 It's now my particular pleasure to welcome our first keynote speaker. Professor Xiao Xin Huang, Michael Xiao Xin Huang, is an extraordinary academic with a broad range of interests, touching on everything from Sino-Japanese relations, the rise of China in our region, marital issues and debates and discussions within Taiwan and also the issues of democratization and the rise and fall of political strongmen and their significance for regional politics. He's also worked broadly not only on Taiwan, but also on Hong Kong and Macau, all areas of great interest in particular in the last year or so. Although the professor will be speaking today about a topic to do with the rise of the middle class and the new middle classness impact on the democratization towards Taiwan, his broad interest with vast publishing concerns touch on all of these topics and I hope during the Q&A, if we may, during the Q&A session some colleagues and friends would like to ask you about some of your other areas of interest as well because you're so broadly informed and so widely on so many of the big topics and issues that so many participants in this conference are concerned with. Professor Xiao is the director of the Institute of Sociology at the Academy of Seneca, an extraordinarily active and important institute. He's also a distinguished research fellow with the Academy and professor of sociology at National Taiwan University and also at the National Sun Yat Sen University. He's also the chair professor of Hakka Studies at the National Central University. He's also had a political career serving as a national policy advisor to the government from 1996 to 2006. So as I said, we're very fortunate to have a colleague here who has not only a vast range of academic interests, so policy engagement and also engagement with the issues of the day, all concerns of the center, a center that tries to follow not only the questions of academic, international academic concern, but also those of pressing political and social concern for our contemporary world. So Professor Xiao, if I may, welcome you to give the first keynote address through this keynote address, formally open this conference. Thank you very much. I'm Director of Army and Ambassador Yi, distinguished guests. I'm very honored to be here, to be the first speaker for this conference. It's my fortune to be the first. Originally, I was scheduled for a minister long, then she quit. I didn't quit. I remand. So I'm very pleased to hear that the university of NU is one year older than me. The university was established in 1947. It was born in 1948. And also, I know that NU has a good relation with National Taiwan and National Sena Sen University. And I also have a fortune to be the faculty there. Especially, congratulations to the establishment of the CIW. I'm very pleased also, I know that you organize these Taiwan views from the south. And just take a visa advantage to say a few words about propaganda. We are organizing a Taiwan study in the world. We call the World Congress of Taiwan Studies. And we held in 2012 in Academia Senica the first round of the World Congress. And the second congress will be held in Showa, London in this coming June. So maybe we can call that Taiwan study view from the north. So please fly to the north. And we will see what the difference of similarity between north and south. But Taiwan only one, only one Taiwan. Okay. Today's topic is I call it the exam. Examine the role of a new middle class and the advocacy of civil society in Taiwan's post-war democratization experience. I have three objectives. And I'm sure in the audience there are three kind of a person who want me to talk about something on Taiwan. One is pure academic. So who want to know about the theories? What is the role of middle class and civil society and democracy? That's a more broader social science perspective. And I try to please you. The second one is to want to hear more about Taiwan's stories, Taiwan's democracy stories. So they are historical. So I will share with you what has happened in the last 50 years of Taiwan's democratization experiences. So I try to be a good storyteller to tell you about Taiwan's history. The third one is try to actually more like advocacy. How we protect Taiwan's democracy? Once we have one, even though it's infantile and new democracy. So for those advocates, I will try to be on your side as well. So let me get into... I have 30 PowerPoint slides. I have only 60 minutes. That means one. I have two minutes for each PowerPoint. So let's go through that. First, to be theoretical. The current theorizing on the middle class, civil society, democracy, democracy link. So there are the triple links. I try to untangle these three links and see what kind of link we can pursue to look at what civil... middle class, civil society and democracy in the context of Taiwan. The popular middle class democracy has been very popular, especially all the way back to positive link by Aristotle, to Martin Lipset, to Burnton Moore. All related to middle class has a lot to do. Democracy. So slogan is like this. No middle class, no democracy. The negative link, of course, they talk about during the Nazi Germans, they are the petty bourgeoisie, the middle class. Actually, our very... ultra-conservative has something to do with the rise of a Nazi. And during the post-war, also too, in the post-war U.S., too. And that's what the Syrian Milks even talk about, Syrian Milks talk about, he put down the U.S. middle class. Actually, he said the middle class is quite easily co-opted and possible demise caused demise of democracy. But all in all, we've got a positive, negative or dubious relationship. All in all, the importance of the middle class in modern Western democracy was widely appreciated in the 1960s. It's still going on, still going on. The second is the popular civil society and democracy link. The second link, again, the positive link by Charles Taylor, Wasser, Cohen, Areto, and Putman, especially Robert Putman has a famous talk about social capital and association and the democracy making and maintenance. And dubious link, again, the social capital controversy. That you have a social capital doesn't mean you will be interested in promoting public good. You are only interested in your selfish pursuit by engaging in personal social capital. And organized voluntary association controversy as well. Locomafia, a very strong association but that's the civil society but nothing to do with democracy. So those are dubious links, too. All in all, the role of civil society has been celebrated in the late 1980s since the fall of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European Communism. So the civil society was an old concept but a new meaning, especially since the 1980s. And so especially now the 80s, the third wave democratization has a lot to do with the rise of civil society. And so the role of civil society, such as in the form of NGO, MPO or social movement organization has a lot to do with the making of the third wave democratization. Now, from what I have been observing for the last two, three decades in Taiwan's case, I found something missing in the middle class democracy link. Civil society democracy link. What was missing? The first link, the first missing is the lack of two specificities of what middle class segment who actually have activity participate in which specific civil society organization that have direct relations to the making of democracy. Which middle class were we talking about? What kind of civil society we are talking about? Again, at what historical era at which historical episode of democratization we are referring to the role of middle class and also the contribution of civil society organization. So we need to be more specific and the best way to be more specific in the historical context is to put one country on the map and to look at Taiwan, which I know better. The historical era, historical phases of democratization are we talking about initial stage, the initial liberalization or the democratic transition and transformation or are we talking about the consolidation phase? Or we are talking about progressive or congressive term after democracy has taken place. Once we add electoral politics in its place we have a regime change. It's a progressive term or conservative term in the post democratization phase. So in order to do that I wanted to spend a few minutes about how do we understand Taiwan's middle class. That's the profile of Taiwan's middle class politically. The political propensity of the middle class as a whole how many middle classes in Taiwan according to our empirical data I think the subjective identification about 70% but this is subjective, I am middle class but you ask what kind of middle class I'm a lower middle class and then which segment I'm a professional I'm a white collar worker so 70% is subjective but we measure by objective in terms of the mode of production which is more leftist term of classification or the barbarian term of measuring occupation occupation, income, education and so on and so forth basically we call about 30% 30% of middle class in Taiwan urban are higher than the ruler now we are more interesting here is the political characteristics your consumption is the basic and we have a study also compared with Taiwan with in Asian Pacific basically the Taiwan's middle class are the first generation middle class they were the product the social product of the upgrade mobility their parents are farmers or working class they were the major they are the first generation middle class especially the new middle class so there are three so when we talk about middle class we are talking about three class segments one is the old middle class oops sorry push the wrong one to me is a high tag am I right with this okay the old middle class basically is entrepreneurial middle class who do business and here we are not talking about big capitalist we are not talking about big boss we are talking about the small boss or the small, medium, entrepreneurial they are all middle class the new middle class are the professional professional managerial class who are white color to be Shi Zi Bei Shi engineer teacher architect accountant doctor new middle class we are also the new middle class we are the old middle class now the other one is marginal middle class who are in between the white color and blue color who are those people salesman or sales lady typical case is the sales on insurance and then who sell the Gui Tai Xiao Jie the typical marginal middle class marginal middle class they feel, we did a survey they strongly feel I am middle class but their salary is very close to the blue colors so they are the three segment so we have to ask ourselves which middle class we are referring to when we try to analyze the triple link the other one is what are the political characteristics here is tricky when we talk about the middle class as a whole is one thing and also different, also another thing is when we talk about the old middle class or we talk about new middle class or we talk about marginal middle class in terms of their political position or political behaviors or their political orientations but all in all first let's talk about all in all middle class character is dual political inclination we always found the coexistence of the liberalism they want to change they feel, they think things should be better and can be better because they make they are the middle class they are the first-gen middle class so I'm better than my parents so I think the society can be better on the other hand they are conservative all in all because they want to keep whatever they want they pay so retain what they have also they are really reluctant to push too far so in a way they are one foot two feet ahead and one foot backward and then they will watch they are very watchful it depends on if things are okay no I'm very courageous if it is dangerous then you go first so this is the kind of middle class dual-breed dual-breed characteristic here I want to highlight the position so this is a kind of all in all characteristics my proposition to look at this middle class is the specific liberal and progressive element of the new middle class who can be documented to be the major force behind Taiwan's post-war democratization experience so I have a layout my analytical angle not all middle classes try to specify the liberal pro-democratic progressive new middle class intellectuals who has played a role in Taiwan democracy now second let's look at the service of the profile characterizing Taiwan civil society activism how many civil society organizing in Taiwan according to the record about 40,000 it's not big number it's about 40,000 registered registered I want to emphasize Peter Berger my senior colleague of American sociology he said what is a civil society check the yellow page registered under the category association with the other civil society yes we have registered about 40,000 you can look into those civil society organizations in terms of their objectives or the purposes or the goals one is service philanthropic second one advocacy the third one is community this is the percentage of distribution are not scientific at all I haven't done we fail many times to do the populations of Taiwan's CSO they always get 20% return so that means what they active probably 20% the other are bubble the other bubble civil society but the important thing 20% make the history the 80% doesn't matter you know the other one is look at the typology of the organization the other one is association it's a membership based xie hui shi huan membership association xie hui the other one is foundation endowment based jijing hui this is an accurate number 35,000 thousand is association 10% there's a record on foundation about 5,000 foundations now if you look at it 90% belong to do good things or do nice things service philanthropic shi san fu wu xing association and foundation of course the typical one famous one is chi ji and we have association like a lot shi san that belong to service philanthropic now the community one about 5% and advocacy about 5% advocacy is what I try to focus community is very famous xing gong jijing hui and yang shan jijing hui xing gong in jia yi many many we try to look at them individually so we are talking about 40,000 so here is what is my proposition of the features important now new since 1980s 75% of the 40,000 foundation association were established after 1980 and that is the era that is the golden age of 1980s the rise of free association even though before leave the martial law so 80s are the new era for CSO second small medium in size they are very humble in finance they are quite poor actually very poor no money ambition so little people I look at all this interview with them I want to do this and that but do you have money? no how to do it? raise the money surprisingly because locally initiated they are locally initiated and funded not by UN since 1971 Taiwan was expelled from UN or withdrew from UN so we didn't get any penny from UN UNESCO World Bank as you know the third world every year every decade UN went on to the decade of development decade of women, decade of children decade of environment, decade of people then all the massuring of association emerged Taiwan no money, no penny so it's locally but if you look at what I demonstrated to you we got everything we got every CSO from a children woman, environment, human rights peace, UNAMIC we got it so how to do it? not by UN funding, not by through intellectual communication so and also to response Taiwan's domestic need okay so from goodwill to reform consciousness wide range of CSOs and rise of regional as well functional networking within Taiwan so we got Taipei Association Taipei Union of Social Welfare Association we got Tai Kaohsiung regional association also functional women association, women foundation women social movement they can link together as a networking and there are also Taiwan's NGOs MPO are quite global quite global especially I just named a three women issue Taiwan's the Garden of Eve Foundation Li Xin has been very ambitious to reach to the Asian women's foundation association to protect the team prostitutes and the human trafficking and Taiwan's Aborigines Association foundation has been very very daring to develop an Asian alliance of Aborigines, the indigenous peoples and environment Taiwan is part of very strong NUC Association alliance in Asia so in a way it's quite global reach and of course every time Taiwan wanted to join Taiwan NGO MPO wanted to go to UN always blocked and I say this is very funny I found very hypocritical of UN this is a UN gallery and Taiwan's NGO is non-governmental very clear but they all say you are governmental very interesting so sometimes Taiwan's NGO has to use the members to go into the UN to join the UN gatherings so it's very ironic so it's global reach now according to our survey too the most of the foundation association we have surveyed they all claim they are autonomous this is the basic principle the first ingredients to be civil society to be autonomy and Taiwan has made it so we are now part of a government apparatus we are now under the control of a government so which now the survey was by 2000 in year 2000 advocacy is less yes we try to be advocate on this issue and that issue and also from after 1980 we also see some service philanthropic association foundation has become more vocal that become more daring to tackle to criticize the policies and some advocacy social movement organization in the 1980s especially after the Marshall law they also become more service oriented now I want to do some good thing nice thing too if you look at this one service philanthropic basically all this 36,000 organization I try very hard to do nice to do nice things and advocacy to do critical things and community to do good things to the community from educating cultural activities, set up a library and help the needed elderly in the community and so on and so forth so they both are very important to do good things, to do nice things and to do critical things and Taiwan has all okay now my proposition how we look at this in the separate lecture about civil society many stories can be told I'm editing the two volumes of Taiwan's third sector history or the history of Taiwan's third sector we also include several advocacy NGOs and community NGOs and service NGO and to ask them to write their histories so the first volume about 14 NGOs and the second volume it has 11 NGOs so we have 25 histories of NGOs on civil society and they all came out very interesting the history I think is representing of Taiwan grass-rooted, democratic in nature my proposition in this talk is this it is the advocacy civil society organization that can be that have been documented to be the primary force to push for Taiwan democratic transition in the post-war era so I will not look at the service philanthropic nor the community one I will focus on the advocacy one because my reading of the civil society organization is the advocacy civil society has played a role in Taiwan's democratization okay the third one is how we periodizing Taiwan's five decades of democratization I will look from the talk to follow the first is the beginning of the intellectual ferment 1960 we will start with 1960 and that's coincide with the photo the photo exhibit the photo exhibit 1960s of course there is no civil society there but there are society there the second is the cultural identity awareness and the political criticism and the rise of the Dong Wai political force in 1970s the third phase is the social protest movement and the establishment of the first opposition party DPP that was the 1980s and also the political constitutional reform and the sustained support from civil society in 1990s and the first democratic regime change under DPP 2000 and 2008 and then number six we will also examine the during the phase they call conservative term in post-democracy period under the 2008 and 2014 and what civil society and also the critical new middle class element has played the role in the six phases of democratization experiences ok let's look at this is all the material gathered from various sources by historians by the archive I'm not familiar with those names but you might sometime might forget it let's look at the 1960s they are not necessarily from the first generation middle class but they are the middle class they are the intellectuals reform mighty intellectuals in the 60s and some of them are managers ok let's look at this one 1960 that's a hope the name the name the Chinese that advocating freedom of forming opposition party they are already demanding for the freedom to establish a opposition party and then 1957 to 1965 those are my high school era my high school period to read those magazines enlightenment that was the first year of college I respect the old issue they even introduced the Taco Parsons so very interesting of course Sate and feminism so this has an interesting enlightenment among the youngsters I remember back in university first year I attended several lectures at that time and then 1964 is very important this one I wanted to highlight Taiwan's name the self-rescued declaration of Taiwan one China one Taiwan new constitution protection of a human right democratic political system we joined the UN and that time look at the democratic number 12 million so that was the first time 12 million Taiwanese 12 million Taiwanese the people decide the future of Taiwan and you will look at later I also try to change 1700 million and then 23 million so this mission has never achieved not yet that's Professor Pong and his two students and I think last year they celebrate or commemorate the 50 years of the declaration and they have a seminar conference there it was very daring in 1964 so let's not forget democracy could and can be studied very early it did not succeed doesn't mean it was not there we have to really pay the tribute to the history of democracy and in 1969 outside the KMT party that is a very creative term because you cannot have a new party so therefore I am outside the party so at that time the origin of the party was not the party I think very interesting they team up together to attract thousands of supporters in the campaign body social and political phenomenon under martial law 69 of course under martial law and political reform consciousness raising and the national movement the election and those people some are still alive Huang Xinjie already died Kang Lixiang just published his memoir with 700 pages I think Huang Tianfu and the appearance of the party 1960 almost forgotten but I think we have to renew our memories and now 70s here remember I am not highlighting individuals but again in 1960s there is significance in individuals but let's not forget they all have journals magazines, newspapers, intellectuals so so fact so I think at that time you can see in Taiwan not just individual quite out loud in the street they issue the right papers the right column they use newspapers and then that tradition continues in the 70s the intellectual magazine you see the names the little Chen Guying Chen Shaoting Wang Xiaopo among others and we can document the names and also 1975 and then Da Xuezhao stopped and then Taiwan Zhengren show light on the five issue the political review magazine again by some of the overlapped one but still Huang Xinjie, Kang Lixiang Zhang Junhong, Yao Jiawen Qiu Cui Liang he was in Queensland and then the Taiwan political review criticism of the Italian system and then Xiang Tu Wen Xue Yundong most of the only literary people but as a social scientist I think it's very important to place the Xiang Tu Wen Xue Yundong and the Ming Ge Yundong in the social movement because there was sort of a first time in Taiwan society culture into our mindset this is our land we should respect we should love so Xiang Tu Wen Xue Yundong at that time if you look at our document they say all the novels you know I remember I worked with Boyang very senior he died already at one time in 1980 late 80 or 90 we in the seminar and we document we look at all the popular the best sellers in the 50s, 60s and 70s and none of the books none of the novels have anything to do with Taiwan either is and in California the Liu Xue Sheng or Zhang Ai Jia, Shanghai or Wang Lan Xin Jing Yue Lang Tai Yang in Chongqing or Beijing otherwise Boyang himself in the Jin San Jiao there's no Taiwan but we read all the time but nothing to do with Taiwan so that's why Xiang Tu Wen Xue Yundong they say we should have a novel we should have a literature of Taiwan so that's why Xiang Tu Wen Xue Yundong started of course it was a debate by conservative writer said this is Lang Lai Lang and then this is Huishou Wen Xue this is Gong Tan Lang Wen Xue this is Zuo Yi Wen Xue but the battle was over in the late 70s the the social realism of literature was established ever since in the course of Xiang Tu Wen Xue then we can see the the new movies Sayonara Zai Jian and Niu Jia Zhuang Yi Liu Che and Yang Qing Chu The Walking Man Gong Tang Ren so that we can that all the movie is about Taiwan and the song guitar and very simple melody singing Wai Po's Peng Hu Wan nothing to do with I love you, you love me and then beer plus coffee or coffee plus beer or father and so on but that is simple social life so this I think to me is a very important sort of another kind of enlightenment it's not a foreign enlightenment it's local, see locality, the local culture need to be brought in to enlighten us to remind us this is our land, this is our people this is our culture, this is our history so through novels through novels, novels and movies so that's why 80s and 90s the Xin Yan called a lot attention now in 1977 here again, that's another Presbyterian church very significant weight is very important Taiwan Presbyterian church issue human rights declaration called for making Taiwan a new and independent country to face increasing threat of annexation from PRC and then slogan was again, in how many years 13 years population increased by 5 million the 5 million to decide his own fate 17 million people decided in Taiwan to these other ministers so it's important to look at this as well and then 1979, very important thing I think all of us are still remembered for more incidents and before that in 1977 the Zhongli Shi Jian irregularity in Zhongli they will block the police station and that Xu Xinliang runs the run for mayor magistrate of Taoyuan say, so okay this is a human right this was a human right rally and again during the rally during the rally it's called Gao Xiong Shi Jian and here I want to focus on this they even at that in 1970 in that year, very important besides besides this for more incidents besides Zhongli Shi Jian at that time the Dang Wai became active they even organized the Dang Wai National Affair Conference Dang Wai, Guo Shi Hui Yi and they also called for the determination of Taiwan Future by the Taiwanese everyone living in Taiwan is Taiwanese to determine our own future so and then important this Dang Wai this is here I didn't put a name we call Meridao Shi Dai for most of generations they are in their late 60s or early 70s they are and then more important is because for most of the incident there are another new defending lawyer generation Chen Shui Bian Xie Chang Ting, You Qing Zhang Peng Jian, Su Zhen Chang Zhang Jun Xiong Li Sheng Xiong and Guo Ji Yuan among others they are different lawyers and they still play an active role even in today's Taiwan's politics so here again so far by the 1980s all the names on the list are the liberal intellectuals Shizu Beiden lawyers professors intellectuals so that's why but they are not necessarily reflecting the so called new middle class out of the 1980s that's looking into the 1980s as a sociology who has been working on Taiwan's social movement I have paid a very close attention on Taiwan's social movement since the 1980s I went back to Taiwan after my great study in 1979 so I have it as a witness of Taiwan's social movement now let's look at the first I call the first wave between 1980s to 1986 let's remind you it's still under martial law the first important rise of the consumer foundation 1980s November 1st Consumer Foundation of Taiwan and the key members are architects lawyers accountant professors and those are the people they are typical so in 1980s we can see as you go my analysis you will see most of the key persons are real how we categorize the advocates reform new middle class elements the second one is the anti-pollution protest movement in various localities due to the pollution problems so in very localities self-help anti-pollution association and it's the old social fabric also play a very important role to support the victims so it's a typical victims movement and this one Consumer Foundation basically is an agent movement they are the people who actually can escape from the environmental problem but they are the middle class who advocates for the consumer right I was one of the members in the establishment of the Consumer Foundation and then in 1982 the nature conservation movement we call the wild life nature conservation union and here I want to remind you that this 1980s study but you can see it continued so you can see the movement still going on until today they have more organization established so I will say the initiation was in 1980s and then women's movement the Awakening Foundation and then the abridged human right movement Taiwan Yuan Zhu Ming abridged human right advancement advancement association and the student movement 1986 started with national Taiwan University the student leaders the the student union they demand for direct election before that time the student union the president of the student union was indirectly elected so they demand first very simple they just want direct election of the National Taiwan University and later you will see in 1990s they come they walk outside the wall of the university to demand for the abolishment of the national assembly in four years now student are the reserve army of the future new middle class so I will put them together here too and then the student movement and then this one the new testament church protest they demanding for the freedom of religious freedom and Xin Yue Jiao Hui and then the student movement and then they promote into the Da Xue Gaige Zhu Jing Hui and then here in 1986 September 28 the establishment of DPP is illegally established and here the name you can see so don't just look at the association they are individuals the component most of so far except this one the victim associations are the local residents across different classes ruler farmers workers local residents but again even this one anti pollution protest movement receive a lot of support from a new middle class journalists who came there and the students university students and professors who supported write article to support anti pollution movement and you can see all of that and then this one a region association are the young intellectuals a region intellectuals who study in Taipei and they work in Taipei and they feel their culture has been lost so they kind of sell awareness to do and so they all belong to the new middle classes let's look at way two that's in that year if I'm a historian I really wanted to look at 1987 the year from January 1st to December 31st I think somebody wrote I think by historian I think 1987 was the social scientist very interesting year just before before they lived the martial law and right after they lived the martial law and here I want to put it before 1987 what happened in 1986 DPP was established illegally secondly after during his meeting with Mrs. Graham I think Margaret Graham the publisher of the Katherine Graham and he said we are about to live the martial law and also during the middle class he talked about 3 changes 3 changes environment is changing time is changing society is changing so the people are changing so give the signal that martial law will be lifted now what make him to do that I think of course the rise of opposition and he decided not to expel not to suppress DPP he has his own reason I think it's a smart idea and I knew during the time in the late 86 a lot of conservatives you should crack down the DPP but he decided not to and also so I think what he has seen is the Taiwan society has changed and making change too so I think that's why it's a link between so here I think it's important I put here the live the martial law 87 but here during the year we got the labor movement 87 the first strike was by Yuan Dong Fang Zhigong Si Yuan Fang and Lao Zihui this is a working class of a union but this Lao Zihui now they change to a new name called labor front very important lawyers professors who study law, who study labor issues and then farmers also 87 teachers human right movement the handicapped disadvantaged welfare protest movement handicapped union and also established Lao Ren Fu Li Lian Meng elderly welfare alliance the legendary figure was Liu Xia a female handicapped poet and writer Liu Xin Ling Zi that's her pen name and then political prisoners of human right movement and the choose for 228 incident movement 87 Taiwan Human Rights Association and then here it's interesting men under home visiting movement Wai Shen Ren Fan Xiang Chu Jing Hui very into He Wen Zhang every time the rally during the 80's early 80's he always went to the rally and wear a white cape and say Shao Xiao Li Jia Lao Da Huan Fan Xiang You Zui Ma very touching very touching and then veterans benefit protest Lao Bing Fu Li Yuan Dong they demand to cash in the Shou Tian Zheng then deed but the basic government decided to cash in but with a high cost if for first time in 1987 was cash in much much cheaper and later you know postponed the time more price go up so I demand more so it's interesting there also Zheng Nan Rong Zi Fen and that's demonstration demonstration or demonstration for freedom of speech and Taiwan independence that's again that act to tell the truth inspire a lot quite a few Taiwanese who has a strong independent model but not well documented so it's very very nice so that year again those people very much either cross class or the primary supporter are the liberal intellectual lawyers and so on and so forth now let's look at the 1978 and then 1988 to the third way we have the following following movement education reform movement and also blacklist and also blacklist home returning movement Taiwan and and political prisoners human rights association and then Haka ethnic language and cultural movement the anti-nuclear movement the non-home women Wu Ke Guan Liu non-home owner who can afford to buy a new home due to the escalating of the of the real estate price and then just last year during the election they hold from a non-shell movement they called having a nest movement you know You Cao they wish they wanted to demand a nest so that's again another one and judicial reform movement very much so by civic judicial reform movement by lawyers and so on and so forth and to journalist autonomy movement and then why Lotus 1990s very famous one and intellectual anti-military interference in politics demonstration 1990s and that time was because the president didn't eliminate it used to be the prime minister so many many professor intellectuals sitting in front of the Xin Gong Yuan in the Bo Wu Guan so this one they left they left the martial law and during the Li Deng Hui lived and banned on press and also lived and banned on political parties so you can see in historical sequence government responded to demand from the new middle classes join in these civic organizations pro-democracy civil society organizations let's look at the 1990s the political and constitution reform and the sustained support from a civil society I think I have to go I think my time is I have to go fast right into one liberal professors and collectively we stole their KMT party membership there are 28 professors and then this is important to anti-nuclear the first big rally and also this one is also important action 100 alliance to the abolishment of article 100 of the criminal code of freedom speech those are professors Taiwan professor union quite important and has been very important and then plus the that by ok and going on in 1994 educational reform march by Taiwan NTU mathematics professor and then in 1994 the Taiwan journalist association was established and also demand for the internal freedom of press and professionalism and then there is a social legislation action co-action by many social welfare associations and that's one of the rally say no to China rally led by presbyterian church and many social movement organizations and then during the mid-1990s in our world all the social movement advocacy social society has three four terms one is go to community more and then to professional they demand the professional reform within medical profession within profession within journalist within service sector and so on and then networking going to netism movement of Taipei ok the first then we going to the 2008 advocacy civil society that's the first regime change advocacy civil society organization and activists under the first regime change under DPP 2004 there were four more allies and the first two years way and see and then later become very disappointment on the part of a civil society organization especially in labor welfare and environment and they even criticize the DPP government for between their promises and moral integrity and also the civil society organization was very upset about the DPP in action on the transitional justice and so the authoritarian legacy remain during the time and civil society organization for the second term for the DPP second term little achievement were made on significant reform agenda as opposition came to block nearly all reform initiative in L.Y. DPP administration failed to break and political delug DPP government even took a rather conservative position in facing political oppositions so the civil society the new middle class and the DPP developed kind of a love and hate feeling and by the end election they might still have to vote for DPP but during before and they were very upset and frustrated and advocates activists and advocates for many social movement even criticize DPP as I mentioned betray our moral commitment and campaign promises but I still want to say that during that 8 years the procedure of democratic consolidation and deepening such as the protest of a freedom of speech and association will still safeguard between 2000 and 2008 but no progressive reform was ever initiated a sense of a collective anger from civil society activists at this scandalous misconduct of a Chen family just for your information Chen's idea was released yesterday after for a medical parole for one month and DPP government did try it again in its later years than this necessary public trust and support in promoting and in acting reform much desired and desired and sought by the social movement but all came too late to save its political survival in 2008 presidential election interesting to note that the KMT remained conservative and even reactionary to many of the civil society progressive call for social and political reform during its entire 8 years period of opposition there was a first time for KMT to be in the opposition but according to a mature democratic system opposition is supposed to develop a coalition and alliance with the civil society organization but at that 8 years very little or near to zero there is no correlation alliance between the civil society organization social movement you name it I remember only one time that the KMT supported social movement was the farmers association protest against the reform of the farmers association because the government at that time wanted to sort of reform the credit department because the credit department but become a sales credit and so they want to crack down on this one but DPP support that they should keep the credit department there was a first time and I have an interview with the environmental group labor group and welfare group and they told me they have a hard time in developing any constructive relations with the KMT at that time the foundations then they said we don't have a trust between us I think DPP doesn't like the social movement and social movement leaders doesn't like the KMT either so this is what happened no mutual trust was restored or developed between the two formal rivals so you can see civil society advocacy civil society tried very hard to be independent they criticize DPP for being betrayal to their campaign promises a moral judgment moral commitment they also still consider KMT as no position in a position to initiate any reform so what happened after 2008 civil society organization in 2008 under the second regime change under the KMT regained rule further frustrated and resentful toward mass rivaling neo-authoritarian rule for its conservative policies our administration was criticized by civil society organization for its neoliberal economic and social policy by legalizing cathedrals trimming the national pension system and acquiring farm land from for industrial protests during the past few years existing on nuclear energy energy development policy and also quite regressive various general environmental costs and so therefore what happened many new a resurrection a resurrection of a civil society movement and activists in 2008 and 2014 new movement in the right CCW there was a new in 2007 it's called citizen congress watch was established and by 30 social movement organization and encouragement move in democrat consolidation a remobilization on the march again of more than 10 key social movement organization beginning in late 2008 so right after the KMT regained its power the social movement reassemble again to they founded the energies again somehow the resilience of a pro-democracy spirit of a progressive civil society movement somehow still alive and here is 2008 you can see an eloquence called wild lily wild strawberry and there was a student and youngster protest against the visit of a Chen Ming Ling these civil society organization they think is improper for the government to stage the unproportional protection of the china envoy and they even told the public not to hand the national flag near the hotel of Yuan Shan Fan Dian they think is not right and also in 2013 again you know the white shirt rally Bai Shan Jun they were protested by the citizen 1985 September 2013 to protest against the death of the young soldier Hong Zhongqiu in the army camp and then you can see more the Taiwan Rulofang to protest to protest and to protect Taiwan's farmers and livelihood and also the land and the citizen alliance for monitoring cross-strait cross-strait negotiation and agreement to safeguard Taiwan's national interest and national integrity targeting China's dominance and Taiwan democracy watch Taiwan Min Zu Ping Tai that's another new intellectual organization to safeguard Taiwan's democratic system from collapse and to facilitate Taiwan democratic consolidation targeting China's interference so again we are from internal to external from Taiwan democratization and also to save Taiwan democratization even though Taiwan demand only very short period of time and then we go to you are familiar with San Yiba 318 here I read 318 sunflower civic civic movement I deliberately not to call it student movement as I will explain to you later March 18 it was occupied legislative to rescue Taiwan's democracy and protest protect Taiwan's national interest integrity in the face of China's political threat and economic pressure targeting a China's influence 318 sunflower civic movement demonstrated the effectiveness of the further mobilization of all advocacy oriented society organization to join and to sustain the movement and I'll explain why the student was inside the L.Y. but important thing is outside for that March 18 to April 10 day and night there are many many citizens most of them are middle classes parents young generations who work all day and they're to support wanting along to show their support by being there and the more important thing is a lot of men are the first timer on the street they were touched by those students and then important in the content of my talk they call civil society organization there are many organizations I named already in previous slides they were there to support the student to save the student to protect the students inside the L.Y. and they even organize give consultations or even provide spaces or financial support get some money to support the student which are those organizations Taiwan Association Taiwan Association University Professors Professor Awakening Foundation Taiwan Association for Human Rights Citizen Congress C.C.W. Taiwan Labor Fund Taiwan Rural Fund Taiwan Longzheng Earth Citizen Foundation Diqiu Gongming Citizen 1985 led many by medical doctors and experts in communications and then a Green Citizen Action Alliance Taiwan Democracy Watch Taiwan Alliance for Advancement of Youth Rights Qing Shao Nian Meng and Black Island Youth Hei Dao Qing the peripheral CSOS CSOS involves also alliance for Taiwan International Workers Association International Workers Association International Workers Association Taiwan Alliance for the Victim of Urban Renew Urban Renew Alliance for Workers of Closed Factory Closed Factory and those are by a young sociologist who has been observing during the days and to document an Albert Zell so that's why it's not the student movement alone but the key member yes the student who needs it but even before March 18 they were consulted by some liberal intellectuals critical intellectuals so these are the we can look at it 60, 70, 80, 90 you had a real name you got real organizations so let's come to my conclusions I think time is pretty much close clarification there are real pro-democracy individuals such as liberal intellectuals and activists and organizations in civil society have been indispensable in the democracy making history of Taiwan over the past five decades number two the history of making democracy in Taiwan is full of struggles confrontations and contentions between the democratic force in the civil society and the political opposition on the other hand and the conservative on the other 30 years ago was like that 30 years later still they still are on the confrontational side number three without proper or conducive political opportunities the liberal intellectuals 60s, 70s and advocacy social movement since 1980s and the political opposition have constituted the driving force and change agent behind the five decade history of democratic struggles either to push for democratization democratization during 1960 and 2000 and to rescue the democracy in the face of the China pressure that's in 2008 and 2014 number four Taiwan experience in democratization over the past five decades confirms the positive link among middle class civil society and democracy making number five Taiwan's case also highlights the critical issue of examining we have to issue the specificity of the middle classes and the civil society organization at the different historical juncture of the politics of democratic struggles number six this is important Taiwan experience also has further demonstrated that the progressive new middle class individuals and groups has initiated or involved in advocacy and social movement oriented civil society organization needed to one to push collectively for initial liberalization and they might end up in jail to safeguard the necessary democratization since 1980s and to deepen democratic consolidation in the 1990s and even to protect and to rescue the new democratic from falling into the conservative authoritarian setback and finally to prevent the external authoritarian China factor from distorting Taiwan's democratic future therefore, number seven the last clarification the possible link as seen in Taiwan's case can be understood in the following progressive progressive new middle class having taken part in advocacy pro-democracy civil society organization having then actively engaged in various phase of democracy either in initiation transition consolidation or even rescuing of democracy in Taiwan in the past 50 years lessons only three number one, simply to have a large number of rising upward affluent new middle class will not be enough to rescue democratization it is necessary to have an adequate I only say adequate number of liberal and progressive new middle class intellectuals and professionals to envision the prospect of democracy either under authoritarian or during democratizing democratization process number two again, simply having a sizable ordinary non-governmental civic organization may not be sufficient won't do the job it is required to have adequate number again, adequate number of diverse advocacy and pro-democracy social movement organizations to exert pressures collectively again on the authoritarian regime for progressive change to take place last, moreover it is necessary to have the presence of any effected political opposition party to challenge directly the authoritarian rule so that the progressive middle class can render can give their political support while the advocacy civil society organization can further develop or forge a strategic democratic coalition with it through post democratization electoral political process thank you very much