 Felly, y cychwyn i'r blaen a'r ad faithau yn ei deilio y bydd frydym yn fwy o'r hawdd. Felly, oherwydd, arwt i'r ad faithiau yn dlunio ar ddweud y cychwyn, mae'r ad faithiau ynificio ar gyfer ei ddechrau i gael ziwb ac yn绕. Felly, yma, mae'n ffordd os yw'r ad faithiau sydd ar gyfer y cychwyn i'r gwneud yn ddechrau i chi ar y cychwyn i'r ad faithiau ac yn yr ad faithiau sydd yw eu cwestiwch cyfrannu ac ydych chi'n gyfrannu'n acotifolion. Yn ystod y Ddod, arfer y cyfrannu cyfrannu sy'n cyfrannu i'r taxid o'r darlogau i ni wedi arbennig y targedau. Roedd y targedau rhai y gallwn ei fanolodol iawn ac na'r targedau arbennig y targedau yn y fynd eich neu bandannau arbennig arbennig Ie, rydyn ni'n gweld yn ddod i'r wneud i'r unedd iawn o'r ffordd. Rydyn ni'n ddod i'r holl yn rwynt i'r holl i'r holl yn yma. Yn ymgyrch chi'n gwaith yw'r holl yn ymgyrch chi'n gwybwysiadau a'u gydagol ar gyfer cyfaint gweithio. Yn ymgyrch chi'n gweithio gyda'u gweithio ar gyfer cyfaint gweithio a'u gweithio i'r holl yn ymgyrch chi'n gweithio. ar y cyd-fair. Roedd nid o'r ffordd, oherwydd roedd yn ei peth yn seffaith bwysig â'r bethau gyda'r halfasucurol. Ond, oherwydd fel y cyd-fair, y clywbeth yn hynny'n cerddwyd mawr o bach o bach, cyd-fair byddwyr yn cael eu'r cyllidhaeth karadwadau ar y cy yrwe. Felly, mae un entscheidiau yn rhan ymdoul, mae'r 170 arfer yn bach o'r cyd-fair. Rwyfyrr ar hynny'n mwy arall o fod yn helyshno i chi roedden, mae'r cyd-fair, gyda siaradid ar y cwblu pan georddoedd cyntaf, gallwn hefyd yn cael ei dyn nhw. Mae'r cyfrifosydd cyfrifosid cyfrifosid cyfwiydd ar ei dyn nhw yw ymlaen i'r adyn nhw, mewn gwneud cyfrifosid y marmarau, y rymian ydw i'r sgall, ydw i'r adeg ond yn allan iawn nesaf. Mae'r archiolwg yn cynnig gyda cyddig o'i cyfrifosid tîm iawn o'r negedeg yng Nghymru, I arfer yw'r un ffordd yn gennym o'ch byw. Rwyf yn dechrau gynnig o'r newid i yw serion cookwyr a'r idea o ran ein newid. Ond oes i wneud byw oedd 상au i gwirionedd tynnu a'r holl hwnnw o'r cyfnod iawn i ymwneud yma. A usesi'r ffordd yw'r cyfeithio yma, oherwydd carefio gan Eulaf i'r gwirionedd Cymru o'r Llywodraeth Mae'r gwirgau sydd yn eu cael ei wneud, yn ystafell ac ein llwst. Ond, ond pan pobwynt, mae'r buddynhau monumentiau yn ôl yma yn maen nhw'r holl bonne i wyddweithio. Felly, mae'r holl gawr i'n ôl am y hollewyr a'r hollewyr yn yr oedd. Ond yna, mae'n mhlion o'r hollewyr mewn teimlo yn ddim yn yr oedau i hollewyr. A oedda hi fe nhw'n hollewyr a'i cyfannu hynny o'r gwirgau sydd y byd? Mae'r brodwyr yw'r hanfodd ymlaen i'r Constant NGO. Mae'r brodwyr yn ystafell. Rhywbeth dda i'r brifysgfa Ychynig. Ydw i'r pob yw'r cram о'r Cyfrifysgfa Fyrdd y cwrwp yn ystafell. Rydw i'r brodwyr eich bair o cwrwp, oka'r gwbeithio gael oherwydd Ac oedd yn bai'r brodwyr gwiaith. Rydw i'r cwrwp yn gyiar Rylen oherwydd ymlaen, ac mae'r holl gympr metre oherwydd ac oedd yr haes i'r cyfrifysgfa These are just the mega-projects. So, Sulu Culew is a good example of what happens when the state wants to basically make cash out of an adored district which doesn't necessarily conform to the identity of Turkishness. Plans to redevelopment of Sulu Culew were revealed in late 2005 and the areas demolished through 2009 to 2010. 571 predominantly Romani houses were destroyed, displacing over 5,000 residents. The area stood as the home of the oldest central Romani community for over 1,000 years and was defined by UNESCO as 1,000 years of Romani cultural heritage. The Sulu Culew's residents were offered strange deals concerning their moving and only their own property basically were they allowed to then buy a new property but not on the same level and the new houses retailed over 10 times per square meter than the residents paid. In doing so, the Aberystwyth regeneration not only gained loads of cash but also encompassed the Romani culture into formal avenues of the state. Often these lower levels minorities have just been left to be impoverished by themselves but now in these areas they've been forced out and this goes on. This is not only Sulu Culew, this is Tala Basha, Orkmidon and other kind of areas that are in the very centre of the city. So it is formalisation of the heritage narratives which currently breathe such discontent amongst these communities especially places like the Roma who have kind of a very vibrant and not necessarily Turkish inclusion. This is not the first time that the city has undergone radical change and just in the actual construction of the Republic in the first place the city was well the capital was moved from Istanbul to Ankara for the precise reason of actually moving away from what was perceived to be old and not progressive. Istanbul still became a very centre of industry and violence essentially so whereas the city journey off from the period existed as 56% was in Turkish and that then grew to 99% due to pogroms and expulsions of Greeks, Armenians and many minorities basically being subsumed into Turkishness. This came through kind of economic stripping and kind of social also like lack of inclusion. Places that the government kind of at that period during that kind of period of redevelopment actually grew. Places like Gezi Park came to kind of be a symbol of this new city and actually redefine relationships amongst these communities and the other communities so what you ended up having was kind of a synthesis between this old city and the new city and these old communities and the new communities and you know kind of a mix let's say but many of the kind of older generations still mourned the soul of the city as it's dilapidated and still do today. If you go around in the city you can often speak to people who say that you know they don't necessarily know the heritage of the area that they were but you can speak to their next-door neighbour or a friend who is Greek or Armenian and they would be able to tell you the truth behind this so this kind of synthesis exists these two or many many many more narratives that are overlapping and interlinking in the city and causing these kind of strange micro narratives let's say but conversely the actual archaeology of the city is as Edwin exactly says an ideology and so in making plans for taxim making plans for Gezi Park to have a barracks to reinstate the old Ottoman barracks which was actually also the first football stadium um he's directly going against uh not only well kind of weirdly going against the archaeology but also for his idea of what the heritage should be i the autumnisation and the stuff which directly contrasts with the the idea of Turkishness but simultaneously doesn't actually link back up with the kind of inclusion of minorities in society although it originally started as intended to be like that um places like Gezi Park have become new lifeblood for the city a new kind of area of liberalisation and new mixed synthesis between these things so you have LGBTs and other minority communities also existing in this new republican space and so being targeted again by Edwin um he's also trying to get rid of this new progressive kind of minority inclusivity of things um which resulted in the Gezi process which were in 2013 and I think that maybe quite a lot of people know about those um so they kind of grew out of a lot of different narratives a lot of different directions including suppression of minorities and general public space where people could practice non not necessarily the same um behaviour the different parts of cultural heritage for Sulu Fili that's turned into a music venue where the kind of Romani music and even contemporary versions of Romani music including hip-hop created dominated slaves and became very well known as um as a form of intangible cultural heritage which was being paraded around in spite of the uh the huge amounts of government attacks and pressure and of course the loss of their actual ideological homeland which was Sulu Fili which was then at that point already destroyed and they had been scattered some 30 kilometres actually most of the families from who had been scattered and not moving back to poor residents but still fractured and so the Sulu Fili continued in the outline and other districts which became a very interesting thing onto itself um so the public appreciation of space really hit high in Gezi and re-evaluated what the space was supposed to be and and people realised that the space wasn't necessarily the same for everybody um dialogues which didn't usually exist or didn't typically exist between kind of larger scale ideas of republicans and nationalism minorities lgbt's football forums all started talking and appreciating each other's um kind of position in in the city um and it kind of devolved after the protests ended to this last quote and which is wherever you are chance to prepare a banner and take a picture of it tie a cloth around a tree take the parts organize a forum talk with one another sing our songs geziad everywhere you are so people were aware that this can occur through the materiality of the city and actually fundamentally it is the materiality of the city which is going to make a difference so um and so this evolved onto the streets and graffiti such as this such as this is our meaning graffiti in kutlush um showing and kind of appreciating other parts of Armenian culture um so and by reproducing their own material memory they placed themselves firmly in the landscape combating the larger scale kind of destruction of the city and reconstruction so they're producing their own narratives their own material narratives in the city um the eco-based desire to uproot disperse cohesive suba subaltern groups is stronger than ever though because of this and because of the movements of geziad and the aftermath um with stuff like this um they target are now targeting spaces which couldn't perform in this kind of multivocal way um and so by smacking a massive great mosque right on taxim um and tearing down the api me and the after cultural um mechizzi and opera household by a kind of a renewal cultural heritage during the cat um he's essentially placing and completely overriding um what was essentially and is the spiritual home of of this kind of latter unity um and so through targeting the space and you know and he is essentially and then they are essentially changing fundamentally the way in which um these cultures these kind of smaller narratives are kind of appearing um in Tsiglukule um a Roma guy said our houses have courtyards these courtyards have many functions we used to wash out dead there we have fruit trees mulberry cherry and plum trees we start animals chickens birds horses donkeys we live in apartments now but living in apartments is not our way of life we do not have this culture um and this isn't just in Tsiglukule this is occurring on a wider scale um and without kind of acknowledging that these micro narratives are incredibly important actually for the production of smaller kind of forms of heritage or less grand heritage we always think about stuff like and the Iosofia and we think that's happening in the Fumos but the city is constituent and always has been constituent of many different kind of parts of the world and parts of the nation and without recognizing that these things occur we're going to lose them and that would be a terrible shame and so in order to protect globally significant horror historic fights we have to be awareness of local ones and as the government turns away from kind of westernization way from ideas of kind of formalization of heritage products and and and the west is a guiding light basically and that could also transfer quite easily into the rejection of things like UNESCO in the same way that the government is more or less rejecting the union and and in doing so the transience of the kind of underlying material in the city it produces a threat because without the people there actually on the screen protecting that protecting these values protecting the actual their own personal heritage it's going to go and there's nothing that we're going to be able to do to stop that anyway so I hope that that wasn't too fast for you and if you have any questions please ask me at the end