 Before I commence my speech, I want to make a statement about the situation in the Middle East. The slaughter of more than 30,000 innocent people, including children when they were born in Gaza, is nothing less than genocide, but where there is to be arrested and jailed for life. The fascist state of Israel has continuously bombed and shelled Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem for nearly five months. These territories are the land of the Palestine which Israel has unlawfully occupied since 1967. And unless Israel withdraws, I call upon all the nations to force back this fascist state. If the United States, the United Kingdom can unlawfully invade states like Grenada, Iraq or Libya, there shall be part and parcel of a force together with all the Arab states, driving Israel physically back from the occupied territories of Israel. 1985 fought the greatest workers' fight since the days of the Chartists and the Paul Bournemars to save jobs, pits and communities. I especially want to pay tribute to the young miners in 1984 and 1985 who in every sense fought for the future. And of course, like Bernadette, I want to pay especially tribute to the magnificent women against pit closures, who had a forefront of our struggle on film. But on the 12th of May 1984, parcel of the planning of trying to bring together these brave women who would establish support groups in every coalfield, bringing them together and one national body was done on the 12th of May. When in Barnsley South Yorkshire we staged a march, more important, they staged a march. I confess that I anticipated, if we were lucky, 500 would appear. I arrived from a meeting with the government appointed national coal wood to greet them. I couldn't believe my eyes. 10,000 women were covering the area in Barnsley. The route that the march was to take had been planned by the police. But of course, women didn't do what men always do. And they totally get it achieved constantly. We're not going that way, we're going that way. And he said, but that's the centre of town. That's the reason we're going that way. They marched and as we came to the public hall, not only did we feel it, or they feel it, over 3,000 people packed in, an equal number outside. But on arrival, they were told by the assistant chief constable, oh, you can't bring Barnsley into this place. They just brushed him aside. There were only two people, a male, allowed into the meeting. Jack Taylor, the president in Yorkshire and myself. And as we got to the podium, we were approached by the police and the fire brigade. We were told that you're breaking the law, there are too many people. I looked around, I said, you're asking me to go out, you've got nothing coming. But if you want to try it, try it, you'll lose. That particular police officer had a grain of intelligence. He said, I note the points you made, and I will give you time to vacate the hall. He said, it's 12 o'clock and I want to see this hall completely emptied by six of the Women Against Preclosures. A lot of them, unfortunately, no longer were deficient. For the first time, we had women in attendance who never left a little village. But here they were exercising for the first time their right to be equal to men. And more important, to support men who were on strike. The minus strike of 1984-1985 brought our union unprecedented support from workers in Contrerasal, including the Tory government, that we had a right to strike in accordance with the United Nations Conventions 87 and 98. We had support. Irrespective of all their attempts to stop us of receiving from people in France, Spain, South Africa, yes, the Soviet Union, the Eastern War countries. And on Christmas, when people in the media say it was the bleakest time in the world, and the happiest moments have been in. 40 juggernauts, growing into Britain for a change by their doctors. They brought food, medical supplies, and a Christmas present for every child of a striking minor. And the women were magnificent. One of the most interesting things, we had the leading bands in Britain, the leading soloists being ready for their concerts to come and perform before them. We had some of the best. And they didn't want to go. It was a great day, and I'll never forget it. The French FGT were magnificent. They primarily did things that were against the law. Bow lords of coal loaded in France, coming from different parts of the East, suddenly got sunk in the same. In other words, they exercised the piggy right to stop them. Like hundreds of thousands of trade union and labour movements, they provided support for us throughout that dispute. The option being said in the smears that have been made against certainly one leader of the NUM, what we got, where we got it, despite the fact that everywhere we went, we were exonerated. But we raised over 10 billion pounds in money that was distributed to every area in the British coal field. Like hundreds and thousands in the trade union movement, they provided for us throughout the dispute. 14 years ago, the Tory government, led by Margaret Thatcher, declared war on the NUM. They'd been preparing for a showdown with the union since before the 1979 general election. They couldn't forget the victorious minor strikes of 1969, 1972 and 1974. And no, I haven't made a mistake. In 1969, we had an unofficial strike, no balance, no conference decision in support of surface workers having the right to an eight-hour day. We won it in 1972. I had an experience that I lived with for the rest of my life. I went down to a cork depot in Birmingham. We'd been in the Sunway. Pickets couldn't just stop. A small picket line was all we needed for a cork depot. It was that man at Mount Everest. For four days, the miners from different parts, but primarily Yorkshire and South Wales, fought another way I got arrested. By Tuesday, it became apparent to me that something had to be done. And I addressed no fewer than 13 meetings in one evening. And I asked the movement in Birmingham, don't give us sympathy. Don't give us pounding notes. And all though they are, what we want is you to come out on strike and join the picket line. And the lad who led them after Harper said, when do you want us there, brother? And I said, Thursday. And on Thursday, find this most fantastic thing I've ever seen. 20,000 Birmingham workers down tools and joined the miners in the process. If Tasha was determined, it would never happen again. Of course, she also remembered that in 1974, we didn't only bring down the government in debt pay policy, we brought them down completely. I think this is going to strike. It's often to be said that the miners failed in 1984 and 95 because we didn't have a ballot. It was the wrong law. It's a lie. We took action in accordance with our rules. And rule 41 gives an area the right when it's under attack to take industrial action. Therefore, we called a special conference in October 1983. The miners' dispute didn't begin in March 1984. And for the benefit of a representative from the sun, if one scrap, break it, break it. 1983 is before 1984. They said it's the wrong time of the year to have a strike in March. We started it in November. At that conference, unanimously, we voted to have a national overtime back. It was a success. Within a period of four months, we had reduced the stocks of coal in practically every area, including power stations, ports, steelworks and other organisations. But it wasn't enough because the coal board under government instructions intended to try and destroy the union. On March the 1st, the National Coal Board of Directors in four areas announced the immediate closure of five pits. Caught in Wood and Bolcliffe Wood in Yorkshire, Harrington in Durham, Snowdown in Kent and Paul Mays in Scotland. On Tuesday, the 6th of March, the act that they brought in to run the coal board I'm talking about that. A board swearing, confirmed the further 20 would be closed. That decision was unanimous. A National Executive Committee meeting two days later, Scotland and Yorkshire saw endorsement in accordance with the rule for permission to take action. They were given authority. Within a week, we had 180,000 miners on strike. All of them taking decisions within the area by a show of hands in meetings. I'm fed up of reading and listening to critics who say we picked the wrong time of the year. What better time to start an industrial dispute in an industry that provided heat and warmth than November of a year. I say that same principle to record straight. It was from March to start picketing on a wider scale. We have a special National delegate conference and I want to pay tribute to the way that that was run and the decision that was taken on the 19th of April, 1984 for any historian that's here. Delegates rejected a call for a national strike ballot. It was debated and put to the vote and the vote in the conference was to support the 190,000 or 80% of Britain's miners who were already on strike in accordance with National rule 41. But we also had to pick targets. I haven't said this before but I'll say it now. I was convinced that the steel industry should be the area's main packaging target. Far more important than power stations. Far more important than other targets such as going to Nottingham. Important though they were. I didn't just pluck that idea out of the air. I had information from a minister. A minister in the Tory government what the position was. The television and radio broadcasts were telling people that they're up to nine months supply It wasn't that but it didn't matter because I knew that at the steel plant they'd only got three weeks and I know that had we had mass picketing from the start that picketing targets in Rayman, Sprague and Scotland, Port Talbot in Wales and Scumptop in Yorkshire that strike could have been over within two months. Who supports that? Ironically and I don't ask you to buy it for God's sake. Fascists out of biography. She admits the normally three weeks supply and at all costs she says we had to do everything we had in our armory to defeat the NUM. She devoted an autobiography a whole chapter to me. I think she folks in me. You're going to bury your eyes up to me now. Immediately was because there were people in my left who didn't share my view and it wasn't until British coke broke an agreement that they'd reached without authority from the national NUM that they'd be taking coke from depots like Orbrief that they began to realise there was only one way to stop it and stop it we did and I'll tell you why in a minute. The decision of the mining zillion on the 19th of April advised areas that picketing must be confined on an area basis because we knew it was both legal and morally right. It was obvious that if we could master enough pickets in this case in Orbrief we could have a chance. What's not already known is that at Orbrief it didn't start on the 18th of June it started on the 23rd of May and all because I was there. I've always believed that a leader of a trade union shouldn't sit just in an office. He should be at the front and going to the point of production or the point of conflict. A principle I've kept all my life. We arrived at a situation where on the 27th of May we had a mass picket. Not as large as the 18th of June would be but nevertheless one that terrified their authorities. My contact in the ministry told me that the consideration had been given to deploying large numbers of police from all police forces and if necessary employ the army. Of reading and listening to historians and media experts saying we've walked into a trap or the welcome does with open arms. Well if that's the case somebody's got to explain to me why they arrested me on the 33rd of May. Not exactly a welcome but by the time we reached the 18th of June we had thousands of people at Orbrief. From all over Britain it was a magnificent display. By the way we were not fettled and certainly couldn't have been in an area with about 10 acres of land but we had a military police force out of the teeth with steps, trunches, dogs, shields, long shields, short shields and boy did they intend to use them. The things that you've seen on television are only part of the story. BBC for example both filmed that night turned the film around to purport that the miners had charged into police lines. It's a lie. The virus would be battered and I mean battered in a way that one could not believe and hasn't happened certainly since the 1980s. Of course police numbers grew. By the 30th of May they knew that we weren't meaning business. But the planning for the 30th of May appeared to be insignificant alongside the mass picking on the 18th of June. The planning was broadcast to the world and I personally acquired from a small old shop down at an embankment part of the Wichechfield some loppy talkies. I got about eight and I was sure not to operate them because electronically I'm a failure. Is that two switches? One and two. Dave Douglas was given one in a meeting and told where to stand. One was given to the Yorkshire miners vice president and others to other pickets and we could communicate across this mass picking. We knew it was a matter of time before they clicked and got their technology working but it took them two hours to find out that we were working and they managed to jam it. So we all in accordance with brief plan switched and switched to that last up for about 15 minutes and then they blocked that. But during that time pickets were doing amazing jobs. We were standing firm and in particular Dave Douglas and the miners from Hatfield occupied the plant and they only wished to stay in. But it was an indication that we will not be battered all the time into submission we were fighting back and I'll tell you this if people are charging into members of my union and hitting them with truncheons and shields I'll advise them to fight back and not simply get conscious. I'm conscious on 18th of June and the chief constable, I said assistant chief constable told the world I had slipped down a bank and ninja myself and in a at least one biography the author said I was treated by the local brigade to help people in trouble. Paul Short no longer with us came to interview me and he said in that distinctive voice to see what we nearly need is some photographic evidence. We need a photograph of Arthur being hit. This lad was with me we had six witnesses but no cameras. The cameras have been kept back by the police. He's not said from South Kirby. He said I took a picture. Paul said yes but I'm talking about a picture of Arthur's cargo giving hit. He said I took a picture. He said can you go and get it deducted? He said I've deducted. He said can you go on and get it? He said I've got it. He said well why didn't you publish it? He said I didn't think it was good enough. I can't believe it. I've got the original by the way and the guy who hit me with the run with the shield is as clear as crystal. I'm not finished up at hospital together with hundreds of others. 95 were really badly hurt. 95 by the way were charged with riots. I rate that if issue means life imprisonment. Michael Montsfield representing the NUM went to court and he was in possession of all the data that I was able to provide and he cross-examined this assistant chief constable and he said to him how did you know that Mr. Skargo slipped down a bank? He said I told so. So Montsfield said that's hearsay evidence. He said my officers don't lie. Montsfield says we shall see. The next one on was the police officer who had said in another case he had hit this bank at 8 a.m. and Montsfield said could you be mistaken? Could it be 5-2? No, 8. Montsfield said could it be 5-5? No, 8. He said could I have a little bit of a notebook? The judge said you've got to give it. So Montsfield opened the notebook of the police officer. He said I'm going to read it. 7-15, overview. 7-40, admission that there is police violence on the day. Then this 8 a.m. police station canteen of a breakfast. He said could you please explain to me at the judge how you could be arresting this man and at the same time I'm in a nice breakfast at 15 Malawi in the police headquarters. The judge said I'm stopping this at this point. He said you might be facing pagerry but in any event the case is dismissed and eventually of course all of them are dismissed just like Hillsborough. I've been 50 years to get the truth. I know exactly how they worked. I've heard a close friend of mine is Ricky Tomlinson and I've spoken all over Britain. I've often repeated in media accounts of the Battle of Aubrey but what is not reported apart from tour gowns one from me Douglas in his book Ghost Dancers. He said the police were forced to close the plant and that they did on the 18th of June. I can confirm it because Nicholas Jones the BBC Labour correspondent handed me a copy of the Telex from Hasland the chairman of British Steel closing the plant for that day. It was almost a replica of what had happened all those years before that's sold again but instead of repeating that by bringing more pickets as I urged from my hospital bed the areas for some reason didn't do it. I say relatively because I've got every faith in the miners who were there. They were courageous a lot of them very badly hurt you know people oxygen machines in the hospital where I was as it happened I've no doubt in my mind that if Aubrey had stayed closed on the 19th and onwards the strike would have been over. For 40 years I've been accused of refusing to negotiate well that's a lie as well. We met on five occasions and reached what we understood to be a deal that we could put to our members. What happened was contact was made by McGregor to David Hart and to Thatcher and the deal was stopped. It's a fact and the 2014 disclosure of Boundary Stream minutes demonstrate it was a lie. Who else stayed closed had it been for the effect of something else far more important. We agreed to go to Agas in order to try and negotiate a settlement in October 1984. The most important part of our agreement was to be to protect jobs of miners families and of course keep the pits open. We decided to approach the NACODS that the Deputy State Union who just had a ballot with a majority of 83 percent and were in the same building in a upstairs room and McGregor said well why don't we present a proposal and ask them to agree so we did and I can tell you I wrote it in my own handwriting and that result had it been accepted would have won the strike so you've a right to know what it was. I approached NACODS and they agreed word for word these words that I wrote quotes that the NCB withdraw its pick closure one given undertaking that the five collars earmarked for immediate closure will be kept open and guarantee that no pitch will be closed unless by joint agreement it was deemed to be exhausted or unsafe unquote this proposal was accepted by NACODS and accepted ironically by the consideration survey Acas it was then submitted to the adjoining rule where the National Cold War before I had a chance to even read it McGregor says I'm off I'm not participating and they just left the building and so there was going to be a strike at every pit in Britain on the following week and I knew and they knew that that would be enough to win the strike and again I refer you please don't buy the vote but get old of Thatcher's autobiography and Peter Walker the energy secretary's autobiography they both admit that they couldn't have carried on and in fact the minister who had to become a friend of mine for industrial purposes confirmed to me that they discussed in cabinet that they couldn't carry on they would have to settle but something strange happened two days before the meeting in Acas to settle the agreement NACODS told us that they changed their mind it was ironic because for the first time in my history the TUC urged them to carry on and go on strike I've never known it before we were saying to them we've got a proposal that Acas can live with that they don't want to live with so why pull out and to this day I've never had an answer but their decision to betray that agreement led to the Tories deciding to carry on and they they said we won't have to carry on if it takes a year but in 1985 it's significant that even then they were beginning to run out of coal for even for power stations despite the fact that they were receiving coal from places like Poland or should have been better no better but no explanations have been given as to why NACODS performed this which had terrible consequences which led to the destruction of the whole of Britain's deep mine coal and industry so almost in Nottingham and South Derbyshire and Leicestershire with the exception of those courageous miners who ignored the decision to keep working were on strike to know that victory was taken away by a decision of the deputy's union and as they carried on they also knew that the chairman of the CGV that was a power generating board had confided and again take it from me and know that they couldn't carry on for another three months because the stocks were in law even at the power stations over the over the years I've repeatedly said we didn't come close to within we did win we'd won in October with the deputies understood by the agreement we would have won at the areas inexplicably decided not to increase the number of pickets after the 18th of June and it led to a big bizarre situation and you've got a right to know not just commemorate which is really important but over 21st of February 1985 we held a special delegate conference and on the basis of much of what I've just told you I explained to that conference and they decided unanimously to carry on with the strike within five days exactly by 28th of February five areas had written in asking for a recall conference to agree to an immediate return to work without a settlement now the excellent thinking through one would be bought on the 21st of February to carry on with the strike and five years later change their minds not just in one area but in five different areas including of course primarily south Wales I've never understood it I've never understood the thinking or the forces behind it whether they were working fully union in those areas or whether they were being supported by MPs in form in those areas that conference led to a special conference on the 3rd of March 1985 the NEC position was for a continuation of the strike the resolution to call off the strike was put to the executive committee and we explained that the conference decision that had taken place on the 21st of February bound us to support our members who fought for bravery in bravery for a year to decided to recommend make no recommendation we went into the hall at the TUC and from the floor these areas were voted to consider calling off the strike and went back to work five areas it was put to the vote that the NEC should be compelled to take a decision we had in the middle of the conference to have an adjournment and we met again the vote was for a return to work 12 for continuation of the strike 12 the vote to go back to work was 12 the vote against was 12 and I've often been asked including Barnard Wansson where he was writing for his thesis the university why didn't you cast the vote I said because I understood what was taking place the idea was simple if I had passed the vote in favor of going back to work the miners would never have forgiven me and I could never have held my head up again secondly if I didn't cast the vote it means that they had to move it and I told them that the areas who wanted it had to move it and the state of doing that would be theirs and not mine the three the three the three national officials supported the decision to remain on strike till we won and Gatley Heathfield and Scargill we refused to call off the strike and the vote was 98 votes to 91 seven votes in it and that meant we had no alternative to obey our own rule today my job is a simple one it is to say to you our privilege now was to be a part of that historic event for a year and four months the miners of Britain fought a battle that was alongside the greatest battles in history it was alongside the battles of the Chartists the diggers yes and the top of the writers and history of the judge who was right and who was wrong above all it will also result in doing what you have already heard about the magnificent women against big closures who stood up and I'll tell you this if you'd been left to the weary to have fought we'd still be on strike I tried to leave from the front because that's why I was elected that's why I was at whopping workers that's why I was at Groomwick getting arrested because of the Asian workers being penalised it's why all over Britain we take action I believe individual action and collective action go both side by side you can't tell people what they should do if you're not prepared to do it yourself it's a privilege to be here today 40 years on till the most historic dispute in the century it's a privilege to talk to you and to thank you for what you did not only the men and women involved but so the children a lot of them who are here today as adults I tell you what you did and what you've done you marched into history and you've entered the pumpkin of working-class heroes and everyone