 The National Broadcasting Company and its affiliated stations present the Pacific Story. This is the story of the Pacific and the millions of people who live around this greatest sea. The drama of the people's whose destiny is at stake in the Pacific War. This is the background of the war in the Pacific and its meaning to us and to the generations to come. Tonight's Pacific Story, Mongolia, Strife in Asia's Interior comes to you from Baltimore, Maryland and Hollywood as another public service with drama of the past and present and commentary by Owen Latimore, authority on Mongolia and director of the School of International Relations, Johns Hopkins University. Strife in Asia's Interior. A Chinese commander and I were sitting in his quarters playing cards when it happened. Aaron Ungern Sternberg with a horse whip in his hands burst in. His eyes were blazing. Behind him were two Russian soldiers with rifles. There he is. The commander lay dead in a pool of blood. I'm an American. Your name? Barlow. Samuel Barlow. Why are you here in Urga? I'm a traveler. What's the meaning of this? You will learn. You are to stay here. You're there. You will stand guard outside the door and wash off. You'll come with me. There a long time looking at the body of the Chinese commander on the floor. The Russian Revolution had come to Mongolia. The man with the horse whip was a czarist. Until the outbreak of World War I, the czar had had a strong garrison here. But most of the Cossacks had been taken to fight the Germans. And thousands of political prisoners and peasants freed by the Revolution had come down into Mongolia. I heard someone raising a window. Good Russian was coming in through the window. It's not the czarist. I thought the Chinese would resist. Who is he? He's Baron Ungern Sternberg. This is the only safe place in Urga. One of the Baron's soldiers burst in carrying a lantern and a pistol. I saw him crawling in through the back window. You will never take me. That Russian lay crumbled in death beside the Chinese commander. The czarist soldier holstered his pistol and walked out. I lighted the lamp. I sat down and looked at the two bodies in the blood on the floor. The silence was broken every now and then by the firing squads. At dawn the door opened and three men were thrust in with me. Get him there. One of them was a Lama priest. His wife and child were killed by the Bolchiviks. And all his property was destroyed by his peasants. But why has he come here to Urga? A way out here in Mongolia. He hopes to raise an army here to fight the Bolchiviks. He has already broken the power of the Chinese. He must have attacked with a strong force. No. Only 35 men. Have their parking! Island! Baron Ungern Sternberg walked in. The two riflemen behind him. You people are my prisoners. No harm will come to you as long as you obey. I am raising an army of Mongols and loyal Tsarists. I am marching in Moscow. I am taking you along. Island! I will march straight to the Kremlin. I will ring the necks of those infected with the leprosy of communism. A who have seized power. The horse whip quivered in his hand as he spoke. His eyes blazed. You will prepare to move with us at once. He will have to move fast. For all Mongolia will be ablaze with the news of his massacre. Word of the slaughter spread among the Mongols and the Buryats. And word spread to the Bolshevik forces. As we started to march off the steps of Mongolia, they rallied in the desert and the hills. The Kremlin was 3,000 miles away. Baron Ungern Sternberg! What is it? The Bolshevik regiment is closing in on us. We will attack. Almost before we knew it, the Red Forces were upon us. Sternberg was taken. We looked down as he was led through the mud of a Russian prison yard and stood against a wall. Fire! Mongolia had fallen under the influence of the Soviets. In 1915, Tsarist Russia and China and Outer Mongolia had signed a treaty in which China recognized the autonomy of Outer Mongolia with some strings attached, but under the protectorate of Tsarist Russia. But after the Tsarist Cossacks moved out to fight the Germans, the Chinese swept in and occupied Mongolia. But now the Chinese hold was at an end. From this time on, Red Russia was to be a big factor in the affairs of Mongolia. I proclaimed the Mongolian people's government. From the hills and the deserts of Mongolia, one-third the size of the United States, tribesmen came to Urga the capital to hear this proclamation. Mongolia is still bound by the treaty of 1915 to China and Tsarist Russia. There is no Tsarist Russia. This was 1921. Soviet ministers came to Urga to enter into direct negotiations with the leaders of the Mongolian people's government. As of this day, Soviet Russia repudiates the treaties of Tsarist Russia and recognizes the Mongolian people's government. For years before this, the Lamas had had great power in Mongolia. They had virtually ruled the land. This power is now at an end. The local lords will have no governing rights. The crushing taxes against the lower classes are abolished. But those who had held power joined forces against the people's government. I speak for the landowners, the businessmen and the priests. Are we to fall into the chaos that now engulfs Russia? No, let us re-establish the time-honored rule that has endured down through the years. Down with the people! The movement failed. Mongolia swung to the left. But at this time, China and Russia were drawing closer together. Soviet Russia recognizes outer Mongolia as an integral part of the Republic of China. All Soviet troops will be withdrawn from outer Mongolia. The Red Forces started to move out at once. Within a month, Mongolia declared itself a republic. Mongolia is an independent nation. The supreme power will be in the people's assembly. The landlords, the exploiters, the priests and the moneylenders will have no political rights. Only the people who work will have political rights. And every man may worship as he pleases. For the first time in centuries, the Mongol people were drawing together. I listened to an old Mongol. Once we were conquerors. The old Mongol looked at the many different Asiatic peoples passing in the streets of Orga. Once, the Mongol Empire was the greatest in the world. And Genghis Khan's name was on the lips of every man. He was born with a clot of blood in the palm of his hand. And the wise one said he was sent to be a leader. He welded the scattered tribes into an invincible horde that swept across Asia and conquered Turkestan and Bahara and Armenia and South Russia. So great was the power of Genghis Khan that when he died the fierceness of his fighters went on under his son, Ogdai Khan. And we swept across Russia and destroyed Kiev and Poland and took Hungary and most of China and Mongolia. Here was the heart of this great empire. Once we were a great nation and now we are drawing together once more. The Russian troops had withdrawn but the Soviets had recognized Mongolia as an integral part of China. We are not part of China. We are an independent nation. The Mongolians determined to make their position clear to the world. We have our own history, our own traditions, our own language and our own territory. We are an independent nation. Mongolia was swinging farther to the left but by 1932 this policy had come to an end. The collectives were dissolved and private enterprise came back. But now something else had happened that Japanese had invaded Manchuria next door to Mongolia. We watched the Japanese developments. They occupied all of Manchuria, changed its name to Manchoko and set up a bogus government. Then from Manchuria they moved westward and overran the 100,000 square miles of Rihou. From Rihou they extended their influence into Inner Mongolia but the Russians and the Mongolians knew what the Japanese were up to. They are trying to create a buffer state between outer Mongolia and North China. They are trying to outflank us. The biggest border clash of the thousands that would come broke out near Lake Bornoir on the frontier between Manchuria and outer Mongolia. An aftermath of the border incident in the vicinity of Lake Bornoir between Manchuria and outer Mongolia. A conference to settle the dispute has been called to be held in Manchuria, northwestern Manchuria. Delegates from outer Mongolia are now en route to Manchuria to meet with Japanese military observers in an effort to... For months efforts have been made to penetrate outer Mongolia from Manchuria. This incident was the result of the Manchurian troops crossing the border into outer Mongolia. Japan has no interest in outer Mongolia. The incident was the result of the chaotic conditions that exist along the frontier. To keep order, we demand the right to place military personnel in outer Mongolia and the right to run telegraph lines into Mongolia to facilitate Japanese communications. The Mongol delegates failed to come to terms with the Japanese and the Japanese continued their penetration of inner Mongolia. And outer Mongolia drew closer to Soviet Russia. I accompanied the 67 Mongols who visited the Kremlin in January 1936. We welcome you as the workers who are building the new outer Mongolia. Many of the Mongols made speeches. We are grateful to the party, to the government, This was the chairman of a Mongol collective farm. Today in this happy, joyous atmosphere we can recall our difficult and wretched past. Now we have prosperity and a rise in our cultural life. We have a school, welded homes, a bathhouse and a radio. Many of us collective farmers even ride bicycles. But in inner Mongolia the Japanese were telling the people other things. The Russians have ruined outer Mongolia. Here in inner Mongolia it is Japan's purpose to help you set up our sound government which you yourselves will run with our help. Inner Mongolia was taken from China and put under a Japanese puppet government. Its leaders spoke of the day when they would reach out and by force if necessary take in outer Mongolia even though it was three times its size. But the establishment of inner Mongolia as a new nation was much more important to Japan than to inner Mongolia. For now Japan was at war with China. In Japan a minister made a report to his government. The new inner Mongolia nation has now been established and henceforth we will be known as Mengqiang. The head of the government is Prince Tai Wang who understands the value of relations with Japan. In this new nation we now have a buffer state between communist controlled outer Mongolia and the Japanese occupied areas of China. By the creation of this buffer state we are now in a position to prevent communism from spreading into Manchukuo and North China as it has into outer Mongolia and Turkestan which are completely Bolshevik. Inner Mongolia had become the Japanese puppet state of Mengqiang but outer Mongolia had joined hands with Soviet Russia and after Nazi Germany had attacked Russia in the summer of 1941 the Mongolian people's republic rallied behind the Soviets. We are faithful to our alliance with the Soviet Union. This was Marshal Choi Baosan speaking before 80,000 people at Ulan-Bator which means Red Hero and is the new name for Urga, the capital of outer Mongolia. We pledge all possible help to the Soviet Union in the great struggle against the wild fascist force. The Japanese across the border in Inner Mongolia looked on. They looked at the Mongolian force charged with keeping the peace in Inner Mongolia. General Pai Feng Xiang and his 18,000 cavalrymen. Are you satisfied we can depend on him? He is a difficult man to penetrate. He is silly. We must be certain we can trust him. A friendy or reader would be safer. We will have the banquet. See that the general is invited. We will take care of all details. The night of the banquet, the general died. Oh, it is unfortunate. He was such an able general. For days there was an ominous gloom. The word leaked out that the general had been poisoned and on the black of night Japanese heard an unaccountable sound. 18,000 of General Pai's cavalrymen are gone. Days later news came back of where they had gone. They have joined the Chinese forces in Sui An province and they are armed with all the guns and ammunition we gave them. Across the border to the north, there was no question where the people of outer Mongolia stood. It is our sacred duty to increase the aid to the nations of the Soviet Union in order to speed victory over our common enemy, German fasciners. Although closely allied with Russia, the Mongolian People's Republic kept its independence, its system of private property, and its strong Mongol nationalism. How do they impress you, Mr. Barlau? They look almost like Soviet troops in those uniforms. Are they good soldiers? Most of them have been marksmen since boyhood and they are completely fearless. The organization of the Mongolian army seems to be almost the same as that of the Russian army. It is. And like us, they have developed into skilled artillerymen and tank drivers and air flame pilots. I realized as I stood there with the Russian officer that Mongolia was preparing for coming events. The troops were equipped with tanks, artillery, armored units, even flamethrowers. They were friendly to the Chinese and friendly to the Russians. When the Japanese pushed into Manchuria, they had been anti-Japanese. Mongolia gave all possible aid to the Russians in their war against Germany. But Russia took pains to see that Mongolia never weakened itself. Today, Mongolia is stronger than perhaps at any time in its history. For today, she has not only a strong, well-equipped army, but she has good communications. Highways have been built to link supply bases to take the movement of troops and their modern war equipment. Today, Mongolia is ready to play her role in the war against Japan. Japan knows the strategic value of Mongolia. She would have to strike across Mongolia to invade the Lake Baikal region. If the Japanese struck through Mongolia, they could cut the trans-Siberian railroad and then drive deep into Soviet Asia. But we also know our strategic value. On the Mongolian-Mangyokan border, the Russians fought their most important frontier engagements with the Japanese. They know the terrain and they know the enemy. Observers are coming in from faraway lands. They see Mongolia not only as a buffer state, valuable in the defense of Soviet Asia, but as a possible base for attack. From this point, the Soviets could drive eastward into Manchuria. He pointed at the northeast corner of outer Mongolia. Another force, starting from here... He pointed to the air of Khabarovsk, 200 miles from the sea. Could drive westward to form a giant pinches to cut off the northern part of Manchuria. In this operation, Mongolia would be a springboard for attack straight eastward. Or, from this point here... He pointed to the southeast corner of Mongolia. The Soviets could drive southeast, cutting between Manchuria and north China to the sea. This would outflank all of Manchuria, where the Japanese are so strongly entrenched. And also outflank the Japanese in occupied China. In effect, it would cut off the Japanese in Manchuria from the Japanese in China. Mongolia, so long forgotten, so long off the beaten paths of the world, has become one of the strategic centers of Asia. Those are Russian tanks, aren't they? They were made in Russia. Russia's playing a big part here in Mongolia. What about when the war is over? Mongolia is an independent nation. But Mongolia is still under the suzerainty of China, isn't it? We are an independent people. And an independent nation. The tanks rumbled by. And the Mongols and their land may again be known around the world as they were in the days when Cengiz Khan swept two continents with his invincible force. Never since the days of the great Mongol conquerors has Mongolia been so important as today. To tell the significance of the Mongols in the light of present-day events, the national broadcasting company presents Owen Latimore, authority on Mongolia and director of the School of International Relations, Johns Hopkins University. The next voice you hear will be that of Mr. Latimore. We take you now to Baltimore. While great nations are sparring with each other at San Francisco, there is a natural tendency to overlook some of the smaller nations. Yet it is a mistake to overlook a group of nations in Asia and the Pacific, which, taken as a group, have a key importance. Although taken individually, they do not measure up to much compared with the giants of the Earth, like America, the Soviet Union, or the British Empire. This group I am talking about includes outer Mongolia, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand, which we used to call Siam. They are important for four reasons. First, they represent freedom. Second, because they represent freedom, they represent change, and that means we can no longer talk about the unchanging East. Third, they are all grouped around China. If China should become a stable, prosperous, united country, they would all form part of the same field of industrialization and trade. But if China should break up in civil war, they would all become bases and beach heads for countries competing for spheres of influence and control in China. Fourth, and most important of all, outer Mongolia, Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand can all within limits make their own choice politically, whether they want to move over closer to Russia, or China, or America, or even, as far as Thailand is concerned, the British Empire. It is not 100% a question of which of their big neighbors may want to reach out and grab them or control them. Therefore, each big country will do well to think whether it has a policy which makes the smaller countries want to move over closer, or a policy that makes them feel like backing off and getting closer to somebody else. Outer Mongolia illustrates all these problems. Outer Mongolia is also a test case of Russia's ability and willingness to take part in the lives of other peoples and countries without riding rough shard over them. It is a great pity that so few people here in America know anything about outer Mongolia. It is a pity because the history of Mongolia over the last quarter of a century offers encouraging evidence for the hope that we can get along with Russia in the post-war world. Russia treats Outer Mongolia as an independent country. There is a Soviet minister at Ulan-Bator, or Urga, and a Mongol minister at Moscow. And yet, in repeated diplomatic notes exchanged with China, the Russians have always recognized China's claim to sovereignty over outer Mongolia. What does all this add up to? In the simplest possible words, this is the story. Up to 1911, Outer Mongolia and China were part of the same empire. But the Mongols and Chinese are entirely different peoples. Upon the frontier, when you leave the last Chinese farm and ride to the first Mongol camp, maybe 50 miles away, you make in that short 50 miles a jump from the language family of China, Indochina and Burma to the language family of Tashkent and Samarkand and Istanbul. In 1911, the Chinese and the Mongols both rebelled against the Manchu emperor. Ever since then, the Chinese claim has been, we are the people who actually deposed the emperor and founded a republic. Therefore, everything that used to belong to the emperor now belongs to us. Outer Mongolia is Chinese territory. The Mongol claim, on the other hand, is this. We Mongols were never Chinese, and you Chinese were never Mongols. The emperor, who ruled us both, is overthrown. Now, the time has come for each of us to go his own way. Neither of us has any reason to fight the other, but as for admitting that one of us belongs to the other, nothing doing. Here the Russians come in. Today, the people who live right on our frontier are Mongols. They claim they are independent, and there are no Chinese on the spot for us to deal with. It is not our business to force the Mongols to submit to Chinese rule, but neither is it our business to force the Chinese to recognize Mongol independence. If the Chinese claim sovereignty, that is perfectly all right as a claim. But in the meantime, we have to deal with the people on the spot who happen to be Mongols. It is encouraging for the rest of us that the Russians have not simply annexed outer Mongolia. They have helped and strengthened the Mongols a great deal, and this has enabled both Russians and Mongols to put up an unyielding front against the Japanese, but they have not forced the Russian system on Mongolia. In Mongolia, you can be a rich man with thousands of sheep and hundreds of cattle, horses and camels. You can buy and sell and keep the profit. Eventually, there will have to be some kind of settlement between the Mongols and the Chinese, perhaps they will negotiate with each other and form a federation of republics. The important point for us is that the decision, whatever it turns out to be, is likely to take the form of free negotiation between free and self-respecting people. And after the kind of war we have been fighting, in Asia as in Europe, the more negotiations we can have between free and self-respecting peoples, the brighter the hope for the future of the world. You have been listening to the Pacific story presented by the National Broadcasting Company and its affiliated independent stations as a public service to clarify events in the Pacific and to make understandable across currents of light in the Pacific Basin. For a reprint of this Pacific story program, send 10 cents in stamps or coin to University of California Press, Berkeley, California. The story is written and directed by Arnold Marquess. The original musical score was composed and conducted by Thomas Paluso. The principal voice was that of Jack Moyles. This program came to you from Hollywood and Baltimore, Maryland. This is the National Broadcasting Company.