 Felly, rydyn ni'n trafodaeth o'r Llywodraeth Cymru, mae'r co-chair yw Corll Goyman, yw y profesor o'r Ffacolwyddiadol a Llywodraeth Cymru, ymgyrchu'r Cymru o'r Ysdambol Polisi Centr o'r Sabanchi Unedig yw Ysdambol. Felly, yw Llywodraeth Cymru o'r Ysdambol Cymru. Felly, rydyn ni'n cymdeithasol ysdambol, a mae'r cymdeithasol ymlaen i'w co-chair i'r cymdeithasol, mae'r cymdeithasol yw Corll Goyman o'r Ffacolwyddiadol, a mae'r co-chair yn ymlaen i'r cymdeithasol. Felly, rydyn ni'n cymdeithasol yw'r cymdeithasol, sy'n cael ei ddweud bod y cyfnodol yn gyfnodol, ymddangos i'r cymdeithasol, a'r cyfnodol yw'r cyfnodol, ymddangos i'r cyfnodol, ac mae'r cyfnodol yn cyfnodol, a'r cymdeithasol yw yw'r cymdeithasol yw ffordd o'r cymdeithasol, o'r cyfnodol, yw'r cyfnodol yn cyfnodol, ac mae hynny yw'r cymdeithasol yn cysylltu'r cymdeithasol o'r cyfnodol cymdeithasol, a'n hyd yn ymddangos y problemau yw'r cyfnodol yn cael ei hi'r peir fod hynny, yma cechdd fod sicrwyr, a rydych chi bod yn cyhofer fân. A wnaeth i'r cyfrinod gwnaeth o wurthynod, ond mae hi yn medbyn am r advertisersaeth, rhod emergell ma sweatinglw, a rhod redeach y helpra supercomputer a anaflw..? … ddedig o'r rhoi ddath ni под hwn yn edryd digon a lawer ei — a ph Smooth Law? Ac mae hi'n tylibf hayllusiondestid yno nad yng Ngôl Llywodraeth... … yng ngôl Y ml пят warod yr ynloniwn hon equityiniad. Llywodraeth ym mhelydd ym mhelym, Llywodraeth ym mhelydd, o ddynt i amser gan'ch arwtod, a'r perdiad yn gaelol. Yn ein gyf жеch, mae'n ystafell yn dweud yng Ngysliad o mytaflu cyntafol a'r ysgol deolol sydd yn cyflwyno gyrdanodau o'ch lŵn yn gael cyfreant hynny. Ynr eich cestiynau ym mhelydd, byddai'n ymhelydd o'r ôl ei cyfas, i gael o'r ôl ei imoedd, i'r olygu i gyfasem clinicians. ac yn fawr, y cyd-pythes yng nghymru ymlaenwyr yn ystafell, a ystafell yn ymlaenwyr yn ystafell, yn ymlaenwyr yn ystafell, yn gweithio'r ddwylliant ymlaenwyr a'r sgwyl yn ystafell, yn ystafell yn ymlaenwyr yn ystafell yng Nghymru. Rydym yn 3 pryd, y cyd-yn. Yr ystafell yn ystafell, Saskia Sassan, y fontl yn ystafell yn ystafell, wedi weithio'r fanyl. Saskir is Lynn Professor of Sociology and the Committee on Global Thought at Columbia University, New York. Well, it's a great pleasure to be here doing the ninth in Istanbul. Somebody mentioned cats have nine lives. The urban age has ten lives. I like that. But still, the ninth in Istanbul, I like that. I must say that what I'm going to give you is a response that I have to Istanbul. A complex city, old city, many names, three millennia, many intersections. And I look at Istanbul from outside, not from inside. I can't. I don't know it well enough. I've been here many times, the first time in the 1960s. I was very young. And so it is from a distance. And from a distance, what I see with Istanbul is something that is immutable, that does not move, but that is criss-crossed by multiple mobilities. And I want to sort of throw out a thesis and to say that out of these histories of intersections comes a need. And it is the need to develop specific capabilities for handling and enhancing network functions. I use very contemporary language here. The issue of being at intersections is not simply a question of being located there. It actually takes work. It takes making. Now, I am trying to detect a particularity of Istanbul compared to some of the other cities. Now, over the ages, and I think there are many ages in the case of Istanbul, it has had to develop. This is my thesis. It has had to develop capabilities to handle, govern, shape these multiple networks, these multiple mobilities that enveloped it, that criss-crossed it, that destroyed it at times, that reinvented it at others. It has had to negotiate these diverse histories, these diverse geographies for which this city is a kind of anchor or an object for destroying a platform. And I think that this particularity of Istanbul comes out of this deep history. And I want to recover that. This is an issue that I have been doing with other cities as well. The notion that in the current global economy there is sort of an ironic twist. The ironic twist is that the deep economic history of place, especially complex places, matters much more than it did in the Keynesian period, which was a period of standardisation. The notion is that all cities are becoming the same. And I think, with all due respect to architects, that there is a conflation of two conditions. One is an indeed standardised built environment for state-of-the-art functions, the office district, the state-of-the-art space of consumption, etc. No matter how original the architect, when you walk through it, when you're in it, you sense homogeneity. But that's quite different from how it is used in terms of economic functions. When you look at the economic functions, you begin to recover specificities and specialised differences. Now, if I am indeed right at least a bit in this thesis of mine, that what marks Istanbul's particularity in today's world is this capacity that it has had to develop to handle, govern, shape, etc. networks in the same way that the English Empire had to do a bit of that, given a vast empire, then this is quite interesting because this capacity is, of course, extremely important in today's world. And here I want to mention some really, too many people's surprising data that comes out of a huge study. I'm an advisor to a whole bunch of huge studies. I don't know how that happened, but there I am. Now, this is a study done in 2009 that tries to understand something about politics and culture around the question of global cities rather than just economics. So it's a different kind of capability that this study gets at. And it's a study of 60 cities, and it finds Istanbul is in the top 10, along with Beijing, along with New York, along with a certain kind of city, in terms of something that it calls policy exchange, policy influence. Now, I'm almost certain that you cannot see this, right? Is this legible? You see Istanbul, right? Now, I should read. I can't see it either actually. So it's Washington, New York, Brussels. Brussels, by the way, rarely appears on lists which measure economic issues. But it is, of course, a centre for policy exchange. Paris, London, Tokyo, Beijing, and there is Istanbul, Vienna, Cairo. This is a very different kind of map from the usual economic map. And it seems to me that it doesn't take much to understand that where Istanbul is, or sort of Richard Sennett's notion of Istanbul as the hinge city, especially in the post-1989 period, it really is a strategic site for negotiating these very, very diverse histories. Now, the other thing, and somebody mentioned it earlier, one of the earlier talks, the human capital question, how strong that is in Istanbul. And I think that Istanbul, by the way, also ranks very high on the human capital variable. And I think that this long history of having to negotiate differences east-west, north-south, but especially east-west, I think that has also sort of bred, if you want something, and I know from my doctoral students, the Turkish students are fantastic in theory. And I have always, now, I don't want to be too naive, elementary, and project too much, but I'll just project a little. And it seems to me that being in these two worlds, simultaneously, and having to negotiate, you don't just sit there, you have to work at making something out of that. Now, so among the other cities in the stop group are Tokyo, New York, Hong Kong, Chicago, Sydney, and London. Again, I don't know if you can see this. Other cities are Singapore, Boston, Paris, San Francisco, and then comes Istanbul. What is very interesting in this particular variable is the importance of international populations in a city to feed this human capital variable. It is not enough to have great universities. There is something that the city itself, in its complexity, in its anarchy, in its messiness, manages to add to the equation of the question of human capital. I, of course, like that a lot, so that I don't want to reduce human capital to the creative classes or to the accreditations that universities give you, or even to the very fine educations that universities give you. There is something else in this question of human capital when the world in which we live is this world of multiple mobilities and sort of globalization, etc. Now, I want to point out the second point. This is the single largest, the presence of international, of foreign-born populations, is the single largest factor feeding New York's top rank on the human capital variable. And it is one of the two largest factors in Hong Kong's fourth place rank. Now, later I'm showing, not too late, I'm running out of time, I know Tony, don't worry, but a bit later I am showing some data about migration. Again, as an outsider, okay, and from a distance, not as an expert. Now, I would say that even on the business, last point there, even on the business activity where Istanbul doesn't rank very high, it ranks in the middle of L60, the two most important factors that put Istanbul in this rather reasonable place has to do with, again, international dimensions, it's not just a question of training. Now, here I sort of wrap it up a bit. I see both of these prominent positions as having the policy exchange and the human capital as having to do with Istanbul's strategic role at this intersection of diverse economic and geopolitical geographies in an increasingly network world. These are very important capabilities. Another measure, another study where I'm also an advisor is from the Ernst and Young which actually surveyed all kinds of investors and firms, and I don't know what all. And they created a zone in this study called emergent Europe, which stretches, I like this, between Western Europe and Western Asia. Western Asia is not a common location, but I like that term, Western Asia. And here are the results, so Istanbul ranks fourth. I also want to emphasize emergent Europe. I like this notion of emergent Europe, a Europe that is being made. So you have Budapest, Warsaw, Moscow, et cetera, you have a whole other geography. Now, a few comments about capital, capital flows. Those of you who know my work, I don't take them lightly. I think that they need to be tamed, regulated, et cetera, but anyhow, here. So Istanbul is at the center of the geography of capital flows that stretches east and west. The EU remains Turkey's dominant trade and investment partner. But in this post-polled war geopolitics, Asian countries are increasingly appearing. And again, investment, foreign investment is not just flows. These flows have to be made, they have to be handled, they have to be governed, they have to be negotiated. Capabilities come into the picture. This is sort of, by now you have understood one of the themes here. Now, if you take, for instance, the Turkish stock of outward foreign direct investment, Turkey investing abroad, the two largest recipients, I love this one, of Turkish FDI by the end of 2007, where the Netherlands, where I was born, and Azerbaijan. Now, if you look at the United States, if you look at France, if you look at Germany and you ask the same question, you do not get this geography, these origins way at the top of east and west. You know, it sort of stays in the zone a bit. Now next, again, the second point, next are Malta, Luxembourg, Germany, and Kazakhstan. Now, in many ways, Turkey, of course, after the Cold War and after post-1989, re-enters all their histories and geographies that it had had. The other point I want to make is the rapid growth in this investment. So by 2007, Turkey's total stock of foreign direct investment was 12 billion. This is 11 times as large as its 1990s stock and 3.5 times as its 2000s stock. So you have a very, very sharp growth rate. Now, this is an inward direct investment. I just want to point out that, again, the largest investor is Turkey, but that investment has also grown very, very sharply. Here you have a curve. I don't know if this is visible, but you can see how it grew. I don't know exactly what feeds that very sharp growth after 2004. I do have some ideas as to what feeds the rapid downward after 2008. If we want to put some content, some empirical content to these figures, a key export sector is construction and real estate development. And I think the audience that is from this country knows that well, the figures are rather astounding. The construction companies of Turkey have an absolutely global geography of investment in operation. Now, same thing with trade. I'm just going to move. I want to get at foreign firms. Of the 19,000 and more foreign firms in Turkey, about half are in Istanbul. Now, here, second point and third point. Second point, Europe still dominates. Third point, 4,300 foreign firms are from Asia. 910 from Iran. You can't say that for the US, for instance. 450 from Azerbaijan can't say that for the United States either. And 300 from China. That's already more in the picture. Finally, there is this extraordinary emergent global geography of emigration and immigration. I think the fact that Germany is one of the top destinations is well known. But now we see other flows going, for instance, 20,000 to Saudi Arabia and other countries. There is again there an expanding geography, maybe a recovery of an older geography. And Turkish nationals are now present in a growing number of countries. So this is an expanding global geography. So here, for instance, are some besides Germany, France, Netherlands, Austria, Belgium, but also a whole set of other countries including one of the smallest ones is in Russia, but it is there. Now, in terms of immigration, last point is perhaps, or third point in 206, 191,000 foreigners moved into Turkey coming mostly from Bulgaria and Azerbaijan. Again, this stretching sort of other geography. And here you have a series of other last point, Greece, Russia, the US, Iran, Iraq, the United Kingdom and more. Really a very, very, very broad base. The world of the mobile, I'm ending Tony. The world of the mobile is more than migration. So entries of foreigners last point, 19.3 million into 206, up from 13.7 million into 204 and up from 11 million. So in other words, growing. Who comes? My last two slides. By world category, in 206, the largest single groups of foreigners were the 7 million managers and professionals and another 1.1 million in secondary professions. So very heavy professionals in migration of the Turkish citizens, 750,000 fit in these categories. From where do they come? Germany, still dominant, but there is Russia, there is Bulgaria. And then there is an extraordinary mix of countries ranging from the Netherlands and Iran, each with 1 million to Norway and Kazakhstan. So I leave you with that sort of final thought of these new mobilities that are beginning to come into Turkey and Istanbul is clearly a key anchor. I cannot end without saying that a lot of these mobilities, especially the mobilities of capital, are two-edge swords, or swords with two edges, whatever the expression. They need attending to or they can cause very negative consequences. At the same time, just intellectually, one can say that they are interesting. They are mobilizing all kinds of new geographies. And I think Istanbul is sort of living out that capability that I was beginning to talk about at that. Thank you very much. Thank you very much for a very interesting presentation. You can be assured that most of the Turkish audience in the hall, much of this is new to us as well and very, very interesting.