 Chapter 15, Part 10 of A History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Paul Sutton. A History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Volume 2. By John Bagnell Burry, Chapter 15, Part 10. Dion. Strange as it may appear, after such experiences, Plato seems to have returned once more to Sicily at the urgent invitation of Dionysus. He can have had no more expectations of making a philosopher out of the tyrant, and his chief motive must have been to bring about the recall of Dion and reconcile him to Dionysus. Who appears to have lured the philosopher by the hope that this might be accomplished. Plato was received and entertained with as great honor as before, but his visit was fruitless, probably the tyrant ascertained that Dion was in the meantime using his wealth to make silent preparations for winning his way back to Syracuse and overthrowing the tyranny. Dionysus, therefore, took the precaution of confiscating Dion's property, and then Plato returned to Athens as soon as he could. Dion also betook himself to old Greece and made Athens his headquarters. Presently, the tyrant committed a needless act of tyranny. He compelled Dion's wife, Erité, to marry another man. At length, Dion deemed that the time for action had come. With a very small force packed into not more than five merchant ships, he set sail from Zacanthus to encounter the mighty armaments of Dionysus. His coming was expected, and the admiral Philistus had a fleet in Italian waters to wailay him, but Dion sailed straight across the open sea to Pekinas. His plan was to land in western Sicily, collect what reinforcements he could, and march on Syracuse. It was a bold enterprise, but Dion knew that the character of the tyrant was feeble, and that the Syracusans pined to be delivered from his tyranny. Driven by a storm to the Libyan coast, the ships of the Deliverer finally reached Heraclea Manoa, now a Carthaginian port in southwestern Sicily. Here, they learned that Dionysus had departed for Italy with 80 ships, and they lost no time in marching to Syracuse, picking up reinforcements both Greek and Sicil on their way. The Campanian mercenaries, who were guarding Epipale, were lured away by a trick, and making a night march from Acreia, Dion and his party entered Syracuse amid general rejoicings. The assembly placed the government in the hands of 20 generals. Dion was among them. The fortress of Epipale was secured. No part of Syracuse remained in possession of Dionysus except the island, and against this Dion built a wall of defense from the greater to the lesser harbor. Seven days later, Dionysus returned. While Syracuse was rocking with the first enthusiasm at her deliverance, the Deliverer was the popular hero. But Dion was not a man who could hold the affections of the people, for he repelled men by his exceeding haughtiness, and it was seen to that he was determined masterfully to direct the Syracusans how they were to use their freedom. Dionysus, shut up in the island, resorted to artifices to raise suspicion against him in the minds of the citizens, and a rival appeared on the scene, who possessed more popular manners than Dion. This was a certain Heracletes, whom the tyrant had banished and who now returned with an armament of ships and soldiers. The assembly elected him admirable. Dion undid this act on the ground that his own consent was necessary, and then came forward himself to propose Heracletes. This behavior alienated the sympathies of the citizens. They did not want another autocrat. Soon afterwards, Heracletes won an important sea fight, defeating Philistus, who had returned from Italy with his squadron. The old historian himself was taken and put to death with cruelty. Dionysus thus lost his best support, and presently he escaped from the island, taking his triremes with him but leaving a garrison of mercenaries and his young son, Apollocrates, in command. Soon after this, the influence of Dion waned so much that the Syracustians deposed him from the post of general and appointed 25 new generals, among them Heracletes. They also refused to grant any pay to the Peloponnesian deliverers who had come with Dion. The Peloponnesians would have gladly turned against the Syracustians if Dion had given the signal. But Dion, though self-willed, was too genuine a patriot to attack his own city, and he retired to Leontini with 3,000 devoted men. The Syracustians then went on the siege of the island fortress, and so hard-pressed was the garrison that it determined to surrender. Heralds had been already sent to announce the decision to the Syracustians when in the early morning reinforcements arrived. Soldiers and provisions brought by a companion of Naples by name Nipsius, who, alluding the notice of the enemy ships, sailed into the great harbor. The situation was changed and negotiations were immediately broken off. At first, fortune favored the Syracustians. Heracletes put out to sea and won a second sea fight, sinking or capturing whatever warships had been left behind by Dionysus or brought by Nipsius. At this success, the city went wild with joy and spent the night in carousing. Before the dawn of day, when soldiers and generals were alike, sunk in a drunken sleep, Nipsius and his troops issued from the gates of the island and surmounted the cross-wall of Dion by scaling ladders. Slew the guards and took possession of Lower Accordina and the Agora. All this part of the city was sacked. Full leave was given to the mercenaries to do as they listed. They carried off women and children and all the property they could lay hands on. Next day, all the citizens who had taken refuge in Apopoli and the Upper Accordina looking hopelessly at what had been done and seeing what the barbarians were beginning their horrible work again, messengers riding as swiftly as they could reach Leontini towards evening. Dion led them to the theater and there before the gathered folk, the envoys told their tale and implored Dion and the Peloponnesians to forget the ingratitude of Syracuse and come to her help. Dion made a moving speech. He would in any case go and if he could not save his city, he would bury himself in her ruin. The Peloponnesians might well refuse to stir for a people which had entreated them so ill. A shout went up that Syracuse must be rescued and for the second time Dion led the Peloponnesians to her deliverance. They set out at once and a night march brought them to Magara five or six miles from Syracuse at the dawn of day. There, dreadful tidings reached them, Nipsius knowing that the rescue was on its way and deeming that no time was to be lost had let loose his barbarians again into the city at midnight. They no longer thought of plunder but only of slaying and burning. At this news, the army of rescue hurried on to save what might still be saved. Entering by the Hexa Pylon on the north, Dion cleared his way before him through Arachidina and reached the crosswall which he had himself built as a defense against the island. It was now broken down but behind its ruins Nipsius had posted a body of his mercenaries and this was the scene of the decisive struggle. Dion's men carried the wall and the foe was driven back into the fortress of Ortigia. The opponents of Dion who had not fled were humbled. Heraclides besought his pardon and Dion was blamed for not putting him to death. It was at all events foolish magnanimity which consented to the arrangement that Dion should be general with full power on land and Heraclides by sea. The old dissension soon broke out and presently we find a Spartan named Gacylus reconciling the rivals and constraining Heraclides to swear solemnly to do nothing against Dion. Nipsius seems to have disappeared from the scene and it was not long before the son of Dionysus, wary of the long seed, made up his mind to surrender the island to Dion. During all these dreadful events, Dion's sister, Aristomachy, and his wife Arite had been kept in the island. Dion now took back his wife. The time at last came for Dion to show what his political aims really were. He professed to have come to give Syracuse freedom, but the freedom which he would have given her was not such as she herself desired. The Syracusean citizens wanted the restoration of their democracy. But to Dion, democracy seemed as bad a form of government as tyranny. If taught by experience, he no longer dreamed of a platonic state. He desired to establish an aristocracy with some democratic limitations and with a king or kings as in Sparta. With this purpose in view, he sent to Corinth for helpers and advisors. And he expressed his leanings to the Corinthian oligarchy by an issue of coins with a flying horse modeled on the Pegasi of Corinth. But though Dion hoped to establish a state in which the few should govern the many, he made a grave mistake in not immediately placing himself above the suspicion of being a selfish power seeker, a possible tyrant. The Syracuseans longed to see the fortress of the tyrant demolished and if Dion had complied with their wish, he might have secured for himself abiding influence. But though he did not live in the fortress, he allowed it to remain and its existence seemed a standing invitation to tyranny. Dion had no intention of allowing the Syracuseans to manage their own affairs and the enjoyment of power corrupted him. His authority was only limited by the joint command of Heracletes and at last he was brought to consent that his rival should be secretly assassinated. After this, he was to all purposes tyrant, though he might repudiate tyranny with his lips. Among those who had come with him from elder Greece to liberate Syracuse was a pupil of Plato named Calipus. And this man plotted to overthrow Dion, who trusted him implicitly. Aristomache and Erité suspected him and taxed him with treachery, nor were they assured until he had taken the most solemn oath that a mortal could take. He went to the precinct of the great goddesses Demeter and Persephone. The priest wrapped him in the purple robe with a queen of the underworld and gave him a lighted torch. In this guise he swore that he plotted no evil design against Dion. But so little regard had Calipus for religion that he chose the festival of the maiden by whom he had sworn for the execution of his plot. He employed some men of Zechintas to murder Dion and then seized the power himself. The tyranny of Calipus lasted for about a year. Then, while he was engaged in an attack on Cotain, the two sons of the elder Dionysus by his second wife, Hiperinus and Nicias came to Syracuse and one possession of Ortigia. These brothers were a worthless pair, drunken and disillusioned. Hiperinus held the island for about two years. Then he was murdered in a fit of drunkenness and was succeeded by Nicias, who ruled Ortigia five years longer. It is not certain how far these tyrants were able to assert their authority over Syracuse outside the precincts of the island. During all these changes, Dionysus was living at Locre, the native city of his mother, ruling it with a tyrant's rod. His cruelty and the outrages which he committed on the free-born maidens of the city provoked universal hatred. At length, he saw the chance of recovering Syracuse, leaving his wife and daughters at Locre with a small garrison. He sailed to Ortigia and drove out Nicias. As soon as he had gone, the Locrians arose and easily overcame his mercenaries. The enormities of which the tyrant had been guilty may best be measured by the brutal thirst of vengeance which now consumed the citizens of Locre. No supplications, no intervention, no offers of ransom could turn them away from wreaking their pent-up hatred on the wife and daughters of Dionysus. The women were submitted to the most horrible tortures and insults before they were strangled. The sea was sown with their ashes. End of Chapter 15, Part 10, Recording by Paul Sutton A History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Volume 2, by John Bagnell Burry. Chapter 15, Part 11 Timillian At this moment, tyrannies flourished in Sicily. Beside Syracuse, the cities of Massana, Liantini, and Cotain, and many Sicil towns were under the yoke of tyrants. Syracuse was at least half free. Dionysus held only the island, but the Syracusans, for lack of another leader, looked for help and guidance in their struggle against their own tyrant to the man who had made himself Lord of Liantini. This was a certain Hikatus, a man ill to deal with, who was a follower of Dion. But after Dion's death caused his wife and sister to be drowned while they were sailing to the Peloponnesus. This Hikatus was aiming at becoming himself Lord of Syracuse, and he hoped to accomplish this purpose with the help of Carthage. But he veiled his designs, and he supported an appeal which the Sicilian Greeks now addressed to Corinth. It was an appeal for help both against the plague of tyranny which was rampant in Sicily, and against the Carthaginians who were preparing a great armament to descend upon the troubled island. The Syracusans selected Hikatus as their general. Corinth, ever a solicitous mother to her colonies, was ready to respond to the appeal, and the only difficulty was to find a suitable commander. Someone in the assembly, by a sudden inspiration, arose, and named Timoleon, the son of Timodemus. Belonging to a noble family, and notable by his personal qualities, Timoleon was living under a strange cloud, though a deed which some highly praised and others severely blamed. He had saved his brother's life and battle at the risk of his own, but when that brother afterwards plotted to make himself tyrant, Timoleon and some friends put him to death. His mother and many others abhorred him, as guilty of a brother's blood, while others admired him as the slayer of a tyrant. In the light of his later deeds, we know that Timoleon was actuated by the highest motives of duty, when he consented to his brother's death. Ever since that terrible day, he had lived in a retirement, but when his name was mentioned in the assembly, all approved, until Ecclides, a man of influence, expressed a general thought by saying, We shall decide that he slew a tyrant if he is successful, that he slew his brother if he fails. The enterprise was to be Timoleon's ordeal. With ten ships of war, a few fellow citizens, and about one thousand mercenaries, Timoleon crossed the Ionian Sea. Guided it was said by the track of a flaming torch, the emblem of the Sicilian goddesses, Demeter and Persephone, at Regium, now free from the rule of tyrants, he met with a warm welcome. But he found a Carthaginian fleet awaiting him there, and likewise ambassadors from Hikitas, who demanded that the ships and soldiers should be sent back to Corn, since the Carthaginians would not permit them to cruise the Sicilian waters. As for Timoleon himself, Hikitas would be pleased to have his help and counsel. Timoleon had no thought of heeding such a message. It was not to set up the rule of Hikitas at Syracuse that he had come, or to submit to the dictation of the foes of Helus. But the difficulty was to leave the roadstead of Regium in face of the punic fleet. Here, Timoleon showed caution and crack. He pretended to agree to the proposals, but he asked that the whole matter and the intentions of Hikitas should be clearly stated in the presence of the Regine people. With the connivance of the Regines, time was wasted and the Carthaginians and the ambassadors of Hikitas were detained in the assembly until the Corinthian ships had put out to sea. Timoleon himself, slipping away, just in time to embark in the last of them, he made straight for Torumenium. It will be remembered that Torumenium, planted by Himilco to be a sysil city, had been taken by Dionysus to be in a boat for his mercenaries. Amid the troubles after the tyrant's death, it had gained its independence, and a citizen named Andromicus had become the foremost man in its public affairs. Andromicus induced his fellow citizens to offer a home to the homeless Naxians, whose parents Dionysus had so cruelly disposed. The Naxians came back to the hill which looked down the place of their old city. Naxos, Revive, and Torumenium. And the Naxians were the first Sicilians to welcome the deliverer of Sicily to her shores. Timoleon's first success was at Hadranum, the sysil town where the great Sicilian fire god Hadranus had his chief abode. The men of Hadranum were at discord among themselves. Some would summon Hikatus, others invited Timoleon, but both Hikatus and Timoleon came. It was a race between them to get to Hadranum first. Timoleon, the latter to arrive, surprised the enemy as they were resting outside the town, and defeated them, although in numbers they were five to one. The gates of the city were then thrown open, and Hadranum became the headquarters of Timoleon's army. Soon afterwards, Hikatus suborned two men to assassinate the Corinthian leader, but the plot was frustrated at the last moment. And henceforth the belief gained ground that Timoleon was hedged about by some divine protection. The fire god of Hadranum too had shown by miraculous signs that he approved of the stranger's enterprise. Others now allied themselves with Timoleon, and presently Dionysus sent a message to him proposing to surrender the island and asking only to be allowed to retire in safety to Corinth with his product property. The offer was at once accepted. The fortress and the mercenaries who guarded it and all the war gear were transferred to Timoleon. Dionysus lived the rest of his life at Corinth in harmless obscurity. Many antidotes were told of the trivial doings of the fall of Lord of Sicily and his smart sayings. When someone contrasted his fortune with that of his father, he remarked, My father came into power when democracy was hated, but I, when tyranny was envied. Having won Ortigia sooner and more easily than could have been hoped. It remained for Timoleon to liberate the rest of Syracuse, which was in the hands of Hikatus, but Hikatus had powerful allies. 150 Carthaginian ships under the command of Mago sailed into the Great Harbor, and a Carthaginian force was admitted into Syracuse. The Corinthian commander in the island, Timoleon himself still abode Hadranum, was hard-pressed, but presently Mago and Hikatus went off to besiege Catane, and Dion, making a successful Sally-occupied Ocridina. At the same time, reinforcements from Corinth, which had been for some time delayed in Italy by the Carthaginian fleet, arrived in Sicily. It was now time for Timoleon himself to appear as Syracuse. He pitched his camp on the south side of the banks of Anaphas, then another piece of luck befell him. The Greek mercenaries, both his own and those of Hikatus, used to amuse their idle hours by fishing for eels at the mouth of the river. And as they had no cause of quarrel, though they were ready to kill each other for pay, they used to converse amicably on such occasions. One of Timoleon's soldiers observed that the Greeks ought to combine against the barbarians. And the words coming to the ears of Mago caused him to conceive suspicions of Hikatus. He suddenly sailed off with all of his fleet, but when he reached Carthage, he slew himself and his countrymen crucified his corpse. This story, however, can hardly be a whole explanation of Mago's strange behavior. Thus freed from his most formidable foe, Timoleon soon drew Hikatus from a populi, and Syracuse was at length completely free. The Syracusans had found a deliverer who did not, like Dion, seek to be their master, and the fortress of Dionysus was pulled down. This act of demolition seemed the seal and assurance of their deliverance, but the city was dispeepled and desolate. Grass grew in the marketplace, and the first task of the deliverer was to repopulate it with new citizens. The Corinthians made proclamations at the festivals of elder Greece, inviting emigrants to resettle Syracuse, men whom the tyrants had banished flocked back, and 60,000 men in all gathered both from west and east, with women and children and restored the strength of the city. The laws of Dioclese were issued anew, and the democratic constitution was revived and in some respects remodeled. The most important innovation was the investing of Amphipolis, or priest of Olympian Zeus with the chief magistracy. The priest was annually elected and gave his name to the year. But, as he was chosen by law out of three clans, his promotion to be the first magistrate of the republic was a limitation of the democracy. Such was the renovation of Syracuse. And her new freedom was expressed, on some coins which were now issued by the symbol of an unbridled steed. Tim Malayan then went on to do for other towns in Sicily what he had done for Syracuse. Many tyrants submitted, even Hecatus, who had withdrawn to Leontini. There was also work to be done against the Carthaginians who were intent upon recovering lost ground and were preparing for another great effort to drive the Greeks out of Sicily. Five years after Tim Malayan had landed in the island, a large armament sailed from Carthage and put in at Lilibeum. It consisted of 200 galleys and 1,000 transports. There were 10,000 horses, some for war chariots, and a total number of the infantry was said to be 70,000. The flower of the host was the sacred bang. Of 2,500 Carthaginian citizens, men of birth and wealth, Hamelcar and Hasdrabal, the commanders, decided to march right across Sicily against Syracuse. But Tim Malayan did not await them there. He would try to encounter them west of the Helisus in Punic, not in Grecian territory. Collecting such an army as he could, it amounted to no more than 10,000 he set out. On the march, he was deserted by 1,000 mercenaries who clamored for arrears of pay and murmured at being led against such overwhelming odds. And with difficulty, could he persuade the rest to go on. The Carthaginians were encamped on the west bank of the Kremises, a branch of the river Hipsis, not that which washes a cragis, but that which flows through the territory of Salinas. The city of Antela, now held by Campanians, was situated on the Kremises and it may be that the Punic army had halted with the hope of taking it. The field of battle, which was now fought between the Greeks and Phoenicians on the banks of the Kremises, is unknown. In the morning, the Greeks ascended a hill which divided them from the river. And on their way, they met mules laden with wild celery, a herb which was used to wreathe sepulchral slabs. The soldiers were depressed by an incident which seemed ominous of evil. But of the same herb was wrought the crowns of victors in the Isthmian games. And Timalayan hastened to interpret the chance as an augury of victory. He reathed his head with a celery and the whole host followed his example. Then two eagles appeared in the sky, one bearing a serpent, another fortunate omen. The Greeks halted on the hilltop, striving to pierce the mist which enveloped the ground below them. And when it melted away, they saw the enemy crossing the stream. The war chariots crossed first, and behind came the sacred band. Timalayan saw that his chance laying attacking before the whole army had crossed. He set down his cavalry to lead the attack, and himself followed with the foot. The war chariots prevented the horses from approaching the sacred band. So Timalayan ordered the cavalry to move aside and assail the flank of the foe, leaving the way clear for the infantry. It is not recorded how the infantry swept away the war chariots, but they succeeded in reaching the sacred band. The Carthaginians, firm and immovable, withstood the onset of the spears, and the Greeks, finding that all their thrusting could not drive back or pierce the shield wall, flung down their spears and drew their swords. In the sword fight, it was no longer a matter of weight and courage. Skill and lithe some movements told. And the Greeks, superior in these qualities, utterly smote the sacred band. Meanwhile, the rest of the Punic army had crossed the river, and although the flower of it was destroyed, there were still enormous numbers to deal with. But fortune followed Timalayan. Clows had gathered and were hanging over the hills. And suddenly, there burst forth a tempest of lightning and wind-driven rain and hail. The Greeks had their backs to the wind. The rain and hail drove into the faces of the enemy, who in the noise could not hear the commands of their officers. When the ground became muddy, the lighter armor of the Greeks gave them a great advantage over their foes, who floundered about, weighted down by their heavy mail. At length, the Carthaginians could no longer stand their ground. And when they turned to fly, they found death in the Kremises. Rapidly swollen by the rain, the river was now rushing along in a furious torrent, which swept men and horses to destruction. It is said that 15,000 prisoners were secured. The 10,000 men had been killed in the fight, not counting those who perished in the river. Rich spoils of gold and silver were taken in the camp. The choices to the arms were sent to the Isthmus to be dedicated in the temple of Poseidon. The battle was fallen out clean, contrary to what was like to have been. Timalayan had gained a victory, which may be set beside Gellin's victory at Hamara, but he did not follow it up. He made no attempt to cut short the Phoenician dominion in Sicily. Perhaps his inaction was due to less unwillingness than to embarrassments which threatened Syracuse. The tyrant of Cotain, who had gone over to Timalayan, declared against him, Hecatus seems to have seized again the tyranny of Leontini. And Timalayan found himself engaged in a war with these two tyrants, Mamercus and Hecatus, who were aided by Carthaginian mercenaries. At last, both the tyrants were captured. The Syracuseans put them both to death and slew the wife and daughter of Hecatus in retaliation for the murder of the wife and sister of Dion. The Messinians also put to death their oppressor, Hippon, with torture, and the schoolboys were taken to the theater to witness a tyrant's death. Other cities under the yoke of tyranny were likewise liberated, and some dispeopled towns like Acragus and Gela were colonized. After 20 years of troubles, Sicily was to have a respite now. Carthage made peace, the Helicis being again fixed as the frontier, and she undertook to do nothing to uphold tyrants in Greek cities. Timalayan had now delivered Sicily from both domestic despots and from foreign foes, and having achieved his task, he laid down the powers which had been granted to him for its performance. Among the great men in Greek history, he holds a unique place. For the work which he accomplished was inspired neither by selfish ambition nor patriotism. He sought no power for himself. He labored in a strange land for cities which might adopt him but were not his own. Patriotism, indeed, in the widest sense, might stimulate his adore when he fought for Helis against the Phoenicians. But of Greek leaders who achieved as much as he, there is none whose conduct was, like Timalayan's, wholly guided by simple devotion to duty. The Syracusans gave him a property near Syracuse, and there he dwelt till his death, two years after his crowning victory. Occasionally he visited the city when the folk wished to ask for his counsel, but he had become blind and these visits were rare. He was lamented by all Greek Sicily, and at Syracuse his memory was preserved by a group of public buildings called after him. The land had rest for twenty years after Timalayan's death. The direct results of his work did not amount to more than that. A tyrant arose then of a worse type than the elder Dionysus, and his hand was heavy upon Sicily. But the career of Agathocles lies outside the limits of this history. Thus ends Chapter 11, recording by Paul Sutton. A history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great, Volume 2, by John Bagnell Burry, Chapter 15, Part 12. Events in Great Greece On the mainland, as in the island, the Hellenic name seemed like to have been blotted out, there by the Phoenicians and the Italian mercenaries, here by the native races. The power of the elder Dionysus had kept at bay the Lucanians, the Mesopians, the Aeopageans, and other neighbors who pressed on Great Greece. But when his son was attacked by Dion, the Syracusan Empire dissolved of itself. And the barbarians of Italy, having no great power to fear, began anew to descend from the mountains on the Greek settlements of the coast. A number of tribes in the Toa of the Peninsula banded themselves together in a league with their federal capital at Consentia. And this brush and league, as it was called, aimed at subduing all the Greek cities of the promontory. Terena, Hipponian, Nusibaras, and Tres, and other places were captured. Men were not blind to the danger which menaced western Helles. Of being sunk under a tide of barbarism, one of the objects of Plato and Dion had been to drive all the barbarian mercenaries out of Greek Sicily. But in Italy, the peril was greatest, and there was sore need of help from without. The appeal of Syracuse to her mother Corum and the coming of Timelayin put it into the mind of Tarris, hard bestowed by the neighboring peoples, to ask succor of her mother Sparta. The appeal came at a favorable moment. Sparta was not in a position to undertake any political scheme at home. And King Archdemus eagerly embraced the chance of going forth to fight for Helles against the barbarians of the west. Even as his father, a grisseless 60 years ago, had fought against the barbarians of the east. He got together a band of mercenaries, chiefly from Phocian survivors of the sacred war, and sailed to Italy. For four or five years seemingly he strove against the barbarians, but without winning any decisive success, and was finally killed at Mendoña in a battle with the Lucanians. The ineffectual expedition of Archdemus was a striking contrast to the brilliant achievements of Timelayin. But Tarris was not ungrateful for his efforts. She had commemorated her appeal to Sparta by many beautiful gold pieces, on which the infant Tarris was shown supplicating Poseidon of Cape Teneris. The tragic issue of that appeal suggested a motive for another series of coins, and called forth one of those pathetic illusions which Greek art could achieve with matchless grace. Tarris is represented riding on his dolphin, and sadly contemplating a helmet. It is the helmet of the Spartan king who had fallen in his service. Tarris was soon forced to seek a new champion. She invited Alexander of Milotia, the uncle of Alexander the Great, and this king saw and seized the chance of founding an empire in the west, of doing there on a small scale what his nephew was accomplishing on a mighty scale in Asia. He was an able man, and success attended his arms. On the east coast of Italy, he subdued Mesapeans, and pushed his far north as Simpontum, which he captured. In the west, he smote the Brescian League, seizing Consentia and liberating Tarina. His power was so great in the south that Rome had made a treaty with him, and it is possible that his designs reached Sicily. The welcome given to this ally and deliverer was also reflected in the money of Tarris. Coins were struck with the seated eagle of Dodona and the thunderbolt of Zeus beside it, but Tarris presently felt her own freedom menaced by the conqueror, and she renounced her alliance. War ensued, Tharai upholding Alexander, the barbarians profited by these struggles to rise against their conqueror, and a battle was fought at Pandosia. During the engagement, a Lucanian exile in the Tarantino army stabbed the king in the back, and the design of an Epirot empire bestriding the Hadriatic perished with him. This befell not long after the overthrow of the Persian monarchy on the field of Guagamela, but Alexander's work had not been futile. Henceforth, Tarris was able to keep the upper hand over her Italian neighbors. End of chapter 15 part 12, recording by Paul Sutton. Chapter 16 part 1 of a history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great. Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. A History of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great. Volume 2 by John Bucknell Bury. Chapter 16 part 1 The Rise of Macedonia After the Battle of Monteneya, when Thebes retired from her aggressive policy, Athens stood first, the most important state in old Greece. She would have been free to devote all her energies to re-establishing her power on the coasts of the northern Aegean and by the gates of the Pontic waters and would doubtless have successfully achieved this main object of her policy if two outlying powers had not suddenly stepped upon the scene to thwart her and cut short her empire. These powers, Caria and Macedon, lay in opposite quarters of the Greek world. Both were monarchies, both were semi-hellenic. Macedon was a land power, Caria was both a land power and a sea power, but it was as a sea power that she was formidable to Athens. Of the two, it was Caria which seemed to grease the country of the future and to Athens the dangerous rival. Of Macedonia, little account was taken by the civilized world and Athens expected that she could always manage it. But in his happiest hour of clairvoyance would have predicted that within thirty years Caria would have sunk back into insignificance leaving nothing to posterity save the sepulchre of her prince while Macedon would bear the arts and wisdom of Hellas to the ends of the earth. Section 1. The death of Epaminondas delivered Athens from her most dangerous and active enemy, but the intrigues which he had spun against her in the north bore results after his death. Alexander of Ferrae, who had become the ally of the Thebans, seized the island of Peparetus with his pirate ships and defeated an Athenian armament under Leostinis. He then repeated the daring enterprise of the Spartan Telotius, sailing rapidly into the Piraeus, plundering the shops and disappearing as rapidly with ample spoil. The Athenians replied by making a close defensive and offensive alliance with the federal state of the Tessallians. The stone of the treaty is preserved. The allies of both parties are included. The Tessallians binned themselves, not to conclude the war against Alexander without the Athenians, and the Athenians in likewise without the President, Ahon, and League of the Tessallians. And the treasurers of Athens are directed to pull down the stele on which the former alliance with Alexander had been inscribed. But the Athenians went at their indignation within their own walls. Since the capture of Oropus there had been signs of smoldering discontent at the conduct of affairs. Calistratus had been indicted and acquitted in the matter of Oropus but his credit had been roughly shaken and Alexander's insult to the city at hervery doors excited the popular wrath to such a pitch that the statesman as well as the defeated admiral was condemned to death and escaped only by a timely flight. Thus the ableist Athenian statesman of the fourth century passed from the stage and no sympathy followed him. Some years later he ventured to return from his Macedonian exile hoping that the wrath of his countrymen would have passed away. The wrath had passed but it had not been replaced by regret. On reaching Athens he sought the refuge of supplyants at the altar of the Twelve Guards but no voice was raised to save him and the executioner carried out the doom of the people. The Athenians were always austere masters of their statesmen and it sometimes appears to us though in truth we seldom have sufficient knowledge of the circumstances to justify a confident judgment that they unreasonably expected and in gathering where no seed had been sown. The public indignation which had been aroused by the daring stroke of the tyrant of Ferre was enhanced by the bad tidings which came from Thrace. King Cotes, the reviver of the Odrysian power had succeeded in laying hold of Cestos and almost the whole peninsula which guards the entrance to the Propontes in spite of the Athenian fleet. So on afterwards the old king was murdered and his realm was divided among his three sons. This change was advantageous to Athens as she could play off one Thracian prince against another. The territory on the Propontes fell to Cersubleptus who was supported by the Oiboyan Caridemus, a mercenary captain who had frequently been employed in the service of Athens and had married, like Iphicrates, a daughter of the Thracian king. Cersubleptus engaged to hand over to Athens the entire Cersunis except Cardia, the enemy of Athens which was to remain independent. But there was no fleet on the spot to enforce the immediate fulfilment of the promise and when an admiral was presently sent out he was defeated by Caridemus. At length a capable man was sent, Carus, a daring, desolute and experienced son of Arras who speedily captured Cestus and punished the inhabitants for their unfaithfulness by an unmerciful slaughter. Cersubleptus was forced to change his attitude and the peninsula was recovered. The Athenians adopting the same policy which they had followed in Samos sent out settlers to the Cersunis. In the same year Ioboeia was won back to the Athenian League and there even seemed a fair prospect of accomplishing but of all things would have rejoiced the most the recovery of long-lost Amphipolis. But their new scheme against Amphipolis may be said to open in a certain way a new chapter in a history of Greece. Section 2 Philip II of Macedonia The man for whom Macedonia had waited long came at last. We have met once and again in the course of our history kings of that ambiguous country Hellenic and yet not Hellenic. Alexander playing a double part at Plataea Perdiccas playing with consummate skill a double part in the War of Sparta and Athens. But now the hour of Macedonia had come and we must look more closely at the cradle of the power which was destined to change the face not only of the Greek but of the oriental world. In their fortress of Aegea the Macedonian kings had ruled for ages with absolute sway over the lands and the northern and northwestern coasts of the Thermae Gulf which formed Macedonia in the strictest sense. The Macedonian people under kings were of Greek stock as their traditions and the scanty remains of their language combined to testify. They were a military people and they extended their power westward and northward over the peoples of the hills so that Macedonia in a wider sense reached to the borders of the Illyrians in the west and of the Piononians in the north. These hill tribes the Orestians Lunkestians and others belonged to the Illyrian race and they were ever seeking to cast off the bond of subjection which attached them to the kings of Aegea. In Illyria and Pionia they had allies who were generally ready to support them in rebellion and the dangers which Macedonia had constantly to encounter and always to dread from half-subjugated wassals and warlike enemies had effectually hindered her hyzer too from playing any conspicuous part in the Greek world. Thus the Macedonian kingdom consisted of two heterogeneous parts and the Macedonian kings had two different characters. Over the Greek Macedonians of the coast the king ruled immediately they were his own people his own companions. Over the Illyric folks of the hills he was only overlord. They were each subject to its own chieftain and the chieftains were his unruly wassals. It is clear that Macedonia could never become a great power until these wassal peoples had been completely tamed and brought under the direct rule of the kings and until the Illyrian and Piononian neighbours had been taught a severe lesson. These were the tasks which awaited the man who should make Macedonia. The kings had made some efforts to introduce Greek civilization into their land. Archelaus, who succeeded Pardicas, had been a builder and a road maker and following the example of his parents he had succeeded in making his court at Pella a centre for famous artists and poets. Oripides, the tragic poet Timoteus, the most eminent leader of a new school of music, so exists the painter and many another may have found pleasure and relief in a change from the highly civilized cities of the south to a new and fresher atmosphere where there were no politicians. It is sometimes said that Macedonia was still in the Homeric stage of development. There is truth in this, but the position of the monarch was different from that of the Homeric king. No law-bound Macedonian monarch his will was binding on his subjects and against him they had only one solitary right. In the case of a capital charge the king could not put Macedonian to death without the authority of a general assembly. This was the charter of Macedonian liberty. Fighting and hunting were the chief occupations of this vigorous people. A Macedonian who had not killed his men wore a cord round his waist and until he had slain a wild boar he could not sit at table with the men. Like situations they drank deep. Bacchic mysteries had been reduced. It was in Macedonian air on the banks of Lake Ludeas that Oedipides drew inspiration for his bacchi. We have seen how Perdica slew his guardian and stepfather Ptolemy and reigned alone. Six years later the Illyrians swooped down upon Macedonia and the king was slain in battle. It was a critical moment for the kingdom. The land was surrounded by enemies with the Piononians at the same time menaced it in the north and from the east atration army was advancing to set a pretender on the throne. The rightful heir Amyntas the son of the slain king was a child but there was one man in the land who was equal to the situation the child's uncle Philip and he took the government and the guardianship of the boy into his own hands. We have already met Philip as one of the hostages who were carried off to the Thebes. He had lived there for a few years and drank in the military and political wisdom of Epaminondas and Pelopidas. We know not why he was allowed to return to his home soon after the death of Ptolemy. Perhaps it was thought that his affections had been firmly won by Thebes and that he would be more useful in Macedonia. Philip was 24 years old when he was called upon to rescue his country and the dynasty of his own house. The danger consisted in the number of his enemies foreign invaders and domestic pretenders and pretenders supported by foreign powers. Philip's first step was to buy off the Pyanonians by a large sum of money his next to get rid of the Pyanonians. One of these, Argaeus was assisted by Athens with a strong fleet. Philip defeated him and did all in his power to come to terms with Athens. He released without ransom the Athenians whom he had made prisoners in the battle and he renounced all claim to the possession of Amphipolis which his brother King Perdicas had occupied with a garrison. Gold easily induced nations to desert the pretender whom they had come force to support. But the Pyanonians were quieted only for the moment and the Illyrians were still in the land besetting Macedonian towns. It was necessary to deal with these enemies once for all and to assert decisively the military power of Macedon. Philip had new ideas on the art of war and he spent the winter in the army. When the spring tide came round he had 10,000 foot soldiers and 600 horsemen thoroughly disciplined and of great physical strength. With this force he marched against the Pyanonians and quelled them in a single battle. He then turned against the Illyrians who refused to evacuate the towns they held in the Lincastian territory. A great battle was fought in which Philip tested his new military ideas. The Illyrians left 7,000 on the field and the vessels of the Highlands who had supported the invaders were reduced to object submission. When he had thus established his power over his dependencies and cleared the land of foes Philip lost little time in pushing eastward on the side of Thrace. The motive for this rapid advance was the imperative necessity of obtaining gold. Without gold Philip could not develop his country or carry out his military schemes. The Macedonians were not a commercial folk and therefore his prospects depended on possessing land which produced the precious ore. In Mount Pangaius on his eastern frontier there were rich sources of gold and incited by him a number of people from the opposite island of Tassos where the art of mining was well understood had crossed over to Crenidis on that mountain and formed a settlement. But in order to control the new mines it was indispensable to become master of the great fortress on the Strymon the much-coated amphipolis. The interest of Philip thus came into direct collision with the interest of Austines. Here Philip revealed his skill in diplomacy. When he released the Athenian prisoners he professed to resign all claim to amphipolis and on these basis negotiated a peace with Athens. When the treaty was concluded a secret article was agreed upon by which Philip undertook a conqueror amphipolis for Athens and Athens undertook to surrender to him the free town of Pugna. It is probable that this secret engagement was not made until Philip had actually attacked amphipolis and the amphipolitans preferring Athens to Macedon had sent a request for Athenian succor. The moment was inconvenient as the forces of Athens could not be spared from the Khersonese and the Athenians failing to cross the situation trusted the promises of Philip. Of course Philip deceived them and they deserve no sympathy for their own part of the agreement was a shameful act of treachery to Pugna, their ally. Their orators might cry out against the perfidy of the Macedonian but the truth is that they sought to make Philip a tool of their own designs and he showed them that in diplomacy he was not their tube but their master. When Philip had taken amphipolis he converted the Thasian settlement of Crenidis into a great fortress which he called after his own name Philippi. He had thus two strong stations to secure mount Pangaeus and the yield of the gold mines which were soon actively worked amounted to at least one thousand talents a year. No Greek state was so rich. The old capital Aegaea or Edessa was now definitely abandoned and the seat of government was established at Pella, the favorite residence of Archelaus. This coming down from Aegaea to Pella is significant at the opening of a new epoch in Macedonian history. Not long afterwards Philip captured Pidna. If the seizure of amphipolis was an injury to Athens the capture of Pidna was an insult. He then took Potidaea but instead of keeping it for himself handed it over to the Olinthians to whom he also ceded Anthemos. The Olinthians alarmed by his operations on the Strymon had made proposals to Athens for common action against Macedon. The Athenians trusting Philip had rejected the overtures but when they found that they had been duped they would have been ready and glad to cooperate with Olunthus and it was to prevent such a combination that Philip dexterously propitiated the Olinthians intending to devour them on some future day. With the exception of Methoni the Athenians had no foothold now on the coast of the Thermion Gulf. They formed alliances with the Thracians of the west who were indignant at the Macedonian occupation of Crenides and with the Pionian and Illyrian kings who were smarting under their recent disconfitures. But Philip prevented the common action of the allies. He forced the Pionians to become his vassals. His ableist general, his only general he used to say himself Parmenion inflicted another overwhelming defeat of the Illyrians and the Thracians, again bought off renounced their rights to mount Pangaeus. As says cost Philip little having established his mining town he assumed the royal title setting his nephew aside and devoted himself during the next few years to the consolidation of his kingdom and the creation of a national army. It was in these years that he made Macedonia. His task, as has been already indicated, was to unite the hill tribes along with his own Macedonians into one nation. The means by which he accomplished this was military organization. He made the Highlanders into professional soldiers and kept them always under arms. Caught by the infection of the military spirit, seduced by the motives of emulation and ambition, they were to forget that they were Orrestians or Lincestians and blend into a single homogenous Macedonian people. To complete this consummation would be a work of years but Philip conceived the project clearly and set about it at once. A professional army with a national spirit that was the new idea. Both infantry and cavalry were indeed organized in territorial regiments. Perhaps Philip could not have ventured at first on any other system. But common pride and common desire of promotion common hope of victory tended to obliterate these distinctions and they were done away with under Philip's son. The heavy cavalry were called companions of the king and royal soldiers and they were more honorable than the infantry. Among the infantry there was one body of royal guards the silver shielded Hippos Pistae. The famous Macedonian phalanx which Philip drilled was merely a modified form of the usual battle line of Greek spearmen. The men of the phalanx stood freer in a more open array and used a longer spear. Though that the whole line though still cumbers enough was more easily vieweded and the effect was produced not merely by the sheer pressure of a heavy mass of men but by the skillful manipulation of weapons. Nor was the phalanx intended to decide a battle like the deep columns of Epaminondas. Its function was to keep the front of the foe in play while the cavalry in wedge-like squadrons rode into the flanks. It was by these tactics that Philip had won his victory over the Illyrians. But Greece paid little heed to the things which Philip was doing. The Athenians might indeed encourage his Illyrian destrations to drive him form round Pangaeus but though he had outwitted them they could not yet see that he was an enemy of a different stamp from a cotes or a carsobleptus. Having managed Macedonia for a hundred years they had little fear that as soon as they had the time to spare they would easily manage it again. When Philip married Olympus the daughter of a apparent prince the event could cause no sensation. The birth of a son a year later stirred no man's heart in Greece. For who, in his wildest dreams could have foreseen in the Macedonian infant the greatest conqueror who had yet been born into the world. If it had been revealed to man in that autumn that the power had started up which was to guide history into new paths they would have turned their eyes not to Pella but to Helicarnassus. End of Chapter 16 Part 1 Chapter 16 Part 2 Of a history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org A History of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great Volume 2 By John Bucknell Bury Chapter 16 Part 2 Section 3 Mausolus of Caria Caria, like Macedonia was peopled by a double race the native Carians and the Greek settlers on the coast but the native Carians were further removed than the Illyrians from the Greeks the Illyrians spoke a tongue of the same Indo-Germanic stock as the Greeks the Carians belonged to an older race which held the region of the Aegean before Greeks and Millerians came yet the Carians were in closer touch with Greece than the Greeks of Macedonia the Greeks of Caria were always abreast of Greek civilization and they had assimilated and tutored the natives of the land Thralis and Mulasa were to all appearance Greek towns Greek was the dominant language of the country a province of the Persian Empire Caria had yet a certain independent bond of union among her cities in an Amphictonioch League which met in the Temple of Zeus at Lagina it was a religious union though it might be used for purposes of common political action but political unity was given to Caria not by federation but by monarchy a citizen of Mulasa named Hecatomnos succeeded in establishing his rule over the whole land soon after the death of Tysophernes and the great king esteemed it his most prudent policy to acknowledge the dinest of Caria as his official satrap both Hecatomnos and his son Mausolus who succeeded to his power never failed to pay their tribute to the treasury of Susa or to display the becoming submission to the Persian king only once as we have seen when all the western satraps rebelled did Mausolus fall short in his loyalty the Carian dinest they never assumed the royal title thus secured for themselves a free hand with the constitutions of the Carian cities their sovereignty did not interfere thus even in their own city Mulasa the popular assembly still passes decrees and these decrees are ratified not by Mausolus but by the three tribes perhaps a sort of aristocratic council in fact Hecatomnos and Mausolus held in relation to the Carian states the Marilogus position to that which Pisistratus and his sons held in the Athenian state they were the actual rulers but officially they did not exist the difference is where that the Carian dinest held the official position of Persian satrap and was tyrant of a number of states which were independent of each other these native satraps brought the Greek towns of the coast Nassus, Yasus, Knidus perhaps Miletus itself gradually under their power and Mausolus annexed the neighbouring land of Lycia thus at the time of Philip's accession to the throne of Macedonia a rich and ambitious monarchy had arisen on the south-eastern shores of the Aegean to develop his power it was desirable for Mausolus to win the lordship of the islands adjacent to his coasts and it was clearly necessary to form a strong navy the change of the satraps residence from inland Milasa to Halicarnassus on the sea is thus politically significant carrier was to become a sea power Mausolus built himself a strong castle on the little island of Saperion in front of the city and constructed two harbours one for ships of war the other for ships of trade the great islands of Rhodes Kos and Tios which Mausolus especially coveted belonged to the Athenian alliance but recently there was much discontent at the Athenian supremacy and there were good grounds for this feeling the reversion to the policy of clerishies in neighbouring Samos as well as in distant Potidaea excited apprehensions for the future and the exactions of the rapacious and irresponsible mercenaries whom Athens regularly employed but did not regularly pay caused many complaints there were more over strong oligarchical parties in these states which would be glad to severe connection with Athens the scheme of the Carian prince was first to induce these islands to detach themselves from Athens and then to bring them under his own sway he fans the flame of discontent and the three islands jointly revolted from the Athenian alliance and were supported by Byzantium Athens immediately sent naval forces to Kyos under Cabrius and Cares two of the generals of the year and the town was attacked by land and sea but in trying to enter the harbour Cabrius who led the way sailed on all sides and fell fighting thus the Athenians lost the most gallant of their soldiers a commander of whom it was said that he never spared himself and always spared his men the attack on Kyos was abandoned and the Kyons much elated and commanding a fleet of hundred ships proceeded to aggressive warfare against the out settlers of Athens and located Samos with only sixteen ships Cares could do nothing and as many more were hastily sent under the command of Timoteus and Iphirates under three such generals much might be expected from such a fleet but more would probably have been accomplished under any one of them alone they relieved Samos and made a successful diversion to the Propontes hoping to take Byzantium then they sailed to Kyos and concerted a plan of attack in the strait between the island and the mainland but the day proved stormy under two veteran admirals Iphirates and Timoteus deemed that it would be rushed to fight Cares however against their judgment attacked the enemy and being unsupported was repulsed with loss the ineffectual operations of two such tried and famous generals were a cruel disappointment to the Athenians who had given them an adequate fleet Cares furious the behavior of his colleagues formally accused them of deliberate treachery and was supported by the orator Aristophan the charge was that they had received bribes from the Achaeans and the Rodians counter charges were brought against Cares by Timoteus and Iphirates but the sympathies of Athenians were all together given to the commander who erred on the side of boldness Iphirates however had less political influence and therefore fewer enemies than Timoteus and he knew how to conciliate people he was accordingly acquitted Timoteus always haughty and unpopular probably assumed a posture as haughty and unbending as ever Aristophan probably pressed him hard and he was fined 100 talents riches he was he was unable to pay this enormous sum and he withdrew to Calchis where he died soon afterwards thus within 12 months the Athenians lost the two men Cabrius and Timoteus who had built up their second empire they afterwards recognized that the measure which they had dealt out to Timoteus was hard and they permitted his son who had himself been tried and acquitted on the same charge to settle the fine by a payment of 10 talents Cabrius now went forth as sole commander to sustain the war against the recurrent allies but he went and furnished with money to pay his troops he found the means of supplying this deficiency in the disturbed state of Asia Minor the setup of his pontine Frigia, Artabasus had rebelled but was not strong enough to hold his own against the king's troops Cabrius came to his rescue gained a brilliant victory over the setups who were arrayed against him and received from the grateful Artabasus money which enabled him to pay and maintain the army the victory and the money pleased the Athenians but Artaxerxes was deeply incensed the news presently reached Athens that the great king was equipping a vast armament in Syria and Kilikia to avenge the audacity of Cares how much truth there was in this report it is impossible to say but it evoked an outburst of patriotism and supplied the Athenian orators with material for invectives and declamations men began to talk in earnest of realizing the dream of isocrats of convoking a pan-Hellenic congress and arming Hellas against the barbarian Demosthenes who was now beginning to rise into public notice delivered in these days a speech which was more to the point than many of his later more famous orations he showed that the alarm was premature the emotion of sending round appeals to the cities of Greece was foolish your envoys will do nothing more than rhapsodize in their round of visits the truth was that Athenians could in no case think of embarking at this juncture in a big war she had not the means isocrats himself raised his voice for peace in a remarkable pamphlet distinguished by the nobility of tone and the wets of view which always mark his writings it was a scathing condemnation of imperialism passing from the momentary state of affairs he looked out into the future and boldly declared that the only salvation for Athenians lay in giving up her naval empire it is that he said which brought us to this path it is that which caused the fall of our democracy and the calamities which the empires of Athens and Sparta had drawn upon themselves and Greece but it is to be observed that when a moment had come at which his favorite plan of a common attack on Persia seemed at length feasible he was wise enough not to advise it he looked to Thrace, not to Persia to find lands from endowing those needy Greeks in the end prudent councils prevailed Caress was recalled negotiations were opened with revolted allies and the peace was made Athens recognized the independence of the three islands Chios, Kos and Rhodes and of the city of Byzantium it was not long before Lesbos also severed itself from the Athenian alliance which thus lost all its important members again and in the west Korkura fell away about the same time all happened as Mausolus foresaw he helped the oligarchies to overthrow the popular governments and then gave them the protection of carrion garrisons but the prince did not live to develop his empire soon after the success of his policy against Athens he died leaving his power to his widow Artemisia the opportunity was seized by the democrats of Rhodes to regain their freedom and they appealed to Athens after what had passed they had little right to expect a hearing and under the influence of the wise and pacific statesmen who now controlled the assembly their appeal was refused in spite of the hot and somewhat sentimental pleadings of Demosthenes an ordinary doctrine that Athens was bound whenever she was called upon to intervene to support democracy against oligarchy Artemisia soon recovered her grip on Rhodes Caria remained for another 20 years under dynasties of the house of Hecatomnos until it submitted to Alexander the Great the expansion of the carrion power which seemed probable under the active administration of Mausolus was never fulfilled though we know nothing of his personal character the outward appearance of Mausolus is familiar to us the islanders of the north who possess in our capital his genuine portrait and the headless figure of his queen the colossal statue made at latest soon after his death represents a man of a noble cost of face of a type presumably carrion certainly not Greek and with the hair curiously brushed back from his brow the statue stood along with that of Artemisia within the so-called tomb which she probably began and which she certainly completed such a royal tomb seems to take us back to the days of prehistoric Greece it strikes one almost like a glorified resurrection of one of the old chambers of the Heligese which are strewed about the Helikarnassian peninsula it throws above the harbor at Helikarnassus conspicuous from the sea crowned with a chariot on its apex the building was adorned with freezes wrought by four of the most illustrious sculptures of the day of whom Scopus himself was one the precious fragments of these works of art which the carrion realm has bequeathed to mankind these and a new ward which the tomb of Mauselus added to the vocabularies of Europe end of chapter 16 part 2 chapter 16 part 3 of a history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great volume 2 this is a Librivox recording all Librivox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org a history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great volume 2 by John Bucknell Bury chapter 16 part 3 section 4 Focus and the Sacred War in the meantime another of the states of northern Greece seems likely to win the position of supremacy which Thessaly had seemed on the eve of winning and which Boeotia had actually held for a few years Focus now came forward in her turn and enjoyed a brief moment of expansion and conquest a flashlight which vanished almost as soon as it appeared in succession to the national leaders Jason of Ferea and Apaminondas of Thebes and Marcus of Elatea into this career of aggrandizement Focus was thrust by the aggression of her neighbors rather than lured by the lust of conquest the Pockeans had never been zealous adherents of the Boeotian alliance which they were forced to join after the battle of Loichtra and they cut themselves loose from it after the death of Apaminondas but those Thebes could no longer maintain her supremacy in Greece an independent Focus was a source of constant danger to her in her narrower supremacy in Boeotia as the western cities of the land could always find in Focus a stay and support for their own independence it was therefore deemed necessary by the politicians of Thebes to strike a blow at their western neighbors one of the instruments of which Apaminondas had made use to promote his city's influence in the north was the old Amphictonic League which for a hundred years had never appeared on the scene of history at an assembly of this body soon after Loichtra the Thebans accused the Spartans of having seized the Cadmea in time of peace the Spartans were sentenced to pay a fine of 500 talents the fine could not indeed be exacted but they were doubtless excluded from the temple of Delphi the Thebans resolved to wield against Focus the same engine which they had wielded against Sparta the nature of the pretext is uncertain but it was not difficult to find a misdemeanor which would seem grave enough to the Tessalians and Locrians inveterate enemies of Focus to justify a sentence of condemnation a number of rich and permanent Fockeans were condemned to pay a large fine for sacrilege and when these sums were not paid within the prescribed time the Amphictions decreed that the lands of the Defulters should be taken from them and consecrated to Delphi and God and a tablet with the inscribed decree was set up at Delphi the men who were implicated in the alleged sacrilege determined to resist and they appealed to their fellow countrymen in whatever form of federal assembly the Fockeans cities used to discuss their common interests to protect themselves and their property against the threatened danger the men who took the lead in organizing the resistance was Philomelus a wealthy citizen of Ledon he discerned clearly that mercenaries would be required to defend Focus against her enemies Boeotians, Locrians and Tessalians and made the bold and practical proposal that Delphi should be seized since the treasures of Delphi would supply at need the seniors of Boeot it's hardly likely that he openly evoked the true reason of the importance of seizing Delphi it was enough to assert the old rites of the Fockeans over Rocky Pithl rites for which he could appeal to the highest authority the sacred text of Homer and to point out that the Delphians were implicated in the unjust decrees of the Amphictheons the proposals of Philomelus were adopted and he was appointed general of the Fockean forces with full powers his first step was to visit Sparta not only as the enemy of Thebes but as being in the same case as Focus lying under an Amphictheonic sentence which had recently been renewed and confirmed King Ahidamus welcomed the proposals of the Fockean plenipotentiary but Sparta stood in a rather awkward position hither too she had always supported the Delphians in maintaining their independence against Fockean claims as for instance when in the days of Pericles she restored them to their shrine after the Fockeans with Athenian aid had dispossessed them they would consequently have been a flagrant inconsistency in Spartan policy to turn against the Delphians now so that Ahidamus did not openly avow his sympathy with the Fockean cause but privately he supported it by placing 15 talents in the hands of Philomelus with this sum and 15 talents from his own purse Philomelus was able to hire some mercenaries and with their help to seize Delphi the Locrians of neighboring Amphissa whom the Delphians had summoned to their aid arrived too late and were repulsed Philomelus did no hurt to the people of Delphi accepting only the clan of the Trakiadee better Antifocians whom he put to death the first object of Philomelus was to enlist Hellenic opinion in his favor he had the secret sympathy of Sparta and he might count on the friendship of Athens who had always been an ally of Fockes and was now an enemy of Thebes he sent Enwes to Sparta to Athens to Thebes itself to explain the Fockean position these Enwes were instructed to say that in seizing Delphi the Fockeans were simply resuming their rights over the temple which belonged to them and had been usurped by others and to declare that they would act merely as administrators of the Panhellingic Sanctuary and were ready to allow all the treasures to be weighed and numbered and to be responsible to Greece for their safety in consequence of these embassies Sparta came forward from her reserve and openly allied herself with Fockes while Athens and some smaller states promised their support the Thebans and their Amphitheonic friends resolved to make war in the meantime Philomelos had fortified the Delphic Sanctuary by a wall and had collected an army of 5,000 men with which he could easily hold the position it was his wish that the oracle responses from the mystic tripod should continue to be given as usual to those who came to consult Apollo and he was anxious above all to receive some voice of approval or encouragement from the god but the Delphian priestess was stubborn to the Fockean intruder and refused to prophesy he tried to seat her by force upon the tripod and in her alarm she bade him do as he would he eagerly seized these words as an oracular sanction of his acts it soon became necessary to raise more money for paying the mercenaries and for this purpose Philomelos refraining as long as he could from touching the treasures of the shrine levied a contribution from the rich Delphians at first he had to deal only with the Locrians whom he finally defeated in a hot battle near the Fadriad Cliffs which rise sheer above Delphi the loss of the Locrians was heavy some of them driven to the edge hurled themselves down the cliffs this victory forced the Siemens to prepare actively to intervene the Amphictonic Assembly met at Thermopylae and it was decided that an Amphictonic army should enforce a decree of the League against the Fockeans and rescue Delphi from their power Philomelos with the forces which he had might hold his own against the Locrians against the host which would now be arrayed against him there were only two means of saving focus one was the active support of Athens or Sparta or both the other was the organization of a large army of mercenaries as neither Athens nor Sparta showed willingness to give any immediate assistance nothing remained but the other alternative and that alternative as Philomelos must have foreseen from the beginning would not be possible without the control of far larger sums of money than could either be contributed by the Fockean cities or extorted from the Delphian proprietors no research remained but to make use of the treasures of the temple at first Philomelos was scrupulous he only borrowed from the god enough to meet the demand of the moment but as habitude blunted the first feelings of scrupulousness and as needs grew more pressing the Fockeans dealt as freely with the sacred vessels and the precious dedications as if they were their own by offering large pay Philomelos assembled an army of 10,000 men who cared little once the money came and in the Cicero war with the Siebans and Locrians was waged for some time till at length the Fockeans underwent a severe defeat near Neon on the north side of Mount Parnassus the general fought desperately and covered with wounds he was driven to the verge of a precipice where he had to choose between capture and self-destruction he hurled himself down from the cliff and perished the Siebans imagined that the death of Philomelos meant the doom of the Fockean cause he was tired after the battle but it was not so in Onomachos of Eletiah who had been associated with him in the command of the army he had a successor as able as himself the retreat of the enemy gave Onomachos time to reorganize the troops and collect reinforcements and he not only coined the gold and silver ornaments of the temple but beat the bronze and iron donatives into arms of the soldiers he then entered upon a short career of signal successes westward he forced Locrian Amphisa to submit to northward he reduced Doris and crossing the passes of Mount Oeta he made himself master of Thermopylae and captured the Locrian Thronion near the eastern gate of the pass eastward he took possession of Orhonemus and stored those of the Inhibitans who had escaped the sword of the Thebans ten years before the Thebans meanwhile were hampered by want of money and having neither minds like Philip nor a rich temple like Fockeas they decided to replenish their treasury by sending out a body of troops on foreign service we have already seen Sparta and Athens raising money by the same means and the Theban soldiers who now went forth under Paminis hired themselves out to the same person Satrap Artabasus for whom the Athenian carers had won a victory over the army of the king Paminis was equally successful but it does not seem that his expedition profited the Biotian treasury for he presently became suspected by Artabasus who threw him into prison amongst the most important uses to which Onomarchus applied the gold of Delphi was the purchase of the alliance of the tyrants of Ferae by this policy Thessaly was divided and the Thessalian League beset by the hostility of Ferae was unable to cooperate with the Thebans against Fockeas but the Thessalians being hard pressed turned for help to their northern neighbor Philip of Macedon and his intervention to the south of Mount Olympus marks a new stage in the course of the sacred war Philip had lately deprived Athens of her last ally on the termite gulf by the capture of Messoni the Athenian expedition of relief coming too late to save it he readily elceded to the request of the Thessalians to act as their general it was a convenient occasion to begin the push southward and lay the foundation of Macedonian supremacy in Greece plans which were now coming within the range of practical effort against the forces which Philip led to the support of the Thessalian League it was hopeless for Likofron of Ferae to stand alone the tyrant was lost unless he were suckered by the arm of those who had already furnished him with gold nor did the Fockeas leave him unsupported the strength of Onomarhus was now so great that he could spare a force of 7000 men for a campaign in the north but his brother Phylus to whom he entrusted the command was beaten out of Thessaly by Philip then Onomarhus went force himself at the head of the whole Fockean host about 20,000 to rescue his ally so far superior in numbers he defeated the Macedonian army in two battles with serious loss Philip was compelled to withdraw into Macedonia and Onomarhus delivered Thessaly into the hands of Likofron at this moment the power of the Fockeans was at its height their supremacy reached from the shores of the Corinthian Gulf to the slopes of Olympus there were masters from Opilae and they had two important posts in western Boiotia for in addition to Orchomenus they won Coronia immediately after the Thessalian expedition if all these things had befallen at some other epoch the Fockean power might have endured for a time and the name of their able leader might have been more familiar to posterity but Onomarhus had fallen on evil days and his petty people were swept away in the onward course of a greater nation and a greater chief Philip of Macedon speedily retrieved the accumulation which he had suffered at the hands of his Fockean foes in the following year he descended again into Thessaly and Onomarhus went forth again to succour his ally or dependent in the preceding campaign Philip had captured the port of Pagassae and placed in it a Macedonian garrison it was important not only for Perae but for Athens that this post should not remain in his hands and Cares was sent with an Athenian fleet to assist the Fockeans in recovering it the decisive battle was fought at a place unknown near the Pagassaean Gulf the numbers of the infantry were nearly equal and his cavalry and his tactics were far superior more than a third of the Fockean army was slain or made prisoners and Onomarhus was killed Pherae was then captured and Likofron driven from the land and Philip having thus become master of Thessaly prepared to march southward for the purpose of delivering the shrine of Apollo from the possession of the Fockeans whom he professed to regard as sacrilegious atherpers Fockeas was now in great need and her allies Sparta, Ahaea and Athenia at length determined to give her active help the Macedonian must not be permitted to pass Thermopylae the statesman Eubulus whose influence was now predominant at Athenia and was chiefly directed to the maintenance of peace acted promptly on this occasion and sent a large force under Nausiclas to defend the pass Philip at once recognized that it would be extremely hazardous to attempt to force a position and he retired he was a prince who knew when to wait and when to strike thus Fockeas was rescued for the time she was indebted both Sparta and Ahaea who had sent her aid but most of all to Athens in supporting Fockeas the Spartans had objects of their own in view they had not abandoned their hopes of winning back Messenia and destroying Megalopolis it was therefore their policy to sustain Fockeas in order that Fockeas might keep Thebes so fully occupied that they would have a free hand in the Peloponnesus without fear of Theban interference the successes of Onomarchus in his first Thessalian campaign encouraged Sparta to prepare for action and Megalopolis made aware of the danger applied to Athens for help it was a request which no practical statesmen could have entertained and it had no chance of being granted under the regime of as wise ahead as Oiboulos orators like Democinis who constituted themselves the opponents of Aiboulos might invoke the old principle that it was the policy of Athens to keep Sparta weak but this was an obsolete maxim for there was now no serious prospect of Sparta becoming formidably strong it was no concern of Athens to meddle in the Peloponnesus now her true policy was to keep on friendly terms with Sparta and in conjunction with her to support the Fockean state against Thebes, Thessaly and Macedon this was the policy which Oiboulos followed the war broke out in the Peloponnesus soon after the check of Philip at Thermopylae while Athens held aloof Ahaya and Ailes Flius and Montinea supported Sparta and the Fockeans sent 3,000 men to her help but all these forces Macedonians, Arcadians and Argybys to whom the Thebans had sent a considerable aid a series of engagements were fought they were almost all indecisive but they rescued Messenia and the Arcadian capital and frustrated the plans of Lacodemon the deaths of Onomarchus developed the leadership of the Fockean League upon his brother Foulos at first the Persians barely maintained their posts in western Boiotia but presently after the return of the auxiliaries whom they had sent to the Peloponnesus they conquered Epichnemedian Locres and laid siege to Narukes which they ultimately captured thus Foulos maintained the power of Fockeis for about 2 years then he was carried off by disease and was succeeded by his nephew son of Onomarchus under Fala Ecos the war dragged on for a few more years without any notable achievement the Thebans winning battles of no importance and ravaging Fockeis the Fockeans retaining their grip on western Boiotia the rise of Fockeis to its momentary position as one of the leading powers in Greece depended on two conditions the possession of Delphi and the possibility of hiring mercenaries it is therefore clear that Fockeis could not easily have come to the front before the 4th century when mercenary service had come widely into vogue but these two essential features of the Fockean power the occupation of Delphi and the employment of mercenary troops gave it a bad name historians echo the invecties of the enemies of Fockeis and give the impression that during the sacred war the sanctuary of Apollo was in the hands of sacrilegious and unscrupulous barbarians tales were told how the dedicatory offerings were bestowed upon the loose favorites of the generals how Philomelus gave a golden dress to a dancing girl or Faurus a sylvan beaker to a flute player it matters little whether such scandals are true or false if true they would only show that the generals were not above petty speculations but the Fockeans were not allying the secretors as the shrine of Apollo they could establish as good acclaim to Delphi as many claims founded on remote events in the past and they certainly desired to maintain the panhellenic dignity and sanctity of the shrine and the oracle as high as ever under their own frustration but they regarded Delphi not only as a panhellenic sanctuary but as a national sanctuary of Fockes somewhat in the same way at Ascians employed the treasures of her temples for national purposes of defense in the Peloponnesian war so Fockes felt justified in employing the treasures of Apollo for the national interest of Fockes throughout all the Fockeans statesmen could have maintained that they were only borrowing from the god Lones which would be gradually paid back after the restoration of the peace recently there has come to light among the original documents inscribed in the stones of Delphi a striking disprove of the old view which conceived the Fockeans of Onomarchus and Faulus at the band of robbers holding their orgies in a holy place the temple of the god which had been built by the Alcmaeonids was destroyed by an earthquake nearly 20 years before the Fockean usurpation the work of rebuilding had been begun perhaps soon after but had advanced slowly and when Filomelus seized Delphi the completion of the temple was still far off the work was carried out under a commission of temple builders all the Amphictheonic states were represented and this body administered a fund set apart for the building during the Fockean usurpation the council of temple builders still held their meetings the work still went on the skillful artisans in Corinth and elsewhere wrote the stone material and transferred it to Delphi as if nothing had befallen the payments were made as usual and the accounts were kept we have some on them still those Amphictheonic states which were at war with Fockeas like Thebes and Thessaly were naturally not represented at the meetings of the board of the temple builders but Delphian members were always present and after Lockeans had been conquered by Faurus we find Lockeans also attending the meetings thus the completion of the temple of Apollo was suspended while the Fockeans held the sanctuary and the Dorian and Ionian states continued to take their part in the Panhellenic work of supervising the structure as if nothing had happened to alter the center of the Greek world End of Chapter 16 Part 3 Chapter 16 Part 4 of a history of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great Volume 2 This is a LibriVox recording All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org A History of Greece to the death of Alexander the Great Volume 2 by Joan Bagnale Bury Chapter 16 Part 4 The Advance of Macedonia The Macedonian monarch was now master not only of the Thermae Gulf and the mouths of the Strymon but of the basin of Pagassae and he was beginning to create a fleet His marauding vessels let loose in the northern Aegean captured the corn ships of Athens descended on her possessions and dependencies Lemnos, Imbros and Oyboia and once even insulted the coast of Attica itself The most important interests of Athens centered around the Hellespont and Propontis and it was obviously her policy to form a close combination with the Thracian king Cersubleptis with a view to offering common resistance to the advance of the new northern power on the Thracian side It was an effort in this direction when Aristocrates proposed a resolution to Demos, the adventurer who had become the brother-in-law and the chief minister of the Thracian king The resolution was impeached as illegal and the accuser was supplied with a speech by the young politician Demostinis The legal objections were probably cogent but the opponents of the proposal might wisely have confined themselves to this aspect of the question They went on to impugn the expediency of the measure and the speech of Demostinis against Aristocrates was calculated so far as a single speech could have a political effect to aligning it a power which it was distinctly the interest of Athens to conciliate But it mattered little No sooner had Philip return from Thessaly than he moved against Thrace Supported by a rival Thracian prince and by the cities of Byzantium and Perintus he advanced to the Propontes besieged Herion Tejos the capital of Cersublipides and forced the Potente to submit to the overlordship of Macedon The movements of Philip had been so rapid that Athens had no time to come to the rescue of Thrace When the news arrived there was a panic and an armament was voted to save the Cersunis But a new message came that Philip had fallen ill then he was reported dead and the sending of the armament was postponed Philip's illness was a fact it compelled him to desist from further operations and the Cersunisus was saved Eight years had not elapsed since Philip had mounted the throne of Macedon and he had shifted the balance of power in Greece and altered the whole prospect of the Cersunisus he had created an army and a thoroughly adequate revenue he had made himself lord of almost the whole sea board of the northern Aegion from the defile of Thermopylae to the shores of the Propontes the only lands which were still accepted from his direct or indirect sway were the Cersunisus and the territory of the Caldician League he was ambitious to secure a recognized hegemony in Greece to hold such a position as had been held by Athens by Sparta and by Thebes in the days of their greatness to form in fact a confederation of allies which should hold some such dependent relation towards him as the confederates of Delos had held towards Athens rumors were already floating about that his ultimate design was to lead upon Hellenic expedition against the Persian king the same design which was ascribed to Jason of Ferrai those the greek states regarded Philip as in a certain sense an outsider both because Macedonia had hitherto lain aloft from their politics and because absolute monarchy was repugnant to their political ideas it must never be forgotten that Philip desired to identify Macedonia with Greece to bring his own country up to the level of the kindred peoples which had so far outstripped its civilization throughout his whole career he regarded Athens with respect he would have given much for her friendship and he showed that he deemed it one of his misfortunes that she compelled him to be her foe he was himself imbued with great culture and if the robust Macedonian enjoyed the society as the Samvatroud boon companions of his own land with whom he could drink deep he knew how to make himself agreeable to attic philosophies or men of letters whom he always delighted to honor he chose an accomplished man of letters Aristotle of Stagira who had been educated at Athens to be the instructor of his son Alexander this fact alone lets Philip in the true light as a conscious and deliberate promoter of great civilization Greece saw with alarm the increase of the Macedonian power though men were yet far from apprehending what it really meant no state had been directly hit except Athens though the day of Calhides was at hand and it was now too late for Athens to retrieve her lost position either alone or in combination she could form against a state which possessed an ample revenue and a well-drilled national army under the sovereign command of the greatest general and diplomatist of the day the only event which could now have availed to stay the course of Macedon would have been the death of Philip but the Athenians did not apprehend this they are still dreamed of recovering Amphipolis their best policy would have been peace and alliance with Macedonia there can be little question that Philip would have gladly secured them the Cursonis and their conships for the possession of the Cursonis had not the same vital importance for him as Amphipolis or as the towns around the termite gulf in these years Athenians was under the guidance of a cautious statesman Oibolus the only able minister of finance he was appointed chancellor of the theoric fund for four years and this office while it was specially concerned with the administration of the surplus of revenue which was devoted to theoric purposes involved a general control over the finances of the state he pursued a peace policy yet it was he who struck the one effective blow that Athenians ever struck at Philip when she hindered him from passing Thermopylae but Oibolus wisely refused to allow Athens to be mistled and to embarking in unnecessary wars in the Peloponnesus or Asia Minor and frankly accepted the peace which had concluded the war of Athens with her allies the mass of the Athenians were well contended to follow the council of a dexterous financier who while he met fully all the expenses of administration distributed large dividends of festival money the news of Philip's campaign in Thrace may have temporarily weakened his influence it was felt that there had been slackness in watching Athenian interests in the Hellespontine regions and his opponents had a fair opportunity to invade against an inactive policy the most prominent among these opponents was Demostinis who had recently made a reputation as a speaker in the assembly the father of the Demostinis was an Athenian manufacturer who died when his son was still a child his mother had schizy on blood in her veins his guardians dealt fraudulently with the considerable fortune which his father had left him and when he came of age he resolved to recover it because he sat at the feet of the orator Isacus and was trained in law and rhetoric though he received but a small portion of his patrimony the oratory of Demostinis owed to this training with a practical purpose many equalities which it would never have acquired under the academic instruction of Hisocrates he used himself to tell how he struggled to overcome his natural defects of speech and manner how he practiced gesticulation before a mirror and claimed verses with pebbles in his mouth in the end he became as brilliant an orator as the Pnukes had ever cheered perhaps his only thought was a two theatrical manner his earlier political speeches are not monuments of wisdom he came forward as an opponent of the policy of Aebulus and so we have already met him supporting the appeals of Rodis and Megolopolis the advance of Philip to the Propontes gave him a more promising occasion to urge the Athenians to act since their own interests were directly involved and the effort of Demostinis was more than adequate the harangue which is known as the first Philippic one of his most brilliant and effective speeches calls upon the Athenians to brace themselves vicariously to oppose Philip our enemy he draws a lovely picture of the indifference of his countrymen and contrasts it with the energy of Philip who is not the man to rest content with that he has subdued but it's always adding to his conquest and casts his snare around us while we sit at home postponing again is Philip dead nay but he is ill what does it matter to you for if this Philip die you will soon raise up a second Philip by your apathy Demostinis proposed a scheme for increasing the military forces of the city and the most essential part of the scheme was that a force should be sent to Thrace of which a quarter should consist of citizens and the officers should be citizens at present the numerous officers whom they elected were kept for services at home you choose your captains not to fight but to be displayed like dolls in marketplace Demostinis was applauded but nothing was done his ideal was the Athenians of Pericles but he lived in the Athenians of Oiboulos in the 4th century the Athenians were quite capable of holding their own among their old friends and enemies the Spartans and Thebans and the islanders of the Aegean who spade soldiers and generals like Iphicretis and Charis they could maintain their position as a first trade power but against a large vigorous land power with a formidable army their chances were hopeless for since the fall of their empire the whole spirit of the people had tended to peace and not to war they were no longer animated by the idea of empire and the memories of the past which Demostinis might invoke were powerless to stir them to action the orations of Demostinis however carefully studied however imbued with passion could not change the character of his countrymen their spirit did not respond to his and not being under the imperious dominion of an idea they saw no reason for great undertakings nor was the condition of Athens as the opponent of Oibolus painted it under the administration of Oibolus the fleet was increased the building of a new arsenal was begun new ship sheds were made and the military establishment of Athens was in various ways improved she was still the great sea power of the Aegean and strong enough to protect her commercial interests the next stage in the development of Macedonia was the incorporation of Calcides and as soon as Philip recovered from his illness he turned his attention to this quarter if the Olinsians had treated Philip honorably they would probably have been left a self-governing community with their territory intact dependent on Macedonia but they treated both Athens and Philip badly they first made a close alliance with Philip to rob Athens and then when they had received from Philip Antemus and Potidaea they turned round and made peace with Athens a power with which Philip was at war and recognized the right of Athens to Oibolus at the time Philip was otherwise engaged but three years later he sent a requisition to Olinsus demanding the surrender of his half-brother a pretender to the Macedonians throne to whom they had given shelter the demand was refused and Philip marched against Calcides one after another the cities of the Olinsian Confederacy opened their gates to him or if they refused like Staghira they were captured in her jeopardy Olinsus sought an alliance with Athens and on this occasion both the leaders of the Athenian Assembly and the advocates of a war policy found themselves in harmony it was during the debits on the question of alliance that Demosthenes pronounced his Olinsian orations which were animated by the same spirit as his Philippic and were in fact Philippics at this juncture the Athenians seemed to have been awakened to the necessity of action sufficiently to embalden Demosthenes to throw out the unpopular suggestion that the Teoric Fund should be devoted to military purposes and he repeats his old plea for citizen soldiers an alliance was concluded and mercenaries were dispatched to the Calcidian Peninsula under Caris and Caridemus who had left the service of Cersubleptus more troops would certainly have followed and Philip might have been placed in some embarrassment especially as Cersubleptus had rebelled but he diverted the concern of Athenians in another direction and so divided her forces he had long been engaged in intrigues in Oiboya and now Eretria revolted and drove out Plutarch the tyrant who held the city for Athenians neighboring Calcas and Oreos in the north followed the example Oiboya was in a state of revolt it's just possible that if Athenians had left Oiboya alone and consecrated all her military power in Calcides she might have saved all answers for the time the division of our forces was certainly fatal and Demostinians deserves great credit for opposing any interference in Oiboya but the Athenians would have been strong-minded indeed if they had done nothing to regain the neighboring island while they dispatched all their troops to soccer and ally the expedition to Oiboya which was now entrusted to the general Fokion might better never have been sent but beforehand there seemed no reason why it should not succeed Fokion's only exploit was to extricate himself from a dangerous position at Tamunae by winning a battle but he returned to Athens without having recovered any of their bellous cities the enemy had taken a number of prisoners for whose ransom Athenians had to pay 50 talents and it was decided that there was nothing for it but to acknowledge the independence of Eiboeia with the exception of Caristus which remained loyal meanwhile Philip was pressing Olynsus' heart and urgent appeals were sent to Athens this time Demostinians had his way and 2,000 citizen soldiers sailed for the north but it was too late Olynsus was captured before they reached it and Philip showed no mercy to the city which had played him false the place was destroyed and the inhabitants scattered in various parts of Macedonia some said to work as slaves in the royal domains the other cities of the Confederacy were practically incorporated in Macedonia but they still continued to exist as cities and manage their local affairs there was no question of their extermination Demostinians had opposed the expedition to Eiboeia and thereby hangs a story he had a bitter foe in a rich man named Medius who was a supporter of Eibolus their personal hostility was revakened by the debuts over the Eiboeian question and Medius seized the occasion of the great Dionysiac feast to put a public upfront on his enemy Demostinians had undertaken the duty of supplying a horse for his tribe and on the day of the performance when he appeared in the sacred robe of Ocoregos Medius struck him in the face the outrage involved contempt of a religious festival and Demostinians instituted proceedings against his insultor the speech which he composed for the occasion contains fine sketching invective the description of Medius vulgarly displaying his wealth may be quoted to illustrate contemporary manners where, Demostinians asks are his splendid outlays for myself I cannot see unless it be in this that he has built a mansion at Ellosis large enough to darken all the neighbourhood that he keeps a pair of white horses from Scytheon with which he conducts his wife to the mysteries or anywhere else he fancies that he sweeps through the marketplace with three or four lackeys all to himself and talks about his balls and drinking horns and saucers loud enough to be heard by the passersby but Demostinians consented to compromise the matter for a small sum before it was brought to an issue and there can be little question that his consent was given from political motives on the capture of Ellosis the different parties drew together and agreed to co-operate and this new political combination rendered it necessary for Demostinians however reluctant to patch up the void with Medius End of chapter 16 part 4