 Ghana's Minister for Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration and members of the Ghanaian delegation, Ghana's Ambassador to the United States of America, President and Senior Officials of the United States Institute of Peace, members of the diplomatic corps distinguished invited guests, ladies and gentlemen. I'm privileged and honored to be with you here this morning at the United States Institute of Peace, having the opportunity to deliver this speech in front of a distinguished audience, which I believe is willing to engage in an open and frank discussion about our shared commitments and to address the issues that affect the survival and prosperity of this in future generations. I'm aware that I've come to Washington at a sensitive time in the life of this great city, for apart from the daily repercussions of having to deal with the consequences of Russia's 18-month-old aggression against the sovereign nation of Ukraine, the city has now to cope also this week with the effects of Hamas' violent invasion of Israel with all its repercussions for peace in the Middle East. Ghana, like all civilized countries, is firm in her support of Israel and indeed of Ukraine in these difficult moments of their national survival. It is against this background that I've come here from a crowd to speak on this prestigious platform about democracy and security in West Africa. I'm, however, comforted in doing so in the knowledge that the inhabitants of this city are aware of the global responsibilities of their nation in upholding freedom, democracy, and security, not just here at home in America, but also across the whole world. Ladies and gentlemen, there should be no disagreement about the intensity and scale of the challenges that confront our world and the urgent need to address them. We're all agreed that the world is in turmoil and we're confronted with perilous situations. Terrorism and violent extremism, climate change, food insecurity, political stability in parts of Africa, post-election violence, health pandemics, energy crisis, rising commodity prices, geopolitical tensions, the conflicts in the Middle East and the needless war in Ukraine amongst others have weakened the foundational pillars of multilateralism. There has never been a time where all these malevolent forces have combined in such a manner to bring hardships to the world. We're indeed operating in the most challenging and difficult of times. The interlocking challenges and the convergence of crises we face post-existential threats that require our media solidarity and collective actions. The challenges we face are many and diverse, but I intend to use this morning's opportunity to highlight briefly two of the most significant issues, testing the African continent's resolve. Terrorism and violent extremism in the Sahel and Coastal West Africa and its impact on security and the regression of democracy in parts of Africa have chosen to focus on these issues because we have virtually run out of time to work together in the spirit of multilateralism. If we do not renew our commitments to build, keep, and consolidate peace and democracy all over the world, we would have to brace ourselves to live in a new and more dangerous world today and in the future. In Ghana, political instability described much of the early decades of our independence and we became notorious for sampling every and any type of political experiment. The instability was coupled with the collapse of the economy and led to the exodus from the country of many of our citizens and professionals. I'm happy to state, however, that for the past 30 years of the Fourth Republic, we have enjoyed political stability under liberal democratic constitution and experienced the longest period of stable constitutional governance in our heavy tumultuous history. The separation of powers is now real phenomenon in Ghanaian life, promoting accountable governance. The fight against corruption has gone beyond propaganda and is demanding of public officials higher levels of acceptable conduct. Efficient public services are now within reach. We have in this period experienced through the ballot box the transfer of power from one ruling political party to another on three different occasions and conditions of peace and stability without threatening the foundations of the state. The Ghanaian people have manifested in this era their deep attachment to the principles of democratic accountability, respect for individual liberties and human rights, and the rule of law. There's also brought with it more or less systematic economic growth and boosted immensely our self-confidence. We're making systematic advances, especially if you consider that we have just celebrated our 66th Independence anniversary, and we're able to say that we are indeed making significant progress. For the first time in a long while, young people can make long-term plans and live out their dreams without interruption. In much the same way, businesses can think ahead, begin to think big and be certain that the laws of the country are not subject to capricious changes. We're all much more relaxed in the knowledge that we live under regime of the rule of law and that when disputes arise as they would in all human endeavors, they would be settled fairly. We have not gone to the stage easily and without difficulties. If I would press, I would mention in particular the electoral process as the greatest source of potential instability. The trigger for many wars and disputes around the continent can be traced to dissatisfaction with the conduct of elections. We in Ghana have gone through our own traumas about elections. There have been boycotts, there's been anger, and there have been famous election petitions before the courts. I say, however, we have a reliable electoral system which is systematically improving and deserving of the growing confidence of the people. We know that the electoral process remains for many African countries, one of the weak links that pose security threats to our democracies and the stability of our governance. But ladies and gentlemen, one of the greatest threats to our democracy has to be the proliferation and sophistication of terrorist networks in Africa. They should not only be a source of great concern to the continent of Africa, but they should also be of concern to the rest of the world. Even more concerning is the fact that these terrorist groups are evolving by the day as they scramble to control more territories than natural resources, especially in peripheral communities where the lack of effective state presence and control creates conditions for penetration and ultimately radicalization. Africa has become the center of attraction for terrorist groups which are multiplying in the region, following defeats suffered in other parts of the world. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Sahel. In addition to the numerous attacks orchestrated by these armed criminal gangs, their presence in the region fuels violence along communal and sectarian lines in countries that were witnessing Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. And in the insecurity engendered by the armed groups has resulted in rising levels of displacement of populations in many parts of the Sahel. The fight against terrorism has to be a global fight. We must pull all our resources together to confront a common enemy. The resources dedicated to counterterrorism have to match the resources available to the terrorist groups. The menace caused by terrorism is such that we must share the burden of the fight to be able to incapacitate the terrorists. Our failure to do so leaves the entire world in danger of a spin over effect of terrorism and violent extremism. This is a time for a global coalition of democracies, a coalition of the willing, determined to banish the specter of terrorism and violent extremism. The 11 member states of the 15 member states of Ekoas, the four military-led states having been suspended. Despite the considerable economic difficulties confronting each of them have made clear their willingness to take the fight to the terrorists if they were sufficiently empowered. The terrorists, as we all know, were chased out of the Middle East and Afghanistan before taking refuge in Muammar Gaddafi's Libya from where they fled across the Sahara to find refuge in Northern Mali after Gaddafi's downfall. They have spread their pernicious influence eastwards and southwards with the coastal states of West Africa, their ultimate destination. They can be chased out of West Africa and the Sahel too. Foreign troops would not have to be involved. West African troops can do the job. Their cry initiative is a good example of indigenous self-help. Comparisons, they say, are odious, but some cannot be ignored. The Russian war on Ukraine has elicited, according to my information, some $73.6 billion United States dollars in American support for Ukraine. $138.8 billion United States dollars from the European Union and its institutions. And $14.5 billion United States dollars from the United Kingdom. On the other hand, the security assistance from the US, the EU and the UK, to echo us, having totaled in the same period, amounted to $29.6 million. Unfortunately, the disproportionate impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on developing countries has left many countries and regional bodies, particularly in the Sahel, in very dire economic situations. This is compounded the challenges we face in the mobilization of resources to fight terrorists in our backyards. This is the time we must therefore insist that the provisions of chapters 7 and 8 of the UN Charter are put into full effect to help provide the support required to defeat terrorism and violent extremism. It is certainly not the time for the Security Council to be downplaying its commitments in the area. Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot gloss over recent happenings in the democratic space when discussing the challenges of our time. The resurgence of unconstitutional changes of governments in some parts of Africa creates a leadership vacuum which inhibits our efforts to address the security problems facing the continent. We'll see military takeovers in Guinea, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Gabon, and a failed coup attempt in Guinea-Bissau. Military takeovers expose further the fragilities of democratic governance in Africa with these takeovers taking on a now common pattern. The problem we have, and this would apply to most countries on the continent, is that we have already lost so much time that we cannot afford a slow period of growth. We have a dynamic, restless young population who demand and deserve the best in the world. They're not in a mood to wait for the dividends from a slow progression as the trek across the Sahara vividly illustrates. The pressing challenge for us in Africa is how we negotiate successfully the interface between elections and democratic governance, institution building and development, poverty and economic growth, stability, and jobs with the arriving objective being enhancing the dignity of the African. There's little doubt that the extension of term limits by some leaders to strengthen their grip on power creates fertile grounds for military interventions to feed on discontent. Dealing with the problem of coups, therefore, may well start from the civilian governments, which have the primary responsibility to build trust in the democratic dispensation in these challenging times. There should be no backtracking, backsliding in support for democratic values anchored on the promotion of the rule of law and respect for human rights. And when the coups do happen, we must extend collectively the needless support to the transition process, including in the Sahel, where the military, having tasted power, seem reluctant to restore democratic rule. There is also little doubt about the malevolent influence that is coming from abroad, especially in digital media and sometimes offline media to assail democratic institutions and practices through ongoing misinformation and disinformation campaigns. It appears to be the prelude for another great power scramble for Africa. Ladies and gentlemen, the United Nations Security Council has a most important role to play in confronting the challenges I have highlighted. Regrettably, the council is constrained by its anachronistic structure and methods, which undermine efforts to tackle contemporary challenges in the most effective manner. The conversations around reforms, which have been going on from three decades without an end in sight, must therefore yield real changes to the structures of the council to make them innovative in approach. The current structure of the UN Security Council represents a long-standing injustice towards the countries of Africa, and the time is long overdue to address it. It is obvious that the contemporary world has moved on significantly from the post-1945 world, which gave rise to the birth of the United Nations and the security of the structure of the Security Council. The world of 2023, and even less so that of 2050, is not the world of 1945. The crisis of the multilateral financial institutions and the United Nations system, which were born from the rubble of the Second World War, is a deep crisis. It will continue until a fair system is put in place, a system that reflects the new balances, no longer based on who lost or won the Second World War, but on the major contemporary and future balances. These balances must take into account new realities, such as demographic dynamics, or access to resources in the context of scarcity. In this current state, the Council is finding it increasingly difficult to propagate the rule of law and democratic principles. The use of the veto as an instrument of great power interest is denouncing the Security Council of a great deal of legitimacy as the principal instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. The African common position on UN reform, based on the Azouni consensus, is of even greater relevance today than it has ever been. It is essential that they be brought back to the center of global discourse. It is only through the reforms that are set out in the African common position that it will enable the Security Council to be effective in meeting the challenges of our time. And it is only through its effectiveness in maintaining international peace and security that the Council can remain credible, legitimate, and relevant. I believe strongly that despite its numerous challenges, Africa is on the cusp of building a great new civilization, which will unleash the considerable energies and huge potential of the African peoples so that they can make their own unique contribution to the growth of world civilization. By 2050, the population of Africa will be 2.5 billion, all things being equal, up from the current figure of 1.3 billion, which will mean that one in four people on the planet will be an African. The median age for this population will be 25 years. A dynamic, young, active population sitting on the resources of the world's richest continent and mineral resources and arable land would be a powerful magnet for transformative investment in cooperation. Its potential to generate unprecedented levels of global prosperity are immense. Pax Africana is to be welcomed and cherished. I thank you for your attention. Congratulations on your wonderful speech. Thank you very much. Mr. President, thank you very much for a very thoughtful and wise speech about the challenges that exist in Africa and the challenges to the global community. This morning, I'd like to ask first about democracy in Ghana and in Africa, and then move to the issue of international political and economic reform, which you've touched on. And then finally, talk a little bit about how the United States can be a stronger and better partner with Ghana and Africa. Mr. President, you made a lot of the Ghanaian history of democracy. And indeed, Ghana stands out today as one of the continent's strongest democracies. But we've seen over the last three years in Africa, mostly West Africa, seven countries face military coups most in your neighborhood. I'd like to ask, what is the foundation of Ghana's democratic strength? And why are we experiencing democratic regression and backsliding in other parts of the continent? Secretary, first of all, thank you. Thank you very much. And once again, thank you for the opportunity to come to this very prestigious institute to talk about matters of great concern to the world. Four years ago, all the 15 states of West Africa had democratically elected leaders. And when you think about, for instance, in my own country, the turnout of people at elections, the numbers are very high. In the eight electoral consultations we've had in Ghana, we've never had less than 70% of the registered electorate turning out to vote. And that in itself is a very strong indication of the popular attachment to the institutions of democratic government and to change. And in Ghana's case, as I indicated in my speech, that process meant that on three separate occasions, we've had a government in office being taken out and an alternative party being brought into office by the will of the people expressed through the ballot box. The last such change in Ghana is what brought me to office in 2017. So the attachment of people to the process is something that is well documented. And their understanding of what the process means for them and their lives is also well documented. They recognize that they have it in themselves to be able to effect change if they so wish. So the jury is out on the next one. There's another one out there. And I'm not here to blow the trumpet of my party's new candidate. But I think we have a good chance of being able to survive that experience. But nevertheless, the point that is being made is that not only is the understanding is there, but the effect of it is also very, very strong. That has been the foundation in Ghana. And that has been the foundation of the last 30 years of our existence. And it is against the background of systematic instability in the 30 years before, right from our beginnings, which we began with the one-party stage and then had a series of military interventions in our governance until we arrived at the consensus in the Fourth Republic that has given us this long period of stable constitutional governance. Fortunately also, it has witnessed a systematic expansion of the national economy. There's still a lot of work that has to be done to produce a transformation in the social economic circumstances of our people, which is our collective goal. But the significant amount has been done, which has indicated that, yes, this is the path that would most assuredly bring us both progress and prosperity. The circumstances are not the same everywhere in West Africa. We're seeing in the countries which have been the target of coup d'etats recently, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, which is the most recent one. Countries that have had a very different history. A history where consistently military interventions right up until very recent days have been part and parcel of their body polity. It's unfortunate, but that is the reality that we're having to deal with. And it's also been a period where the development, the capital D that the people are looking for have been difficult to come by. So the intervention, the soldiers in the lives of these countries is one that I would always hesitate to use the word justify, but can be explained. That is the tragedy of what has happened in those countries. So we have a twofold problem to deal with. One, how can we solidify democratic institutions in these countries? And at the same time, and it's part and parcel of doing so, how can we generate and engender the economic development, which is at the heart of people's preoccupations? In my mind, it is a fusion of these matters that really can explain the developments that are taking place on the continent. Those of us who are committed, the principles of democratic accountability, of wanting democratic institutions to be at the forefront of the governance systems of our countries, we have a lot of responsibility in making sure that first of all, in our own backyards, we don't go back on this commitment. We don't have somebody who's elected into office then who then turns himself out to be somebody who's looking for authoritarian solutions to problems, but is prepared to continue the open society, the broad framework of democratic engagement, and that therefore will stick to the institutions of the constitution of democratic development. That's an extremely important part. And at the same time, invest in development. One of the major investments that we have made in Ghana since I took office has been in our educational sector. We have spent, the equivalent nearly, the equivalent of about 120 billion CDs on our education since I came into office. We have expanded significantly the numbers of people who are within the educational bracket. When I came into office, 830,000 people were in secondary school in Ghana. Today the figure is 1.4 billion, 1.4 million because of the policy that my government introduced of opening up secondary education to state-sponsored education that everybody could go to, you don't have to worry about fees. Until I came, 100,000 Ghanaian young men and boys and girls were dropping out of the educational ladder at the level of junior high school because they couldn't afford fees to go to senior high school. That has been taken off. And therefore, those numbers are now being captured within the educational system. And it's an important comment on how state resources are being used. Because at the end of the day, it is this empowerment of the people that will enable the reforms and the transformation of the social and economic circumstances of our country to take place. So these are some of them. You have a very large regional, sub-regional organization in ECOWAS. What role does ECOWAS have to play in supporting and sustaining and advocating for democracy? What role does ECOWAS have in advancing policies that will ensure that people benefit from the results of democratic progress? But as I said, I indicated at the beginning, four years ago, right after four years ago, all 15 elected, all 15 leaders of the 15 member ECOWAS communities were elected leaders. And they were so under a protocol, a regional protocol that bound the 15 nations, the ECOWAS protocol of good governance and democratic development. Where the region committed itself, one to recognizing only democratically elected governments as part of its architecture, and secondly, insisting that democratic values be the central, unifying value system for the region. And for at least two or three decades, that is what was taking place. ECOWAS's commitment to democracy, to the unity of our nations was such that it was ECOWAS that led the processes for ending the Liberian Civil War, ECOMO, some nearly 30 years ago. The same in Sierra Leone, the same in Côte d'Ivoire. And in recent times, it is this same commitment that has led ECOWAS to intervene in the affairs of Guinea-Bissau and in the Gambia, where an elected leader refused to go after he had been thrown out by the people. So as far as the commitment of ECOWAS is concerned, it has been very clear. And it has meant that every time the principles have been violated, as we saw in Guinea, in Burkina Faso, in Mali, and in Niger, ECOWAS did not hesitate to apply the full scale of the sanctions of the protocol to these countries, to make clear our distaste for military intervention in the lives of our various states. The community has also built up a regional organization that is also very vigilant in assisting within limited means the various 15 member states in the economic planning and development. We've had a customs union created out of ECOWAS, the ERPS, we've had a West African power pool created out of it, where we share our energy resources. We have had a West African health organization which enables us also once again, which was very critical in the time of the COVID pandemic. Leading the coordination of the regional response to the COVID pandemic. So these regional institutions are also there that have been effective in assisting the 15 member states in dealing with their specific problems. So as the ECOWAS has not been just an organization in paper, it has been a very functional, working, dynamic organization assisting its members to deal with the problems that it has had. But as I say, the four members that have gone out of it at the moment, the organization has been somewhat weakened, and we're having to work on to see how quickly we can repair the restoration of democracy to the four countries that are the subject of current sanctions. Mr. President, to what extent has conflict and terrorism in the Sahel, as well as climate change contributed to the weakening of democratic institutions and backsliding in the countries neighboring you, Mali, Burkina, and Niger in these Gudetaz and military transition? I don't think that there can be any doubt that both of these phenomena have been very negative negative impacts on the growth of democracy in our country. And indeed, in the four countries that have suffered the recent military interventions, specifically proposed as a reason for the military intervention has been the inability allegedly of, with the exception of Guinea, the other three countries, Burkina, Faso, Mali, and Niger of the civilian authorizations to deal with the terrorist insurgences in their three countries. So the connection between the insurgences and the military interventions have been themselves openly proclaimed by the military. Whether they are pretext, whether they are genuine, history is what will determine. Because unfortunately for us, in each one of these countries too, far from the arrival of the military, contributing to the pushback of the terrorists, they seem to have actually accelerated the expansion of terrorism in their various countries. We've seen that in Niger, that since the downfall of Muhammad Bazoum, the terrorist insurgency in Niger has spread quickly and more widely than when he was in office. We've seen the same thing in Mali. We've seen the same thing in Burkina, Faso. So the connection, which was asserted at the beginning of military intervention in these countries, is not being borne out by the results. But these are the reasons that were given. So clearly, there is some nexus between terrorists and the unconstitutional changes of government. As far as the climate crisis is concerned, the climate crisis is of course a global crisis, but in West Africa, this is a crisis of great, great, great import for each one of our countries. It's having a major devastating impact on many parts of our agricultural development. It has led to the drying up of Lake Chad, a huge water source that has dried up and has led to the displacement of millions of people across West Africa. It's having a very deleterious effect on our economic growth and prospects. So it is very much part of the existential threats that now confront our various countries, both the terrorists and the climate insecurity. The climate change and the insecurity it brings about. So we're having to try to deal with all these multifaceted problems. So many balls being thrown up in the air at the same time. But for America, this is what we have. This is what we have to deal with. And that's what some of us are trying to do. How do you respond to Americans or European officials who say why should they be concerned? Why should they be concerned about the matters of West Africa, the coups and the challenges that exist in that part of the world? What you respond to, those who say we've done enough, we've done enough, it's the responsibility of the leaders of the region to handle these problems. Why should there be global concern about the challenges and what's the impact on the global? I don't think there can be any doubt, Secretary, about the responsibility of the leaders of the countries for the problems in their own country. There can be no doubt about it. Everybody is responsible for the situation in their various countries. But I think that the inescapable fact is that what happens in one part of the world has an impact elsewhere. One of the major issues of politics in Europe today is the migration of people from sub-Saharan Africa into Western Europe. The barriers are being put out all over Europe against the numbers of people who are taking the immense risks in crossing the Sahara on foot when they get through to North Africa, having to go on these rickety boats to try and cross the Mediterranean and getting themselves involved in all kinds of problems in Lampasuda, et cetera, of the Italian. These are all the effects of the difficulties that are taking place in Africa. So you sit in Europe or in America and you say that these are not your concerns. You're deceiving yourself. The people are acting in a manner which inescapably has to catch your attention. So the issue becomes to what extent, therefore, are you prepared to assist in finding solutions to this? Or whether you think that the defensive posture of putting walls around your country is enough for you. So the reasons why people are concerned is the reasons why everything that happens in this globe concerns all of us. We are in an interconnected, we're talking about a globalized world. What does it mean in these things that happen here in America, can have their impact in Africa, and vice versa? So it is better for all of us to have that conception, to have that mindset that recognizes that at any one stage, we're required to be concerned about what is happening in one part of the world vis-a-vis another, because we're living on the same planet. We are responsible for less than 4% of global emissions. The industrialized world, the Western world, is responsible for some 76% to 78% of global emissions. And yet, efforts are being made, which require us to take a disproportionate lead in finding solutions to this phenomenon. It may be the best situation for us to say, but this is not our problem. So let it be the resolution of those who created the problem in the first place. Yeah, so I mean, for instance, we're told that we should discontinue the development of our fossil fuels. But our fossil fuels are not the ones that have given rise to the emissions of the world, ours are largely dormant. So why should we agree to terminating their development? These are all problems that we're all having to face together. And I think that the better, the sooner, the mindset becomes a more collaborative mindset than the better it is for the human race. Mr. President, you're right. Global solutions are required for many of the challenges that we face around the world today. You talked in your comments about the need for reform of international institutions, both the political institutions and the financial institutions. In your estimation, what would a restructured UN look like? What would a restructured UN Security Council look like in your view? And what are the ways of really pushing for this today? The Biden administration has come out and clearly stated that Africa deserves an additional, deserves a permanent non-Veto holding seat on the Security Council. Is that adequate? Is that sufficient? I think those words in the self tell you about the limitations of the policy that is being advocated. The veto power of the five nations is clearly one of the problems of international situation today. The big problem there is about the Russian invasion of Ukraine cannot be dealt with by the Security Council because Russia is a veto wielding member of the Security Council and it refuses to allow this matter to be debated and deliberated at the Security Council. The Security Council that is supposed to be responsible, principally responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security is unable to act in one of the most important international events of recent times, Russian aggression against Ukraine. That cannot be a satisfactory situation for anybody who has the interest of the global community at heart. And it means therefore that the reforms that have to be undertaken by the United Nations, I think the most fundamental of those reforms that we have to get rid of the veto, yeah. Majority rule on the Council? Majority rule on the Council. Expanded permanent membership? Absolutely, yeah, this is the way which we will have a Security Council that is truly representative of what is going on in the rest of the world. When the people met in San Francisco in 1945, Ghana, we were under colonial rule. It's not, you look at the records of the people who took place in San Francisco. There's no mention of Ghana, even in its colonial name, Gokos, were not there and there are lots and lots of countries, virtually all the countries of Africa were not present and many, many parts of Asia were not present. So the formation that took place there, relevant and it must have been for those who had initiated and concluded the Second World War, did not take into account vast stretches of humanity. Today, these countries are now present on the International Security. And therefore, there is a need to create a Council and its government, United Nations and its government institutions, which take into account the presence of all these people. And... And... Mr. President, does that mean an advocacy for not just one, but for two permanent Africans? I think that the discussions have to, have to, of course, I mean there's a representative nature. China is the only one that represents Asia. There are other major Asian countries, India, Japan, Indonesia, whose claims to representation cannot be ignored. With this, the same, there's nobody from Latin America, so Brazil, Argentina, they're not there. You come to our own continent, Nigeria, South Africa, they're all... So the discussions have to focus on finding an equilibrium for determining the contours of representation on the Council. And secondly, to have a functioning of the Council that recognizes that we can never be in a situation where whereby one nation, by its exercise of the veto power, can prevent discussions on this or that issue, that there will always be at any one time, majorities for how the humanity views progress in particular part. So yes, an expanded membership of the Council, which makes it a much more representative body. Secondly, a Council that operates like our countries do. People are elected by majority vote to go and pursue particular policies. So the Council also should be a Council that works on the global level on the basis of majority decision-making. It's too much to ask for unanimity, because that will mean a different kind of blockage, but that majority's work, I think these are some of the fundamental contours of the new UN Security Council, which some of us are very keen on seeing coming to being. Equally the international financial institutions here in this town. The IMF and the World Bank have dominated the global financial institutions. What kinds of reforms do you think need to be made in those institutions? I know there's a IMF meeting going on this week and Marrakesh and the managing director of the IMF has announced that there will be a request for one new African executive director position to give Africa three executive directors on the executive board raising Africa's voice and profile in the institution. Is this enough? And is the... When it's set in the right direction, there can be no doubt about that. And the subsequent measures that can be taken around that, all of these are clearly steps in the right direction. I think at the end of the day, there's a more fundamental reform of the Bretton Woods institutions that we have to look at for this 21st century. It has now become obvious. When you're talking about mobilizing global resources, there is much more resources in private hands now than there are in the hands of public institutions. I mean, I don't know what the exact equation is, but I believe it's an equation that is at least one to 10. So what is in the private sector and these of you what is in the public sector? So finding a way where private and public sectors can be brought together to assist in the process of global mobilization has to be the key that all of us are looking at. And my own understanding, the understanding of our government is that the two key institutions, the IMF and the World Bank, should now be looking at themselves as being catalysts for mobilizing these greater resources than our private hands to assist the whole process of global development. And the role that they will play of being facilitators, gallantos, insurance, of taking the whole on the whole process of de-risking the difficulties of the private capital will have in moving into areas, especially, quote, in the so-called global south, has to be the main preoccupation of the reform of the system. Yes, the reforms in terms of positions of giving more space for voices from Africa and other parts of the world, that's an important step forward. But I believe the more fundamental reform that has to take place is the reform of the purpose, the way in which these organizations are going to be operating in the future. And I think there we need a more radical shift in attitude, in structure, and in purpose. Agreed, you're absolutely right, Mr. President. Private capital has to be mobilized and incentivized to work alongside these institutions. One last question on the financial side. The BRICS, there's been a great discussion in some parts of the global south about the BRICS. They've expanded to include two new African countries beyond South Africa. Do the BRICS offer an alternative? I don't know, well, the jury has to be out on that. What was he? Yeah, because as to how they will operate, because the basis on which the choice was made in itself, I mean, Ethiopia, I believe, is one. Yes. It's Ethiopia. Ethiopia and Egypt have joined South Africa as a part of the BRICS. Is there a reason why Nigeria was excluded? So I'm saying that the jury is going to have to be out on this matter, and we'll see as it goes on whether they will operate any differently from the other global institutions that there are. Understood. Mr. President, as we wind up, let me ask the question, how can the United States be a stronger and better partner to Ghana and to West Africa and to the continent moving forward? What are the things that people in Washington should know about your desires for better and stronger relationships and what Washington can contribute to that? I think that when we look at the priorities that are confronting us now, for instance, the fight against terrorism in West Africa, the absolute imperative for mobilizing the resources that will sustain economic development. One can see there a lot of opportunity for effective collaboration with the United States of America. As far as, for instance, the terrorist challenge is concerned. Many of those who are at the forefront of the terrorist challenge are the same people that American arms and deployments have met in other parts of the world. So there's a lot of information and knowledge about how to go about this, which I hear in this city in Washington, and it would be obviously of great use to countries like my own to find some way of tapping into that knowledge and expertise. The American influence on the multilateral institutions, the development institutions, whether it's the IMF World Bank and the others is considerable, as we all know, and therefore involving American support and assistance in the changes that we want into the international financial system and into the process of mobilizing the resources that are necessary for the development of our various countries. There too, the United States can play clearly very, very prominent and forward role if it so chooses. And we would ask the American people to look at these areas of engagement as ones that will contribute to their own security and development and therefore to the security of the world as well. One last one, Ogoa, the centerpiece of America's trade policy with Africa will be coming up for renewal within the next 18 months or so. Any thoughts on the importance of Ogoa to the continent? It's been useful, it's been useful. There are many, many businesses on the continent that have grown as a result of Ogoa, and I cannot understand that there can be any serious reason for terminating. It should be renewed and continued. It's proved to be a very, very useful tool for developing relations between the continent and the United States, and it should be long made flourish and continue. Mr. President, we've come to our time, and I want to thank you very, very much for sharing this time with us, sharing your advice, your wisdom, and your understanding of the challenges that you see across your country and across West Africa. We also want to applaud the strong democracy that exists in Ghana, and we hope that you will continue to be a strong advocate for democracy, good governance, and human rights, not only in your country, but across the continent as well. We at USIP are enormously proud of the fact that you have given us this time this morning to be with us, and we wish you all the best for the rest of your stay in Washington, D.C. It's been a pleasure to be with you again. So thank you, please. Once again, thank you very much indeed for inviting me. It's been a big challenge and a very, very enjoyable one, and I've enjoyed very much. The opportunity to engage with you, the President of the Institute of the Others here, how matters would, I like to think of, mutual concern and of interest, both to you and to my own country. Thank you very much. I hope the audience will join me. Distinguished guests, please rise and remain in place for the departure of the President of Ghana, his Excellency, Nana, Akufo Ado.