 What have you had in the last 20 years in Venezuela was, you know, there was the loss of power of an elite that was accustomed to, you know, making their deals with the IMF, with the World Bank, with, you know, that lived off training bonds. And that sort of, you know, went away. Even in the oil industry. I mean, the oil industry in Venezuela used to be run as if it was a private company with no concern, you know, for the social well-being of the country. But rather, it's internal development. And the problem is that, you know, President Chavez came with a mandate of, you know, helping people because it didn't make sense that we were such a rich country, that we had such a rich oil company that was state-owned. And there was no reflection on that on the streets. So the first measures that we're taking from the beginning by President Chavez, and then followed through by President Maduro, but the first measures that we're taking was how do we tend to the social issues that we have? I mean, we had, we have a high, at that time we had high poverty rates. We had illiteracy. And after, you know, the first program started coming in, we freed Venezuela from illiteracy. We had, we opened up medical coverage to the people. Education, right now Venezuela is the country with the fifth largest university enrollment in the world, and the second in the region. We have even, and even throughout this crisis, something we have to recognize about President Maduro. I mean, we've been building public housing to a point that we had a three million home deficit in 2010. By now we've already covered two and a half million of those homes. We're very close to covering the rest. And that hasn't stopped even with all this economic turmoil that we've received from outside because there's a consciousness in this government that you have to take care of the people. Yes, we didn't have enough time to switch the production model. We didn't have enough time to depart from oil, from an oil economy because those things take time and the process. I mean, we are inserted in a capitalist world order. We have, there's a division of labor where we've been assigned the production of this raw product. So these are things that are difficult to overcome in time. And our priority was to, you know, to help people in their everyday life at, you know, where they were being, you know, there was a lot of suffering at that time. So there had to be a priority. Then at the same time, trying to, you know, walk and transform, you know, at the same time, the production system, but it's difficult. And, you know, things that would happen that people don't know because there's sometimes they say, well, the socialist policies ended up nationalizing a company and then the company, you know, wasn't as productive as it was before. Well, you have the case, for example, of we nationalized the glass bottle companies that used to belong to Owen Illinois. And fine, you know, we started working on it, but then they have patents and there's property, intellectual property rights over the models of the bottles. So there was all these limitations afterwards that, you know, that we couldn't, that it was very difficult to overcome. We couldn't import some of the parts from when machines broke down because they made a blockade. So this blockade is not just the sanctions that were signed by President Shump in 2017, but there's been a constant blockade against Venezuela of different types of elements that have hurt our economy and our development. If we don't have the patents to repair the machinery, then, you know, we lose some of those efforts. And despite the fact that, you know, we could have made it more productive than it was before. Traditionally, in Venezuela, the opposition has always, the people that had had a very well-to-do life in Venezuela and in the higher middle class, upper middle class, people that lived off commerce because we don't have, we don't really have bourgeoisie here that was productive. I mean, you have other examples in other countries like America and Brazil or Argentina, maybe that where you had a bourgeoisie that invested somewhat inside their own countries and, but we really didn't have that because of being an oil-producing country. You basically captured oil rent and then it was distributed to these people who, at the end of the day, basically were importers and not producers. You know, a lot of the Venezuelan productively, you know, sometimes argues that, you know, they've had limitations by the government or something and that, but at the end of the day, if they were to compete in a full neoliberal scheme with other countries, they wouldn't be able to do so because they, you know, the way they lived off oil rent, you know, was the way they secured but then they were not even competitive at the neoliberal level. So this is the type of people that want the government back. That's why you have a houseman in, you know, the signing how the IMF is gonna, you know, reconstruct Venezuela. I mean, look at the example for Argentina, you know, not, you know, Macri. I mean, all the money coming in from the fund bill is that money really reflected for the benefit of the people. And that's nothing, that's not the model we want. And that's not the model that can win elections in Venezuela because people have raised their consciousness during the last 20 years. And they understand that they want a model that takes care of them. They want a model that gives them dignity, a dignified life because that's what really, you know, the socialist model Venezuela has been. A dignified life. And that means not the wealth for the elite, but you know, something that people can help them in the everyday and have hope of a better future. And that's what we're trying to build despite all the attacks and despite all the difficulties. That's where we're going. It's been interesting to see the U.S. because of, you know, what their high officials have said, you know, it's been interesting to see how much they, how much effort they put into this and the way that they've been participating frontally in a coup. I mean, we're used to saying that, you know, the U.S. government was behind the coup and so on, so country. But this time you see them in front. I mean, you see that, you know, right before Mr. Guaidó, you know, declared himself president, you had tweets from Mike Pence saying, this is something that should happen and promoting this and that the military should help them and should obey. So it's very interesting to see that dynamic. And that there is an obvious and open declaration by high officials that that's what they really, you know, they want to see in Venezuela happen. The timing, I think at the end of the day, you know, it's something that also serves internal purposes in the U.S. United States is about to undergo another electoral cycle. I mean, it's very early on the stage, but there will be elections next year. And that's why it was not surprising that President Trump went out and did a speech specifically aimed at Venezuela, to Venezuelan Americans living in the state of Florida, where, you know, nowadays there's about 100,000 Venezuelan Americans that can vote, that can decide elections. And that's a large number that it could be swayed, you know, either way, it could give, you know, somebody a victory in the states as important as Florida. So there's, so the Venezuela issue is playing part of internal politics in the United States. And it's also playing part in internal politics when you see, you know, we see people saying, oh, Venezuela's the example of socialism and socialism failed, and it's a concern because I believe that the changes that are going on now in the United States or the movements that have been growing that have had a more important presence there are movements that are somewhat, or somewhat identify with the ideas of socialism or, you know, socialists, democratic socialists, as they call themselves. So they're trying to look for alternative to this neoliberal model that has failed here and has failed in everywhere else. So the rhetoric from the right is saying condemning socialism and socialism. And if they could show Venezuela as somewhere where socialism is supposedly failing, then, you know, they could use that electorally. But you have to ask your question, you know, the problems in the United States because of socialism, or, I mean, are the people in Flint, Michigan having contaminated water because socialism or because the government was spending money outside and fighting wars in Libya, Syria, and other places that didn't take care of the water system for their own communities? Who is really to blame? Is it socialism, or is this the predatory capitalism and militarism that's spreading out, you know, throughout the world? Look, diplomacy is something very, very dear to us and to the modern revolution. I mean, even with the United States, I mean, currently, and that's something we should always say, we've always been open to dialogue with the United States and it's something that we've always promoted. President Madura has always said, you know, I'm willing to talk to President Trump and as long as there's a relationship of respect, there's something that we need to do and we're always open to having a serious discussion. We believe in diplomacy, we believe that we have to strengthen our ties with the rest of the world. You know, Venezuela would traditionally just look upwards to the United States and not even to its neighbors. We were always, this is a region that always gave its back to its neighbors. And then after the Bolivar Revolution started, we began to sort of change that and the system grew, the inter-American system grew to have more, not just the old structures but the new structures that really created relations between other Latin American countries. I mean, we had SELAC as the community of states of Latin America and the Caribbean. We had ALBA, which is a political organization within our own region that defends the principles of, you know, towards socialism in the 21st century. And we've had other outside of our region as well, other ties to other countries. I mean, we had a good cooperation with Russia, with China, with Turkey. So, you know, in other countries, I mean, again, the idea is that we believe countries should help each other and complement each other, not exploit each other or not, you know, set rules that, you know, I give you this in exchange for this or you have to make those so-and-so changes inside your country. I think we believe in cooperation, we believe in dialogue, we believe that that's necessary so that countries can be really independent and have their own resources to move forward. Look, I think the Venezuelan people have for a long time been growing weary of violence and, you know, and people want to live in a peaceful society. People don't want to see a coup d'etat. People are very dear to the democracy. I mean, we've had 25 elections in the last 20 years. That's something that we like to do. I mean, this has become a culture participation. And you can see even most, I'm sure, you take a poll in the streets or anywhere, you can see most of the people, including people from the opposition, they don't want to see a coup d'etat, they don't want to see a conflict. They want to see ways in which we can democratically solve our differences, but they don't want to see violence. They don't want to see these attempts. So there's a lot of, there's a reaction. They usually, you know, I believe, you know, the enemies of Venezuela think that because they're promoting this craziness here, self-proclaimed president or, you know, these actions against the country that people are going to immediately break down. And I think it's the opposite. I think the Venezuelan people gather together and defend their sovereignty and defend democracy. I think there's something that we hold very dear. You can see that on the people in the street. I was very surprised to see the numbers of people that came out to sign, you know, a statement with, you know, in rejection of the attempts of why the U.S. of, you know, menacing Venezuela and a coup. And you know, these are people that have other things to do. These are people that have, you know, they leave their workplaces and they come here, you know, in the middle of the day under the sun because they want to make a statement because they mean something to them. Again, it's sometimes hard to understand for people who are not from Venezuela, but, you know, the spirit here changed, the attitude here changed. People are politically engaged. For one side or the other, people are politically engaged. People like to do politics. People like to solve their differences democratically. People don't want to see, you know, these tensions in this violence anymore.