 Chapter 18 Part 1 of J.B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Mark Penfold. The Student's Roman Empire, Part 1 by John Bagnell Bury, Chapter 18, Part 1. The Wars for Armenia, under Claudius and Nero. The struggle between Rome and Parthia for the possession of Armenia was renewed in the reign of Claudius. This struggle was perpetually being decided and perpetually reoccurring. The Romans were determined to keep their hold over a country which was a ground of vantage for either realm against the other, while the Parthian monarchs tried, whenever they got an opportunity, to supplant Roman influence and reduce the land to dependence on themselves. War-like demonstrations on the part of Rome were generally sufficient to make the Parthian kings withdraw their pretensions to Armenia and adopt a respectful attitude to the Roman Emperor, for they were constantly hampered by wars on other frontiers of their dominion and by domestic dissensions. These repeated settlements of the Armenian question are marked by the same general features. Rival pretenders to the throne of Armenia are supported by Rome and Parthia. The Parthian kingdom is distracted by civil war or excited into discontent against the reigning monarch, and there is a movement in favor of some Scyon of the Arsaceid house who is living in exile or as a hostage at Rome. He is supported by Roman arms, but by an inevitable reaction is soon rejected, and the war ends with the acknowledgement of Roman supremacy in some form in Armenia. It will be remembered that Tiberius had established the overlordship of Rome in 20 BC that it was again confirmed by Gaius Caesar into A.D. Again in 18 A.D. the Parthians submitted at the appearance of another presumptive heir to the Empire, and recently the energetic action of Lucius Vitellius had thwarted the schemes of Artibanus III. But what had been well done under the auspices of Tiberius was immediately undone by the caprice of his successor. Gaius summoned Mithridates, the new king of Armenia to Rome, deposed him and sent him into exile. At the same time he recalled Vitellius in disgrace from his government of Syria. This was an opportunity for the Parthians, and they did not fail to seize the coveted land. Thus when Claudius came to the throne, one of the tasks which devolved upon him was the recovery of Armenia. Mithridates was immediately recalled from exile and, restored to his royal dignity, he set about recovering his kingdom with the help of his brother Feresmenes, king of Iberia. Artibanus III was now dead, and Parthia was disturbed by a war for the succession between his sons, Gotarzes and Vardanes. Gotarzes had come to the throne and made himself detested by his cruelties. One of his acts was the murder of his brother Artibanus with his wife and son. His subjects accordingly sent for his other brother Vardanes, an enterprising prince, who was then at a distance of 400 miles from the court. He is said to have traversed this space in two days, and Gotarzes, completely surprised and terrified, fled. Celusia alone, which had held out against his father, declined the rule of Vardanes, and the new king was impolitic enough to give way to his resentment at such a moment, and embarrass himself with the siege of a city secured by strong fortifications and abundant supplies. He thus gave Gotarzes time to collect an army of Herkanians and Dehei, Scythian Rysus east of the Caspian Sea, and was then compelled to raise the siege and march against his brother. He pitched his camp on the great Bactrian plain, which stretches between the Oxus and the Parapemesis, now the Hindu Kush. It was a favourable moment for Mithridates to re-establish his rule in Armenia, and the Armenians made no resistance when their governor, who had ventured on a battle, was slain. Some of the nobles inclined to Cotus, king of Little Armenia, but a letter from his overlord Claudius prevented that monarch from interfering. Some of the fortresses of Armenia received Roman garrisons. Meanwhile the armies of the Parthian brothers had met, but just as they were about to begin battle, they came suddenly to an agreement through the discovery of a plot which Gotarzes revealed to his brother. They joined right hands, and Gotarzes yielded the sovereignty to his brother, and, to avoid rivalry, retired into the wilds of Herkania. Vardanis was then able to force Seleucia, which had defied the Parthian government for seven years, to capitulate 43 A.D. After this success he was preparing to invade Armenia, but was deterred by the threatening attitude of Vibious Marces, the Legatus of Syria. The struggle with Gotarzes soon broke out anew. That prince repented of his renunciation of the crown, and was urged by the discontented nobility to take up arms again. The conflict took place in the country between the Caspian and Herat, and Vardanis gained a great victory and pushed his successes as far as the borders of the Dehae. He returned hotier and more intolerable to his subjects than ever. A plot was concerted, and he was assassinated when he was intent upon the chase, 45 A.D. He was still in his first youth, but he would deserve, says the historian Tacitus, to be ranked among the few greatest of even long-lived kings, if he had sought to be loved by his subjects as he sought to be feared by his enemies. Gotarzes immediately assumed the sovereignty, but after some years his cruelty and proflicacy drove the Parthians to send an embassy to Rome, and begged that the prince Mehardeities, the surviving son of the Nones, whom Germanicus had put to death in Cilicia, should be sent to dispute the Parthian throne with the hated Gotarzes, 49 A.D. The ambassadors represented that Parthia sent her king's sons as hostages to Rome in order that when she grew tired of her own government, she might fall back on the emperor and the senate, and obtain a better king trained in Roman manners. Claudius improved the occasion by emphasizing the superiority of Rome and the submissiveness of the Parthians. He did not lose the opportunity of comparing himself to the divine Augustus from whom the Parthians in like manner had sought a king, Vonones, but he omitted all reference to his uncle Tiberius, who had sent two kings to Parthia. He gave good advice to Mehardeities, who was present, urging him to consider himself as a ruler among freemen, not as a despot among slaves. The barbarians will like clemency and justice all the more because they are unused to them. Then turning to the ambassadors, he dwelled on the virtues of the young foster child of Rome, yet, even if his character should change, it is well that subjects should bear with the caprices of kings. Frequent revolutions are unprofitable. Rome has now reached such a height that he can afford to wish that even foreign peoples should enjoy repose. As El Vitellius had formerly conducted Tiridates to the frontiers of the Parthian Empire, so it devolved now upon C. Cassius, governor of Syria, to escort Mehardeities to the Euphrates. There he was received by several Parthian potentates, including King Abgar of Ossriene. Cassius gave the young prince sound advice, showing him that delay would be fatal, and that if he did not act quickly, the enthusiasm of the barbarians would soon flag. But Mehardeities was induced by Abgar to amuse himself for several days in Edessa, and then, instead of occupying Mesopotamia, where success seems to have been assured to him by Carinii, the governor of Mesopotamia, he proceeded by a circuitous route to Armenia, where, as winter was beginning, it was impossible to do much. He was joined by Carinii, and then advancing along the Tigris into Adiabene, whose king Aizates, pretended to espouse his cause, he occupied the historic site of Nenus, and gave it the name of Colonia Nini Claudia. Delay was fatal to Mehardeities, even as it had been fatal to Tiridates, the pretender sent by Tiberias. His chief adherents, recognizing his incompetence, especially Abgar and Aizates, deserted to Gotarzees, and then he decided to risk everything on a battle. The struggle seems to have taken place between the Tigris and Mount Zagros. Both sides fought with desperate courage. Carinii's carried all before him, but advancing too far was surprised in the rear. This decided the issue. Mehardeities yielded to false promises and was led in chains to the victor who despised him too much to put him to death, but rendered him harmless by the amputation of his ears. But Gotarzees did not long survive his victory. He was succeeded in summer 51 A.D., by Vonones II, king of Medea, who was followed after a reign of a few months, by his son Velogasees I, a capable and successful ruler, 51-78 A.D. One of the chief ends of the policy of Velogasees was to recover Armenia, and an opportunity was soon offered through an act of foul treachery on the part of the Iberian king. Farasmanes had a son named Radimistus, tall, handsome, of remarkable bodily strength, trained in archery and riding, and the other accomplishments of his countrymen, and of high renown among the neighboring peoples. This ambitious youth declared too boldly his impatience of his father's long old age, which kept him out of the little kingdom which he perhaps hoped to extend. Farasmanes, seeing that his son was prepared to grasp the power, if an occasion offered itself, tempted the youth with other prospects and pointed to Armenia, suggesting that his brother, Mithridates, might be overthrown. A treacherous scheme was devised. Radimistus, feigning to have quarreled with his father, sought shelter at his uncle's court, and there engaged in treasonable intrigues with some of the Armenian nobles. When the ground was prepared, Farasmanes declared war against his brother on some trifling plea, and supplied his son with an army, with which he invaded and occupied Armenia, fifty-two A.D. Mithridates placed himself under the protection of the Roman garrison of the fortress of Gournais, which was commanded by Cilius Polio. Radimistus blockaded the place, and, unable to take it, attempted to bribe Polio. But Gasperius, a centurion, who held a secondary command, protested, and having arranged a truce, commanded to Farasmanes to induce him to withdraw the army. Farasmanes replied in a conciliatory manner, but by secret messages urged Radimistus to hurry on the siege. A large bribe was offered to Polio, who seems to have been a man of bad character. He bribed the soldiers to threaten to abandon the place unless terms were made with the besiegers, and the unfortunate Mithridates was compelled to surrender. Radimistus at first rushed into his embrace, greeted him as his parent, and feigned the deepest respect. He even swore an oath that he would offer him no violence either by sword or by poison. He then drew him into a neighboring grove, where he said that preparations had been made for the sacrifice which should confirm peace in the presence of the gods. It was the custom of these princes when they met to form an alliance, to join their right hands and tie together their thumbs in a tight knot. Then when the blood was collected into the extremities which were thus tied, they led it out by a small puncture and sucked it each in turn. The treaty had thus a mystical sanctity being sealed by the blood of both. On this occasion the man who was tying the knot pretended to fall, and seizing the knees of Mithridates flung him down. A number of people then rushed upon him and loaded him with chains. He was dragged along, subject to all kinds of indignities while his wife and little children followed, wailing. They were hidden in covered wagons until the will of Ferris Manes as to their fate should be made known. To him the desire of kingdom was more than his brother and his daughter, and his heart was steeled to crimes, but he spared his eyes the sight of a brother's execution. Radymestis, to keep the letter of his oath, used neither steel nor poison against his uncle and his sister, but had them thrown on the ground and smothered under a load of heavy clothes. Even the sons of Mithridates were slaughtered for having wept at the murder of their father and mother. Umidius Quadratus, the Legatus of Syria, on whom it devolved to watch the course of events in the neighboring dependent kingdoms, decided not to interfere. He or his counselors judged it to be a matter of indifference whether Armenia was ruled by the uncle or by the nephew, and the principal was asserted that all crime in a foreign land was to be received with joy. It was the policy of Rome to so strife among the barbarians, and it was rather for her interest that the hated Radymestis should retain what he had got by such an infamous deed in as much as he would be more easily managed. At the same time, appearances were kept up by sending an embassy to Ferris Manes, bidding him and his son evacuate Armenia. A show of interference was also made by Julius Pelignus, the procurator of Cappadocia, a man of deformed body and feeble intellect who had been a sort of buffoon at the court of Claudius. There were no military forces stationed in Cappadocia at this time, but Pelignus collected some native militia and set forth to recover Armenia. His men deserted their incompetent leader, and he, finding himself defenseless, went to Radymestis, whose gifts had such an effect that Pelignus actually urged him to assume the tiara and diadem of royalty, and take part in the coronation of the usurper whom he had come to expel. This disgraceful act caused great scandal, and lest other Romans should be judged by the behavior of Pelignus, Quadratus sent a certain Helvetius Priscus, with one of the Syrian legions, to restore order, but this force was speedily withdrawn in order to avoid a collision with the Parthians. For in the meantime, phylogasies, judging the moment to be favorable, and supposing that the Romans would not trouble themselves to support Radymestis, had named his brother Tiridates, king of Armenia, and had entered the country with an army, fifty-three A.D. The Iberians were expelled without a blow, and the two chief cities, Artexata and Tegrana Serta, submitted to the Parthian yoke. A severe winter, want of provisions, and the breaking out of a disease in his army, compelled phylogasies to retire, and Radymestis speedily returned and dealt out vengeance to those who had deserted him. But his subjects rebelled against his cruelty, and an armed crowd gathered round his palace in Artexata. He and his wife Zinobia were obliged to flee, and the story of their escape is romantic. Their chance of safety lie in the swiftness of their horses, but Zinobia was pregnant, and, though she endured somehow or other the first part of the flight, she was after a while so shaken by the continuous galloping that she could hold out no longer, and dismounting she begged her husband to rescue her from the insults of captivity by an honorable death. Radymestis was at length induced to comply with her request, unceiving his short saber, the Asanasis. He stabbed her, and dragging her to the bank of the Araxes, committed her to the stream that even her dead body might be rescued from the enemy. He then continued his headlong flight, and reached Iberia in safety. But Zinobia was not mortally wounded. She lay in the calm water near the edge of the river, breathing and showing signs of life. Some shepherds observed her, and seeing from her appearance that she was a woman of high degree, bound up her wound and applied rustic remedies. Having discovered her name and story, they took her to Artexata, whence she was led to Tiridates, now established as King of Armenia, who received her kindly, and treated her as a queen, 54 AD. Some desultory warfare was kept up between Tiridates and Radymestis during the first year of Claudius, 54 AD. The Parthians were at this time trampled by revolts in the north of their empire, and the Romans were busy with the suppression of a rising of the Clite in Cilicia and with troubles in Judea. The Armenians disgusted at the continents which the Romans had given to the usurpation of Radymestis, where by no means dissatisfied at the establishment of a Parthian prince in their country. The success of Tiridates seemed to be one more proof that the policy of Augustus was not likely to lead to a stable settlement of the eastern question. The death of Claudius and the accession of Nero was a good opportunity for trying a new policy. The government of Nero, conducted by Seneca and Burris, decided to take active measures for the recovery of Armenia and the maintenance of Rome's prestige, which had been dimmed by the recent triumph of the Logacies and his brother. The first step was the appointment of Geneus Domitius Corbulo to the government of Cappadocia with the rank of a consular Legatus, although that province had been hitherto under a procurator. He was consul in 39 AD. We have already met him as Legatus of lower Germany, 47 AD, where he gained a high reputation for discipline and ability. Quadratus was allowed to keep his post in Syria, but was ordered to place two of his four legions at the disposal of the new Legatus of Cappadocia. Antiochus of Comagine and Herod Agrippa II of Chalcis received commands to have their troops in readiness for operations against the Parthians. Lesser Armenia and Sofini, the countries which bordered Armenia on the west, were entrusted to two Syrian princes, Aristobulus and Sohemus, respectively. But the legions had become demoralized by a long peace, and they liked little to change their quarters in Syria for the mountains of Armenia. There were veterans in the army who had never served on sentinel duty, to whom the rampart and the ditch were novelties, men without helmets or breastplates, sleek traitors who had served all their time in towns. The first thing that Corbulo had to do was to dismiss a large number of incapable men and levy new recruits. Even after the restoration of discipline, he was obliged to ask for additional troops from the more efficient armies of the west. A legion and auxiliaries were sent from Germany, but Rome did not immediately come to blows with Parthia. Instead of invading Armenia, Corbulo entered into negotiations with philogacies and a treaty was concluded. The Parthians undertook to give hostages as a pledge of peace, while the Romans suffered the rule of Tiridates in Armenia. Perhaps this was only for the purpose of gaining time, but it may be that the Roman government had come to see the uselessness of continually setting up kings of their own choice in Armenia destined to be overthrown in a few years by Parthian rivals. So as they were not prepared to annex that country as a province, they decided to adopt the policy of recognizing the Parthian candidate, on the understanding that he held his dependency under the overlord ship of the Roman emperor, not of the Parthian monarch. But as time went on and Tiridates still demurred to receive Armenia as a Roman gift and take an oath of allegiance to the emperor, Corbulo set out in 57 AD, two years after his appointment, with an army of about 30,000 men and wintered in Armenia. The rigor of Armenian winters was proverbial, and the army seems to have suffered severely. The ground covered with ice yielded no place for the tents until it was regularly dug up. The cold was so intense that many of the men had their limbs frostbitten, others perished on guard. A soldier carrying a bundle of wood was observed, whose hands dropped off and fell with a burden. Corbulo was glad to give his demoralized soldiers the experience of hardships. He is described as going about among his men, lightly clad with uncovered head, praising the brave, encouraging the weak, enforcing strict discipline. Dissertors were put to death for the first offense. It was probably in the Table-Land of Erzeroom that the warfare of the year 58 AD was carried on. The campaign began by a slight reverse for the Romans. Corbulo had posted some auxiliary infantry in certain defensive positions under the command of a centurion, to whom he had given strict orders to keep the army. Corbulo had sent some men to the camp of Erzeroom, and to the camp of Erzeroom he had sent some men to the camp of Erzeroom. A centurion to whom he had given strict orders to keep within the entrenchments. But this officer, seeing what he thought a favorable opportunity, disobeyed and was defeated. The general punished both officers and soldiers by making them in camp outside the rampart, and they were only released from this disgrace when the whole army interceded. When spring was well advanced, Corbulo did all in his power to force into an engagement Tiridates, who was scouring the country and plundering all whom he thought friendly to Rome. Wary of following the enemy hither and thither, Corbulo divided his forces so that his legati and prefects might attack several points at the same time. His operations were supported by Antiochus, king of Comegine, advancing from the south, and Feresmenes of Iberia, who desired to redeem his former treachery and had already put to death his son Radimistus from the north. A people called the Moshe, who dwelled near the sources of the river Faces, also assisted Rome. Vologases was occupied in another quarter of his kingdom by a revolt of the Hurcanians, and Tiridates found himself unable to cope with the superior forces of the Romans. He therefore entered into negotiations with Corbulo, who advised him to send a petition to the Emperor. As it was found that the interchange of messages did not lead to a settlement, an interview was arranged between the commanders. Tiridates proposed to arrive himself with a thousand horsemen, and that Corbulo should be accompanied by as many soldiers as he chose, provided they came without helmets and breastplates, so as to give the appearance of peace. The wary old general was not deceived by this offer, so transparently treacherous. Tiridates intended that his trained archers should shoot down the escort of Corbulo, whose numbers would be of no avail if their bodies were undefended. Corbulo, however, pretended not to see through the stratagem, but replied that it would be better to discuss the matters in dispute in the presence of the whole armies. On the appointed day he arrived first and disposed his troops, but Tiridates did not appear till the afternoon, and then stood at a distance, whence he could be seen rather than heard. Thus no conference took place, and Tiridates presently marched off, apparently in a north-westerly direction, perhaps intending to cut off the supplies which the Roman army drew from Trapezes. Corbulo now ceased to follow Tiridates and prepared a series of attacks on the Armenian fortresses. He undertook himself the assault on Volandum, the strongest in the district, and assigned the lesser forts to the subordinate officers. Volandum lay west of Artexata and south of the river Araxes. Corbulo formed his troops in four divisions and assigned to each a different task. One part with their shields locked above their heads, in the army known as Testudo, advanced close to the rampart to undermine it. Others applied scaling ladders to the walls. Others hurled javelins and brands from the engines, while the slingers at a distance discharged lead and balls against the garrison. Within the third part of the day the walls were stripped of their defenders, the barricades of the gate were thrown down, the fortifications scaled and captured, all the adults butchered, without the loss of a single Roman soldier. Corbulo's officers were equally successful in their less difficult enterprises, and he was encouraged by this success to attack Artexata, the capital of the country. On the march thither the Romans were attacked by the cavalry of Tiridates, who had hoped to take them unawares. But Corbulo had formed his army for fighting as well as for marching. On the right and left sides the third and sixth legions marched respectively, and a chosen body of the fifth was placed in the center. The baggage was secured within the lines, and the rear was guarded by a thousand cavalry who were ordered to resist if attacked, but not to pursue. On the wings were placed the foot bowmen and the rest of the cavalry. The left wing was extended further along the foot of the hills, so that if the enemy broke through the center his flank might be enveloped by the extended wing. Tiridates rode up in the face of the advancing army, but taking care to keep out of the range of missiles. His object was to loosen the ranks by threatening an attack, and then to fall on the separated divisions, but his design failed. Only one cavalry officer advanced rashly and fell pierced with arrows. His example confirmed the others in obedience to orders, and Tiridates retired on the approach of night. Corbulo thought of advancing on Artexata the same night and beginning the blockade. But when his scouts reported that Tiridates had started on a distant march, either to Medea or Albania, he waited for daylight and then sent on his light-armed troops with directions to begin the attack at a distance. But no siege was necessary. The inhabitants immediately opened the gates and surrendered, and thereby saved their lives. The city was burnt to the ground as Corbulo could not spare a sufficient garrison, and the place was too strong to be left unoccupied. The army seems to have wintered in the neighborhood of Artexata, and in the following year, 59 AD, to have marched to Tigran Asserta, which they reached in autumn. The line of march which Corbulo followed is not certain. It seems probable that he proceeded southward from Artexata, and skirting the foot of Little Ararat, entered the plain of Bayazid. Whence following the basin of the river Balik, he could have crossed the watershed of that stream and the murad at Jadin, and then smarged along the murad through the plain of Arishkird. The way would then lie through the plain of Musch, and southeastward across the Bitlis Pass and Tigran Asserta. On this march the Roman general made no hostile demonstrations, but did not relax his vigilance, knowing the character of the Armenians who were as treacherous when opportunity offered as they were slow to face danger. Those who submitted received quarter, but to those who fled or hid themselves in caverns, Corbulo was pitiless. He burnt them out of their holes, filling the entrances and egresses with brushwood. The Mardi of Mount Nefates were especially troublesome, and defied him in their mountain fastnesses. Corbulo set the Iberians on them so as to avoid the sacrifice of Roman lives. In this march the Romans suffered as much from heat as they had suffered during the winters from cold. They were exhausted by shortness of supplies, and were compelled to depend solely on the cattle of the country. This meat diet without any other food was found to be very injurious. Besides this, water was scarce, and the marches in the burning heat were long. At length they reached cultivated lands, perhaps in the neighborhood of Malazgird, and were able to obtain vegetable food. Two Armenian fortresses were taken, and then they crossed into the country of the Taranites, which is probably to be identified with the district of Mush, west of Lake Van. Here Corbulo's life was endangered. A barbarian of considerable rank was discovered with a dagger near the general's tent, and on being tortured, confessed the names of Confederates who were associated with him. The men were convicted and punished. Soon after this envoys whom Corbulo had sent to Tigran Asserta returned and reported that the gates were open to receive him, and the inhabitants ready to obey his orders. They also brought a golden crown, a gift betokening the friendship of the city. Corbulo left the place intact, and then proceeded against Lagerda, a fortress to the west of Tigran Asserta. The stronghold was defended by a brave band and was stormed with difficulty. This success seems to have marked the end of the campaign. Tiridates made some further attempts to re-establish himself in Armenia, but was promptly checked by Corbulo. The land was completely in Roman power, and a new king was chosen, Sixty A.D. The choice of the government fell onto Grannys, a young prince who had been brought up in Rome, descended on the father's side from Herod the Great and on the mother's from Archelaus of Cappadocia. But the realm which Nero conferred on to Grannys was considerably less than that which the previous kings had ruled. It was curtailed by some frontier districts, which were distributed between neighboring princes, Feresmenes, Antiochus, Aristobulus, and Palimo of Pontus. Tigranes sought to increase his kingdom on another side by wrestling Adiabene from Parthia. He invaded that province and defeated the governor Monobasis. This occurrence forced the Parthian monarch, who had abstained from interfering in the recent war in Armenia, to take a decisive step. He confirmed the sovereignty of Tiridates in Armenia, placing the diadem on his head in Solemn Council, and sent his general Menaces to drive out the Roman usurper. In the meantime, Quadratus, the governor of Syria, had died, and, pending the appointment of a successor, the command both in Syria and Cappadocia devolved upon Corbulo. That general sent two legions to Armenia to support Tigranes, who was besieged by the Parthians into Granacerta. But it was not the interest of Corbulo to finish the war and shorten his own command. The two legions which he sent were not those which had been trained by himself, but four and seven, which had remained behind in Syria and were quite inefficient. Moreover, he is said to have given secret instructions to the two commanders, to whom he committed the charge of the legions, to act with deliberation rather than with expedition, for he would rather have war on hand than prosecute it. He himself prepared to cross the Euphrates and meet phylogasies. But the Parthian monarch, again as so often before, shrank from war at the last moment. The attack of his general upon Tigraneserta had been completely unsuccessful. He opened negotiations and declared himself ready to fulfill the conditions of the treaty which had been proposed in 55 AD and let his brother hold Armenia as vassal of the Roman emperor. Corbulo accepted the proposal, withdrew his legions from Armenia, gave up the cause of Tigranes, 61 AD, and permitted Tiridates to resume his possession of the land. It was said, by some, and it is not improbable, that there was a secret understanding between Corbulo and phylogasies. In any case, these proceedings of Corbulo cannot be justified. He may have honestly thought that the arrangement which he twice attempted to make with phylogasies was the best solution of the Armenian question. But once the Roman government had set up Tigranes, he had no right to give up the results which had been won by his own campaigns. Moreover, he was at this time only a temporary commander, and Lucius Cassanius Patus was already on his way to assume the government of Cappadocia to which he had been appointed. It is possible that Corbulo was jealous of his successor and wished to deprive him of the honour of the final subjugation of Armenia. In any case, Corbulo did not act in accordance with the views of the government, and when the ambassadors of phylogasies presented themselves at Rome, the treaty was not confirmed. There is some ground for believing that at this moment it was actually contemplated to make Armenia a Roman province, and this certainly was the view of the new governor of Cappadocia. Thus, Armenia had to be conquered again. The two legions which were stationed in Cappadocia were to be reinforced by a legion from Macea and Patus as soon as he arrived in his province lost no time in setting out. He crossed the Euphrates at Melitini and marched through Sophini, capturing forts and booty on his way. His first object was the recovery of Tigranocerta, but it was late in the year, 62 AD, and he was obliged to defer this enterprise until next season, especially as the Macean legion had not yet arrived. He established the winter quarters of the fourth legion at Randea, a place on the borders of Sophini, close to the Taurus range, and situated on the north bank of the Arsenius, Mirad. In the meantime, Corbulo had taken up a position on the banks of the Euphrates near Zugma to prevent the forces of phylogasies from invading Syria. The Parthian king, learning that the two legions of Patus were not together, that the camp at Randea was badly supplied with provisions, and that Patus was granting furloughs indiscriminately to all the soldiers who applied for them, suddenly determined to invade Armenia, notwithstanding the lateness of the season, and surprise the Roman camp before reinforcements could arrive. Corbulo did nothing to hinder the march of the Parthians into Armenia. Perhaps he was secretly pleased at the prospect of the other commander getting into difficulties. When Patus heard that phylogasies was approaching with a large force, he summoned the seventh legion to his headquarters, and then fully realized the numerical weakness of his forces. The whole army advanced in the direction from which the Parthians were approaching, but when a centurion and some soldiers, who had been sent on to Reconator, were killed in a collision with an advanced party of the enemy, it retreated to the camp. Phylogasies did not press on immediately, and Patus posted a body of 3,000 chosen infantry in the Pass of Mount Taurus, which the Parthians had yet to pass before they reached Randea, and also placed the best of his cavalry in the plain to support the legionaries. But these forces were utterly insufficient, and were swept away before the advance of the Parthian army. The unwounded fled to distant wilds, the disabled returned to the camp. Thus Patus was left, having lost the best part of his army through his ill-considered dispositions, and his forces were still further weakened by the withdrawal of a cohort to the defense of the neighboring fort of Arsamasata, whither his wife and son had been removed for safety. His only chance of escape lay in speedy succour from Corbulo, to whom he had already sent a pressing message. But Corbulo did not hurry, he was willing to let the peril increase in order that the glory of rescuing the army might be enhanced. But he ordered 1,000 men from each of his three legions, along with 800 cavalry, and about 4,000 auxiliary infantry, to be an instant readiness to march. When, however, another message arrived from Patus, with news of the defeat, and earnestly entreating him to come to save the eagles, he set out, leaving half his army to defend the forts on the Euphrates. He marched straight north from Zugma through Camigine and Cappadocia, the route which was shortest and most convenient for obtaining supplies. His army was attended by a large number of camels laden with corn. When he met stragglers from the defeated army, and they alleged various excuses for their flight, he advised them to return to their standards and throw themselves on the mercy of Patus. I, he said, have no pardon but for the victorious. In the meantime Vologases pressed both the fortress of Arsamasata and the camp at Randea. He tried to lure the legions from their entrenchments and bring on an engagement, but the Roman soldiers were demoralized and had no intention of fighting. They only thought of escaping with their lives. They are said to have quoted the historical disasters of Rome, such as the Caudine Forks and the capitulation of Mancinus at Numantia, and urged that if Romans had yielded to Samnites, it would be no disgrace to capitulate to the greater power of Parthia. The general was forced by this attitude of his troops into treating with the enemy. Yet, if he had held out for three days longer, his colleague would have arrived with Sakur. The terms of the capitulation were that the legions should quit Armenia, that the forts and supplies should be surrendered to the Parthians, and a bridge thrown across the river Arsenius to enable them to carry off the booty. The Romans had to submit to such ignominy. The Parthians and Armenians insulted them as they prepared to retire, and their flight was precipitate. Paitis traversed forty miles in a single day, leaving his wounded all along the route. The fugitives met the army of Corbulo on the banks of the Euphrates, near Militine. Corbulo made no exhibition of standards and arms so as to taunt them by the contrast. His manifolds, in their grief for the lot of their comrades, could not even refrain from tears. The mutual salutation was hardly interchanged for weeping. Rivalry and desire of glory, emotions which men feel in success, had died away. Pity alone prevailed, and was more deeply felt in the lower ranks. A short conversation took place between Corbulo and Paitis. The defeated general urged that everything might still be retrieved if the whole army were at once to invade Armenia, from which phylogasies had already departed. Corbulo declined on the ground that his commission from the Emperor strictly confined him to the limits of Syria, which he had only left on account of the peril of the legions. Paitis then retired to Cappadocia and Corbulo to Syria, where messages passed between him and phylogasies, and it was agreed that the Roman fortresses on the Parthian bank of the Euphrates were to be abandoned, while on the other hand the Parthian garrisons were to be removed from Armenia. When Paitis first established his quarters at Randea he had sent bragging dispatches to Rome, as if he were in possession of the whole country, and trophies and arches were erected at Rome in honor of his supposed successes. The arrival of the envoys of phylogasies early in 63 AD exposed the falseness of these pretensions. The letter of the King was moderate, but its tone was that of one who'd need not condescend to ask for terms. He professed that his brother Tiridates was ready to receive the crown of Armenia as a Roman vassal. Being a Magian priest, Tiridates had a scruple against crossing the sea, otherwise he would have been ready to appear at Rome and receive the diadem from the Emperor's hand. But he would willingly go to one of the neighboring camps and do homage to the standards and the image of the Emperor. The Council of Nero rejected this proposal and sent the envoys back without a formal answer, refusing to accept the terms which were arranged between Corbulo and Vologases. But they seemed to have intimated at the same time that if Tiridates presented himself at Rome in person, an understanding might be affected, but for the present the war was to continue and preparations were made for it on an unusually large scale. Paitis was recalled, and Corbulo, who, though his recent behavior was certainly open to criticism, was justly recognized to be the most capable general, undertook once more the command in Cappadocia, while C. Cestius Gallus replaced him in Syria. He was now entrusted with larger powers than before, perhaps with an imperium proconsolare. All the governors and dependent princes of the east were instructed to obey his commands, and his position resembled that which had been formerly held by Germanicus and Vitellius. The army was increased by the 14th Legion, Apollonaris, taken from Pannononia. The whole strength of Corbulo's army, taking into account the troops supplied by neighboring Allied princes, probably approached fifty thousand, and was the most numerous force ever put in the field for an Armenian war. Corbulo crossed the Euphrates, and entered southern Armenia, advancing in the direction of Tigran Asserta, and opening up the route which in former days had been followed by Lucilus, when he advanced to overthrow Tigranes. He drove from their possessions those Armenian nobles who had led the revolt against Rome, and captured their fortresses. Then philogacies sent envoys to demand an armistice, and Tiridates proposed a personal interview with the Roman general. Corbulo acceded, and made no objection when Tiridates proposed that the place of meeting should be at Randea, the scene of the disaster of Paitis. He commanded the son of Paitis, who was a military tribune in his army, to take some troops with him and cover up the relics of the battlefield. Tiridates and Corbulo, each attended by twenty horsemen, met on the appointed day. It was agreed that the Parthian should take the diadem from his head, place it in front of the Emperor's image, and not resume it until he had formerly received it in Rome from the Emperor's own hand. This ceremony was to take place in the presence of both armies, and on the very spot where Paitis had capitulated, so that the memory of the disgrace which had then tarnished Roman arms might in some measure be effaced. The interview ended with a kiss. After a few days, the solemnity took place. On one side was ranged the Parthian cavalry with their national decorations. On the other, the legions with glittering eagles and standards and images of the gods, set so as to represent a temple. Between the armies was a tribunal supporting a chair of state on which a statue of Nero was placed. Tiridates advanced and, having slain the customary victims, removed the diadem from his head and placed it at the foot of the statue. Then Corbulo courteously entertained the king, who prepared to set out for Rome as soon as he had visited his brothers. This time Corbulo's favorite scheme succeeded. New statesmen were influential at Rome, and the vanity of the Emperor was gratified by the prospect of giving away the crown of Armenia to a Parthian prince as a humble supplient. Tiridates, accompanied by three thousand Parthian horsemen, arrived in Rome in 66 AD. The ceremony of investiture took place in the Forum, where the brother of the logacies kneeling at the feet of his overlord received the crown of Armenia. This settlement of the Eastern question lasted for many years. Rome had succeeded in getting rid of a troublesome dependency without losing her prestige or endangering her interests. One more Eastern expedition was planned by Nero, but its execution was prevented by his overthrow. It was directed against the Alans, a people who lived north of the Caucasus, and had recently made some plundering excursions in Armenia and media. The object was probably to occupy the Caucasian Gate, now known as the Dariel Pass, between Tiflis and Vladik Caucasus, with a permanent garrison. And this was for the advantage of Parthia as well as for that of Rome. The fourteenth legion, which was recalled from Britain, and the first Italica, newly enrolled for this expedition, were on the way to the East when they were recalled on account of the revolt of Vindex. It remains to tell the fate of Corbulo. His prominent position and services seemed to have roused the jealousy of Nero, who summoned him to his presence in Greece, 67 AD. When Corbulo landed at Senkre, he received a message to the effect that he was expected to cease to live. He plunged his sword in his breast with the words, I deserve it! It is impossible to know whether he had given any real ground of suspicion. He was an able soldier, but his merits perhaps have been exaggerated. Tacitus, at least, seems to use the meritorious Corbulo as a sort of antithesis to Nero, just as he set up Germanicus as a foil to Tiberius. And the contrast drawn between Corbulo's unerring generalship and the rash incompetence of Paitis is obviously heightened for the sake of artistic effect. The end of Chapter 18, Part 2, and the end of J.B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 1. Recording by Mark Penfold.