we must do to save it. See you on Monday.