 Not only must we outright reject violence, we must also reject and condemn incitement. The objectors to the reform are not traitors, and the supporters of the reform are not fascists. An overwhelming majority of Israeli citizens from throughout the political spectrum love our country, and they want to safeguard and protect our democracy. But since some people appropriate democracy to themselves, I would like to say a few words about democracy this evening. It is true that we have some disagreements. The supporters of the reform think that what we have here in Israel is not a real democracy, and that what risks democracy is an omnipotent Supreme Court that can talk about any subject and adjudicate on every topic. And those who object to their reform, they think that what is going to risk democracy is a Knesset, a parliament, and a government that will operate without any breaks and that could infringe on civil rights. A proper democratic regime must address both these topics. It must guarantee the majority rule, but at the same time it must advocate civil rights and guarantee civil rights. And in order to guarantee that, in order to prevent a rift in Israel, the judicial reform, the judicial reform for democracy, has to address both these basic needs in order to prevent a rift in Israel. Every side must take seriously the fears and arguments of the other side. And that is what I wish to do right now. The supporters of the reform are vexed by the fact that the balance between authorities in Israel has been violated over the past few decades. The court has intervened unjustifiably in its security considerations in combating terrorism. And time and again, it presented obstacles and difficulties to the execution of the government's policy. It prevented sending out infiltrators from Israel. And you know how this had impacted the people of Southern Tel Aviv and other areas. It also intervened with the gas project, taking out gas from water. And we paid a heavy economic price for that, tens of billions of shekels. And this is something which impacted each and every Israeli citizen. Without authority it rejected. Laws of the Supreme Court prevented appointments. And it discussed and ruled on various topics it shouldn't have ruled on. And there's another argument, perhaps the most painful one. Many people complain about the fact that the Supreme Court behaves like a closed club for the appointment of judges in the system of one friend can bring another. According to the existing system, judges can veto the appointment of new judges. So in practice they appoint themselves. And this is something that we do not see in any other democracy in the world. Now quite a few people who do not define themselves as supporters of the reform actually agree that certain amendments must be made, including on this issue. And we must conduct substantial reform in the judiciary. But there are others who are afraid that the suggested democratic reform will take things too far and that it will enable the government and the Knesset to take over the judiciary and the courts to pass any law to override any ruling. And they are afraid of a non-liberal country, a halachic country, legislation against women, minorities. And people from the LGBTQ community and in view of these fears, I would like to say this evening, I believe that we can pass a reform that will address the fears of both sides, a reform that will reinstate the proper equilibrium between the authorities and, on the other hand, will maintain, not only maintain, it will safeguard the civil rights of each and every Israeli, because we are not here to trample on people. We are here to balance and to amend. And this is why we are determined to fix and to responsibly promote the democratic reform that will reinstate the proper equilibrium between the authorities. And let me remind you, so far we only discussed one topic out of many that have not been discussed yet. The best possible way to achieve this balancing reform and to prevent such a rift from occurring between Israelis is through dialogue and through obtaining as broad a consensus as possible. Regretfully, the representatives of the opposition have refused so far to enter into such a dialogue. I think three months have been wasted because of this. And hopefully this is going to change. Hopefully this is going to change over the next few days. I am seeking to find a solution. I am attentive to the fears of the other side. And if you could please note, we've already introduced certain changes to the law that has to do with the committee for the appointment of judges in order to assuage these fears and the law that will be presented to the Knesset for approval. And next week is one that does not take control over the court, but rather balances and diversifies it. It opens the gates of the courts to different world views and sectors and communities and sectors that so far have been excluded from it over decades. We do not want a controlled judiciary. We want a balanced judiciary. And the balanced judiciary is a judiciary of the people. And such a judiciary will also benefit from public trust. It is not the end of democracy. It is the strengthening of democracy in all democracies, including the U.S. Public elected officials are those who appoint judges. There's hardly any exception to that, only some rare exceptions. So the U.S. is not a democracy in New Zealand. Isn't a democracy in Canada? Isn't a democracy the famous legal expert Alan Dershowitz, the professor Dershowitz from Harvard University, who by the way objects to certain sections of the reform, has said that if the reform will be passed in its previous format before the changes, before it was, quote unquote, softened, then the U.S. won't be a dictatorship, but it will be similar to New Zealand. Then Israel won't be dictatorship, but rather similar to Canada and New Zealand and also to the U.S. It is not the end of democracy. It is the strengthening of democracy. And now I would like to answer a central fear that is being brought up by the other side. And I know that there is this fear of an overwhelming overriding, unlimited overriding clause that as a result, any small Knesset majority will be able to overturn every ruling, every decision of the court. And let me tell you explicitly, this will not happen. On the contrary, our intention, my intention, is to make sure that civil rights are anchored as a law. We will guarantee the basic rights of all Israeli citizens, Jews and non-Jews, religious, secular, women, men, LGBTQ, members of the LGBTQ community. And we are committed to these principles. And I'm not speaking up in the air. We intend to pass some explicit legislation. I will personally make sure that that is the case. Now, regretfully, so far my hands had been chained. We've reached this absurd situation that if I were to be able to intervene in this event, and that is my role, they threatened to tell me that I cannot judge and be the prime minister. And this would have canceled the will of the people. And this is an absurdity that is inconceivable in a proper democracy. So I am informing you, my dear friends, citizens of the state of Israel, the buck stops here. I am going to get involved. I'm going to set aside any other consideration. And for the sake of our people and our country, I will do everything I can in order to reach a solution. I met this evening with various ministers, including the Minister of Defense. I've heard his fears about the implications of this situation on our national security. And I'm taking all of it into account. And yet I must also say again, reiterate that there is no place for refusing military service, because it is risking our national security and the personal safety of each and every one of us. And there is no justification for refusing to serve. Let me tell you, my dear friends, I will do everything I can, everything in order to calm things down and to amend the rift, because we are all brothers and sisters and God willing, we will do this together and we will succeed.