 Good morning everyone. Please take your seats again. I would like to now invite the first speaker of this second session, Dr. Basile Leclerc, who will present the paper titled The Gold of Gods Stories of Temple Financing from Jane Prabandas. Thank you. So for members of the Jane Lane community, the question of how much property one was allowed to keep and how much he was to give away grew in importance in the course of time and was tackled with by authors of treatises and lay conduct. In the Yogashastra, for instance, Hemachandra summarized doctrine in the following terms. I quote, one who is firm in his vows and sows his wealth on the seven fields with devotion as well as on the most miserable people out of compassion, such a person is said to be a great layman. The seven fields mentioned here encompass members of the fourfold Jane community, sacred texts, Jane images and Jane tempers. Thus, it was a reduced duty to provide the community with different kind of places, some for gathering or eating, other ones for staying, as well as tempers for performing rituals. Accordingly, great Jane layman from medieval times got involved in such building activities and were concerned about making it known in very laudatory terms by means of inscriptions or literary texts produced by the poets they patronized. For instance, Hemachandra himself duly extolled the ambitious program of temple building launched by his royal patron, Kumara Pala. In the life of Mahavira, which concludes his monumental work on the light of the 63 illustrious men, he had the last Gina himself predict that Kumara Pala, I quote, with unlimited power will make this earth adorned with temples of the genus in almost every village. Similarly, the poet Someshwara celebrated the building activity of the Jane ministers Vastupala and Tejaspala in hyperbolic terms in an inscription from Mount Abu, and I quote it in an English leader's translation, of the uninterrupted series of religious establishments, such as tanks, wells, fountains, groves, ponds, temples, homes, houses, and so on, which were either newly constructed or repaired by that pair of brothers in every town or village, on every road and mountain top, one does not even know the number. It is at best but the earth who knows it, end quote. In his Kirti Kaumudi, however, Someshwara gave more factual information about the architectural achievements of his patrons. Similarly, Harisima enumerated in the eleventh and last canto of his Sukrita Sankirtana, his glorification of good actions of Vastupala, 43 Jains and non-Jane buildings that had been erected or restored by Vastupala. The purpose of such list was obviously to give an idea of the magnificence of this layman. But conspicuously, no precise amounts are given in these sources. Perhaps because such information was considered too prosaic to be included in a poem. I thus intend to investigate in this paper what the Prabhupada literature reputed to register precise information of different kinds, such as dates of installation of images and so on, tells us about the funding of Jain temples. And I will focus on historical figures from the eleventh to the 13th centuries, including of course, Kumara Pala and the ministers Vastupala and Tejaspala, but also some other ones. So to start with, an investigation of the most renown tanks from the Prabhupada corpus, the Prabhupada Chin Tamani by Merutunga, teaches us that hyperbolic language was not the privilege of contemporary text. In the account of Kumara Pala's reign, Merutunga thus created this king with the erection of no less than 1,440 temples, which is quite impressive. He also mentions more specifically the construction of some new temples, which are known otherwise, as well as a renovation of all the ones, but with no reference to the cost. The only mention of a precise sum is to be found in the account of Kumara Pala pilgrimage to holy places. It is said that the king spent 33 lakhs at Girna for the sake of the making of new stairs for going up the the mountain. And in a similar way, Merutunga mentions many religious foundations of the brothers Vastupala and Tejaspala, but he never talks about their funding, with a single exception of an Emi temple that Tejaspala is said to have built at the village of Baula at the cost of 36,000 coins. And to mention another Prabhupada text, as a Vividartir Takalpa, we can say that Girna Prabha, the author, also frequently alludes to the buildings of Vastupala and Tejaspala, but does not say a word of their cost. In contrast with this silence, other Prabhupada collections contain much more indications. In the Prabhupada Kousha, for instance, Raja Shikara, when coming to the question of the minister's prior sections, seems at first to choose a task. He says, who is able to count up the religious foundations of the illustrious Vastupala and Tejaspala? But immediately after, he adds that he had collected some information from his own master and starts with an impressive list of, an impressive number of image installations. He talks about one lack of images installed by the ministers. And also he mentions the huge amounts of money spent by the two brothers on the three major holy places of Chaturngaya, Girna and Abu. And I think you already saw these amounts on the presentation by my colleague. So he says that Vastupala and Tejaspala spent 18 crores and 96 lakhs on Chaturngaya, 12 crores and 80 lakhs on Girna, and 12 crores and 33 lakhs on the erection of one temple on Abu. And what is interesting is that these amounts are also given in another collection, the Puratana Prabandha Sangraha, for instance, the amount of 63 lakhs of drama currency is mentioned for the stairs at Girna. And in later Prabandha text as well, some further information can be traced about the funding of the most famous temples of the time. And I will just give one example, one example that I have found in the Upadesha Tarangedi, which is a text from the 15th century. And there Ratna Mandira gives an idea of the extraordinary liberality of Kumarapala. So I quote, in Patana, Kumarapala had the Tihuna Vihara temple erected and marked with the name of his own father, Tribuvanapala. It was endowed with 72 little shrines, also the Devakulika, in these were installed 24 images made of precious stones, 24 images made of brass, 24 images made of silver. And in the main temple, he had an image of Neminata made out of a single precious stone measuring 124 thumbs. And the expense of money amounted to 96 crores. So the Prabandha collections does agree in the fact, the point that temple building required very huge amounts of money expressed in, with very high unities of measurement, the lakhs and the crores that are mentioned systematically. No. Now we have to ascertain where all that money came from, actually, because obviously the construction of these temples was a meritorious act only if the money invested came from the donor, the native's personal fortune. And as a matter of fact, we can see that in Jain narrative literature, particular stress is led on the origin of the money that is spent on charity business. You can find countless stories of merchants who decide to go abroad and earn their own money in order to be able to make meritorious gifts. And what is quite funny is that they often resolve to do so because they have been reproached for being generous with their father's wealth and not their own. So this is a very usual motif in this literature. And in the Prabandha as well, the great layman are implicitly supposed to give away their own fortune. And for instance, Georg Bühler took it for granted that I quote, Vastupala and Tejaspala spent a great part of their rich incomes on the erection of temples, believerant institutions and so on. And actually, we can find in some sources, later sources, that the two brothers carried out the construction or renovation of temples with their own wealth. I came across this mention in the Opa des Châtarangini. But if we look at other Prabandha collections, we come... I mean, there are some very different information about the origin of the funding. And just to keep on talking about Vastupala and Tejaspala, it is often said that they came from poor social background, at least that for one period, their family was quite poor. And the Prabandha explained how they got rid of their poverty by different means. So for instance, in the Prabandha Kosha, it is said at the beginning of the narrative of the biography of Vastupala that the two brothers, one day, happened to unearth a copper jar filled with gold. And this is with that money that they could actually erect some temples on Chaturndjaya and Girna. And the fact is that they wonder when they find this money, they just wonder how they can keep it without being stolen, because there is still this concern about not being the prey of thieves and other kind of people. And so the wife of Tejaspala said that the only way to protect, to secure that money is to make it seen by everyone on the top of the sacred mountains by transforming this money, using that money for building temples. But in all eventuality, whatever the means of acquiring money, the laymen remain in these narratives the ones who assume the cost of temple building. And what is quite interesting is the fact that in other stories, they unexpectedly appear to be replaced in that function by supernatural beings, and I will give now three striking instances of such situations. So the first story of temple building, where indeed it is played a major role, concerns the famous Vimala Vasahi temple which was erected on Mount Abu and given its name by the Jain minister Vimala in the first half of the 11th century. As Jina Prabha puts it in the Kalpa dedicated to Mount Abu, that great Jain layman, I quote, expended much wealth to build there the Vimala Vasahi temple in the year 1088 of Vikrama era. And he did that after having propitiated the Jain goddess Amba and acquired a plot of land near the temple of the Hindu goddess Srimata. So here the deities are just mentioned in passing, but they are credited in the parallel versions of the temple foundation with a much more active role. So in the Prabhupada Koshha, for instance, it is Amba who takes the initiative to ask her friend Srimata the permission to erect a Jain temple on Mount Abu. And the Puratana Prabhupada Sangraha even states that the friendship between the goddesses is the primary cause of the temple's foundation. Indeed, in this version Srimata herself asked Amba to come and settle on Abu and in order to help her having her own residence there, she provides her with a plot of land where 27 lakhs of dramas are hidden at the base of two trees. Amba then looks for someone to carry out the erection of her temple and then she manifests herself to Vimala in that purpose. So he is only the instrument of the goddess in that version. And in the later rewriting of Ratna Mandira in the Degupadesha Tarangini, Srimata is even more generous since Vimala finds a much greater sum of 72 lakhs, so the number is just inverted, when digging the ground under the trees. So now a second story where the cost of temple building are covered by supernatural beings is the one told about the Jain holy place of Paravardi or Palodi, a modern Palodi in Rajasthan. According to the Puratana Prabhupada Sangraha, this small village became a sanctuary when an image of Parshwa was miraculously discovered there by laymen inside a mound of earth. The account is rather short and directly jumps to the installation of the image and the fixing of a jaw and a banner at the top of temple, but fortunately Ratna Mandira retells the story in more details in his Upadesha Tarangini. He says that it is Parshwa himself who appears in dream to the layman Parasa and ask him to build a temple when Parasa objects that he has no money for doing that. Parshwa replies that there will be a lot of money through the transformation into gold of the rice grains offered in front of him. Parasa then sets out to erect the temple and the work is already carried out on one side when the layman is asked by his son about the origin of the money. He tells him the story as it happened but then the transformation into gold comes to an end and as there is a shortage of funding the temple remains in this state of construction. An alternative story about the appearance of that holy place can be found in the Viva Tirtacalpa where a prakrit prose narrative is specifically devoted to Paravardhi. It states that once two merchants Dandala and Sivamkara came to Paravardhi and settled there. They found an image of Parshwa in a small shrine that was buried in the ground and they were told in a dream by the protecting deities to build a temple. They started to do so with their own fortune. This is a good point for them but they ran short of money. The deities once again told them in a dream that every day an amount of money would appear before the image of Parshwa and thanks to this intervention the sacred complex is close to be completed until the merchants try to know how the money can appear before the image of Parshwa. So they just hid in a corner and wait in the morning for the appearance of the money but then the deities stopped giving money in order probably to punish them for their indiscretion and the narratives leads to the same conclusion that in the first version the temple remains unfinished. Now to give a third and last instance of such narratives of supernatural financing of temples I will turn to the story of the Nemi temple of Kumbariyah as told with minor variations in three sources from the 15th century. According to this text there was in Kumbariyah a Jain layman called Parasila who belonged to a prestigious family as his father had held the charge of minister but who happened to lose all his wealth. He once came to the capital city of Patan to do some business and visited the Rajavihara temple which had been recently built there by the king. So he was particularly impressed by the monumental Jain image that was enshrined there and he took the oath of building a similar temple in his own town at Kumbariyah. As he was broke he propitiated the goddess Amba by fasting ten days in order to get money from her and Amba was pleased and appeared and she told him that he would get from a neighboring mine a sufficient quantity of precious metal for building the temple. But Parasila eventually angered Amba by telling his spiritual master that the work was progressing well thanks to his favor and not to the goddess favor. So she deemed Parasila was quite ingrateful and she put to an end the expectation of the mine. So Parasila had nonetheless obtained 45,000s of golden dinar from the mine and he was able to build at least a part of the shrine which was thereafter completed by a young lay woman from Patan at the cost of 9 lakhs of drama. So the number is given also by the narratives. Now that supernatural beings should get involved in the process of creation and maintenance of a holy place is not unusual in propaganda literature and for instance Phyllis Granov said in her article on Jain biographies of temple builders I quote temple building and image making involve a human devotee directly in the mysterious world of supernatural forces. What is perhaps most surprising is the three stories summarized above is that deities may appear to deprive the lay men of the merit of building temples by providing themselves a required amount of money. Besides it is striking that most of the times the beneficiaries of these divine favors eventually provokes the stopping of the building process by proving excessively curious or ingrateful towards the deity. In my opinion the crucial role played by the divine beings in these stories could be explained by the fact that the holy places in question dramatically required a divine validation of their sanctity. It seems particularly clear in the case of Palavardy and Kumbaria since they emerged as religious centers at a relatively late date and for Mount Abu the situation is quite different because it was a much more ancient holy mountain but as it was primarily a holy place of Hinduism what was at stake I think in this case was the right of Jain people to have their own temple built there and this is why I think the initiative of Vimala is intertwined with or even superseded by the story of the friendship between the goddesses Shrimata and Amba. This interpretation is further proven by the stress led on the particular status of these deities as superintending gods or goddesses in Sanskrit Adishtayaka for gods and Adishtatri for goddesses. So the word appears in many versions, most stories of this kind and now I think that if the deities are credited with financing the reaction of temples in order to enhance the sanctity of the holy place it should not be concluded that the laymen are totally deprived of any merit because they do something to please the deity, they fast, they are presented as very pious men coming from very good Jain family so they have some merit and Vimala for instance he is presented by Jinnaprabha as having a pure mind Vimalambuddhim so there is a play with Pan on his own name so I think that in other words that the layman gets the money because of their qualities, their merits anyway and this is also the case for Vastupala and Tejaspala there are many stories that explain they succeeded in becoming influential and rich laymen because of their religious merits anyway and maybe because I think I'm running short of time I could just conclude I think that there is maybe also a question of alchemy in all these versions that in other way we can see that there is a transformation of rice grains or lead into gold by the goddesses but I also think that these texts show how merit can also lead to the appearance of money that there is an alchemical question about that and also one idea I think for interpreting these texts is that we mentioned the fact that there is a need of discretion from the layman they have to be quite humble and in a way these texts I think are a way of transforming gold into pure merit so they erase the question of the money for the layman and they insist of the fact that they were of perfect conduct so well I think maybe I should stop there and leave time for questions and I now invite the second speaker of this session Bindi Shah who will present a paper titled enacting contemporary Jane religiosity through philanthropy in the diaspora thank you okay first I wanted to start with thanking Richard and Peter for inviting me to be part of the program and secondly I wanted to just preface my presentation by making thank you by by making some comments about what this paper is going to be about I'm going to present briefly the philosophical debates and understanding about Dana but this paper is primarily concerned with thank you with these two questions what are the motivations and meanings for sustained lay Jane diasporic philanthropy to variety and secondly do lay Jane set social charity apart from spiritual development in other words as a sociologist I'm concerned with the actual practice of done especially in the context of diaspora and this paper draws on in-depth interviews with 24 lay Jains that I conducted between 2014 and 16 11 from the UK 8 from the USA and 5 from Singapore all of them had engaged in very sustained philanthropy to variety and for more than a decade and some for more than two decades and I should just say here that what I mean by philanthropy is the donation of private resources that include money but also include while the train volunteering time the sharing of ideas and as well as social networks to support the work of their item and finally just wanted to make a comment that given the very small and specific sample that I am that I'm drawing on I acknowledge that my findings are exploratory and do not represent philanthropic activities of all Jains in the diaspora so just wanted to put that out there before I present okay so pull done that's rights there is one basic and essential institution which brings ascetics and laity together and at the same time defines there are radically different positions in the world that of religious giving at its most basic level religious giving or done involves the giving of food by a lay person to an ascetic as monks and nuns cannot prepare food or possess money to purchase food and in a very beautiful description of bixia and the lily shows how arms giving establishes the Jane ideal of renunciation but of course classical done also involves the giving of lodging medicine robes to ascetics in the Shwetambara tradition tradition donations during important rituals and ceremonial events and for the furthering of the Jane religion as we've heard in Christine's paper but a key feature of done in the Jane tradition is that it is a disinterested gift a gift without expectation of return debt or reciprocity for otherwise the ascetic would become entangled in social bonds and attachments that implicate her or him in himself nevertheless this non-recipical gift generates what Anvaleli calls an intangible good the giver will benefit from giving as making a making a done is meritorious an act of punya or good karma in the future the potential benefit of done draws attention to the characteristics of the donor and the recipient and the thought about sutra explains how arms should be given and I quote here the worth of a charitable act is determined by the manner of giving the nature of the arms offered the disposition of the giver and the qualification of the recipient and the translators explanation follows at the bottom there Maria Heim suggests that attention to the donor allows us to consider the nuances of ethical intentionality and disposition so for example where do moral motivations come from and how do they create social connections with others what sorts of dispositions make generosity possible and with respect to the recipient the gift giver needs to consider what makes an appropriate recipient who has a greater claim on the gift the worthy or the needy and how should a beneficiary respond James Leglow has identified a hierarchical order of five types of done listed here on the slide and the second type of non subata down or a gift to a worthy recipient is the highest form of done a lay person can make the ideal recipient of done is defined as a worthy vessel and someone who is to quote Maria Heim morally and religiously esteemable I the only really worthy perp recipient are renouncers seeking liberation thus only an appropriate gift made with proper intent to a worthy recipient ensures the influx of positive karma however as scholars such as John court and Maria Heim have highlighted in Hemchandras yoga Shastra Hemchandras identifies a distinction between gifts to renouncers and gifts to others including non-jains in his description of a Mahasravak or a good good layman the Mahasravak says Hemchandras not only gives his wealth out of devotion to fellow Jains genocetics and to further the Jain religion but also out of charity and compassion to the needy in which case he should not worry about the suitability of the recipient and recently Tina Beckman has observed that the scholarly debates on done in Jainism in recent decades has have focused on an interrelated tension in lay Jain giving the tension of intent namely giving out of devotion versus giving out of charity and the tension of recipient giving to aesthetics and religious establishments versus giving to whomever needs it most. John court James Laila and others suggest that this tension embodies different and hierarchical value systems the Mokshmag path to liberation values focusing on aesthetics on the one hand and the more worldly Shravaka ethics of the lay practitioner on the other. So in the rest of the paper what I want to do is present some empirical data on how this tension plays out in the meanings and motivations behind philanthropic giving to buy diasporic Jains to Virayatham. But first briefly a word on Virayatham I know many of you know the organization but just wanted to for others who don't. Virayatham was initiated by Acharya Chandanaji in the early 1970s and she drew inspiration from Mahavira who advocated for an active part of compassion for aesthetics. So Acharya Chandanaji argues that seva or selfless service to the poor and needy is an equally valid path to achieving Mokshm. She has said religion must accept life in its entirety and work towards getting rid of physical and mental suffering and that is true religious practice. In other words proactively doing good rather than withdrawing from society to focus on internal purification can also be a spiritual path for Jain aesthetics. Virayatham represents the organizational mechanism through which to deliver seva or selfless service, Shiksha, education and sadhana or spiritual development. And Virayatham engages in a range of projects to deliver these three principles primarily in the fields of education and health in several locations in India, in Nepal more recently and it has also sponsored the establishment of several Jain schools in the UK and Kenya and created a transnational support network amongst diasporic Jains around the globe. And these are just some photos of Virayatham's campus and schools and colleges outside of Burj in Gujarat, Kutch. What I now want to do is present my empirical findings on the motivations and meanings of sustained philanthropy to Virayatham. These findings illustrate how my respondents negotiate the tension of intent and the tension of recipient identified in the scholarly literature. So when I asked why they have engaged in long-term philanthropy to Virayatham and or philanthropy at very substantial levels of financial giving, all of my respondents in the three countries spoke of compassion for the needy and wanting to, as Narendra in Singapore mentioned, to support someone doing good for humanity. And in these narratives on this slide, what I can illustrate a humanitarian ethic in targeting philanthropy to those who are transforming the lives of the poor and improving equality of opportunity, particularly for women. This humanitarian ethic is evident in the kinds of projects diasporic Jains have supported. So disaster relief after the 2001 earthquake in Kutch, Gujarat and the 2014 earthquake in Nepal are examples of supporting immediate welfare needs in the aftermath of natural disasters. But philanthropy to ICAMS was one of the first instances of supporting projects addressing long-term needs. In the box on the left here, BIMO talks of involving children in fundraising efforts for eye operations in Bihar. And a similar fundraising efforts was initiated in the United States in 1998 and still continues. Since the early 2000s, Virayatham has expanded its activities to deliver education at primary, secondary and further education levels in Gujarat and Bihar. Diasporic Jains in all three countries were particularly keen to support these projects as the quotes in the right box suggest. At first glance, in these narratives, my respondents display what John Kourt calls the more worldly shavaka ethics of the lay practitioner. They give out of charity and to projects that support whomever needs it most. They do not appear to be concerned about pursuing spiritual progression through arms giving as embodied in classical religious giving. Yet their philanthropy is supporting an organisation run by Jane Nuns who follow a spiritual path of compassion in action. Thus there appears to be a blurring of boundaries. My respondents give out of charity, but as I will explain later, they also give out of devotion. There is a further blurring of boundaries when my respondents display attachment to and concern about the impact of their gift giving. This time between Jane values undergirding Dhan and values that are infused with Western ideas of giving. Bornstein emphasises the distinctiveness of classical Hindu and Jane notions of giving and Western ideas of giving. In the West, donors remain attached to their gift and are interested in knowing how their money is used. Whereas in Janeism, Dhan requires the giver to detach herself or himself from the gift and avoid concern with the outcome of the gift. Several respondents enthused about the impact of Varaitan's projects on local communities. Two respondents express awe at Varaitan's role in influencing the cultural value for formal education amongst local communities in Bihar as a quotes by Puneet in the red box suggest. In addition to the cultural shift of valuing formal education amongst the rural poor in India, Anju and Mitesh were very pleased to see that an education at Varaitan schools was helping some students to cultivate compassion and a desire to give back. Others who had a strong sense of connection and affective ties with the nuns, such as Rahul in the blue box, displayed concern with regard to the delivery of the projects and the running of the organization. While these respondents did not expect return, debt or reciprocity arising from their gift giving, they displayed a strong interest in the impact of their philanthropy. Further, many donors were publicly recognized through name plugs on Varaitan buildings or at fundraising events and so it is possible that they gained social and psychological benefits of status and reputation amongst their social networks. In addition to the blurring of hierarchical giving value systems within the Jain tradition and the blurring of Western and Jain ideas of giving, my respondents narratives also suggest a sociological interest in transmitting Jain religiosity and norms of compassion through philanthropy to Varaitan. Several respondents highlighted the importance of their children being involved in supporting Varaitan which had the effect of strengthening Jain identity and heritage amongst this generation. The quote from Nitin in the left refers to the benefits of involving young children in raising funds for eye operations. Many parents also believe that Varaitan's activities in India provides suitable volunteer opportunities for young Jains. A group of Jain teenagers from Singapore were sponsored by their families who spent a week teaching at one of Varaitan schools in Kutch and the bubble on the left, on the top right sorry, recounts the impression this engagement left on one of the young Jains. There are also opportunities to transmit Jain religiosity whenever Acharya Chandnaji or the other nuns visit the UK, USA or Singapore. Naina often hosted the nuns when they visited the USA and she appreciated the impact these visits had had on her daughter. So in the context of the diaspora, the motivations for sustaining philanthropy to Varaitan takes on a sociological significance, that of preserving Jain heritage and identity amongst the coming generations. However, this sociological impulse does not necessarily take priority over spiritual motivations for sustained philanthropy to Varaitan as I demonstrate in the next section. What I want to do in this section is turn to the characteristics of the recipients, in this case Varaitan, the organisation and the nuns who are part of it. As Haim has argued, the gift giver needs to consider what makes an appropriate recipient. And Bornstein suggests that in modern India donations to institutions can also be termed down and that this type of done can be thought of as the ideal type of philanthropy. But gifts to institutions raises concerns with respect to a key facet of done. It needs to be given to a worthy vessel and whether the donation will reach its intended beneficiary. How do donors ascertain the moral qualities of the institutions? Bornstein notes that in the West, contemporary philanthropy becomes entangled with the rational mechanics of capitalism. Accountability, governance, transferability, credibility and so on. But in India, donations to religious organisations confer no tax advantages to donors and therefore there is no instrumental recording, accounting. NGOs are rarely required to produce annual reports. How do donors in the diaspora assess the worthiness of the organisation? My findings suggest that the charisma and esteem of Acharya Chandanaji plays a significant role in attracting substantial Jane diaspora philanthropy to variety them. Many respondents express respect and admiration for Acharya Ji and held her in high esteem for her focus on humanitarian work as a Jane nun, as the highlighted words in these quotes indicate. Haim notes the importance of esteem for the donor, defined as having goodwill and unregroging at the site of the recipient and parting with the gift. She argues, an ethics based on esteem assumes and renders explicit difference, hierarchy, special classes of persons who are admired apart from others. In the case of Acharya Chandanaji, this esteem was generated because she was seen as a special class of person. She was not a typical Jane ascetic who emphasised performance of rituals and visits to the temple as a way of being religious. For her showing compassion through seva and working to improve human welfare also expressed Jane religiosity. Moreover, she had implemented her interpretation of Janeism in what was considered by my respondents as one of the most poorest and challenging parts of India. This trust and esteem generated through the charisma of Acharya Chandanaji was reinforced for many of the long-term supporters of Varayathan by the manner in which the nuns delivered seva selflessly. This assured my respondents that to quote Narendra in Singapore again, donations will go to the right place. Thus, my respondents regarded Varayathan and by extension the nuns as worthy vessels. Their philanthropy to Varayathan allows diasporic Jane to engage in a religiously motivated gift, Supathradam. And as Haim argues, the ritual act of Dhan to good recipients defines what in fact a good Jane is. Okay, just to then sum up through some points. So my data suggests that sustained philanthropy to Varayathan is motivated by humanitarianism and concerns with reducing poverty and providing equality of opportunity. These motivations are congruent with Anukampadhan. But my respondents also display attachment to their giving akin to Western ideas of concern for the impact and outcomes of their gifts. Further, as Shombevis has highlighted in another context, philanthropy to Varayathan has a sociological significance for my respondents. It provides a vehicle to transmit Jane values to the coming generations and thereby preserve the Jane tradition in the diaspora. At the same time, my respondents view Varayathan and the nuns as a worthy vessel, allowing them to cultivate a disposition of devotion and maintain the link between the householder and the ascetic. So sustained philanthropy to Varayathan demonstrates hybrid forms of giving amongst the Jane diaspora, one that combines Supathradam and Anukampadhan. So they do not have to make decisions about who has the greater claim, the worthy or the needy. In this way, I argue philanthropy to Varayathan allows my respondents, all of whom identified themselves as spiritual rather than religious, to be Jane in the modern world. Thank you. And I now call for the last speaker of this session, Professor Christopher Chapel, who will present a lecture on Jane philanthropic support of higher education in North America. Sorry. Thank you. And sorry, I'm between you and lunch. So Jane scholarship in the West largely started in Europe, specifically Germany and Switzerland with Hermann Jacobi 1850 to 1937, Ernest Leumann 1859 to 1931, Walter Shubring 1881 to 1969, and helmet when glossing up 1891 through 1963. Then in terms of North America, Virchand Regvegi Gandhi attended and spoke at the Parliament of the World's Religions in Chicago in 1893, and is reported to have given hundreds of lectures shortly thereafter, both in North America and in Europe. That's the earliest major contact with someone from India talking about Jainism in the West. Now, John Court, whose name we've heard, did a wonderful talk some years ago at Santa Barbara about Jain studies in North America proper. And Maurice Bloomfield, who lived from 1855 to 1928, famous for his studies of the Vedas, became deeply involved with Jain narrative starting in 1913 until his death. So he had a good decade and a half of work on Jain narrative. His student, W. Norman Brown, who lived from 1892 to 1975, worked extensively with Jain narrative as well as theological texts in Jain art. Helen Johnson 1889 to 1967, who did her PhD in Greek in Wisconsin in 1912, studied with Bloomfield while he was at Johns Hopkins, and published a massive translation of a text by Hemachandra. And both Brown and Bloomfield spent a lot of time in India actually interfacing with the Jain community, but neither nurtured a successor to carry on Jain studies. So there was really quite a gap for a number of years. And while Brown did become an important founding parent of Indian studies and helped found the American Institute of Indian Studies while professor at University of Pennsylvania, and he taught two of my own professors, Johnson spent her teaching career teaching Latin in Missouri, so sort of an obscurity. So Jain studies in North America today began with a mid career shift of Pub and Dub as Jaini, born in 1923, and still very alive. And I commend that you look at his recently published autobiography as it's reviewed by Peter in the back of the lovely newsletter we received. But Jaini started as professor of Buddhist studies at the University of Michigan, moving shortly thereafter five years later to Berkeley. And his two major works on Jainism, the Jain Path of Purification in 1979, and Gender and Salvation in 1991, as well as his later volume of collected essays, ushered in a new approach to Jain studies in North America. But it was not until the dissertation work at Harvard of the late Kendall Fulkert, who lived short life 1942 to 1985, and the very alive John court, that doctoral work specifically on Jainism emerged in North America. Now at a gathering at Amherst College in Massachusetts in 1993, a young group of scholars were not so young anymore. From various disciplines, including religious studies, theology, art history and anthropology gathered to discuss their work in progress on Jainism. John court coordinated this effort. Whitney Calting, working on her PhD at Wisconsin, and with us at this conference was on her way to India for an 18 month study of women music and Jainism in Pune. Paul Dundas, also at this conference, and at Edinburgh, was soon to release his work with Routledge, the Jains. And Monius of Harvard and still at Harvard was conducting doctoral research that included discussions of the Buddhist Jain interface. I was working on the finishing touches of a book on nonviolence and Asian religious practice, really replete with fieldwork reports from India. And I was then beginning a translation project on Jain yoga. Uli Kwanström from Lund, discussed him at Chandra's Yoga Shastra, and our own Peter Flughel here shared his research on the Terrapunti Svetambra community. And all these years later now, it's published, albeit in German. So the resulting book from that gathering, which included scholars beyond those listed, is called Open Boundaries Jain Communities and Cultures in Indian History. It was published by SUNY in 1998, edited by John Cork, charted new directions for the current generation of Jain scholars and Jain scholarship. It's noted by Cork between 1978 and 2003, 21 doctoral dissertations were written that included some aspect of Jain studies, and there have been many, many more since that time. Cork pointed out that no single research university in North America has emerged as the go-to place for Jain studies. And he stated that the optimal curriculum for doctoral studies in Jainism would need to offer the study of Indian history, sociology, culture, art, and literature, not to mention anthropology, religious studies, philosophy, and theology. And just of note, Professor Phyllis Granov has supervised Ellen Gough, now at Emory University, and others at Yale, and other emerging scholars such as Steve Vos, who is here and had been a student of Whitney, now has completed his work. He was at the University of Pennsylvania within that legacy established by W. Norman Brown. So that's a little bit about the scholars. Now I'm going to shift over and talk about migration and immigration, a rather timely topic these days. So simultaneous with the renaissance of Jain studies in North America, the immigrant Jain community began to self-organize and declare its presence within the cityscapes of urban and suburban America. The passage of U.S. immigration reform in 1965 allowed green cards and a pathway to citizenship for Asian and Africans rather than exclusively for Europeans. A steady stream of Jains migrated to the United States, largely as physicians, highly paid in states, engineers, entrepreneurs, and business people. In 1966, a Jain Center was established in New York City. In 1971, Churchill Bonnew, who my wife and I met the following year, began teaching in New York. He established the Jain Meditation International Center in 1975. Jain Centers and Societies were founded during the 1970s in Toronto, Boston, Chicago, Northern California, Detroit, Rochester, New York, Cleveland, and Raleigh, North Carolina. Acharya Sushil Kumar established an Oscar. I'm an upstate New York in the late 1970s that moved to Blairstown, New Jersey. And the first Jain Mandir was established in 1981 in a former Swedish Lutheran church in Norwood, Massachusetts outside Boston. And when I visited it in 1998, it still looked more like a church than a Jain temple. Another early Jain Center was located in Queens, New York, which has since been rebuilt into a magnificent multi-story temple and cultural center. And it's in the neighborhood of fleshing or neared fleshing, which is the site of the sheltering that was given for the Quakers who were being persecuted in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in the 1600s. The Jain Center of Southern California opened in 1988. Originally crafted in the required Fomish and Spanish architectural style mandated in the city of Buena Park. It housed a traditional Jain temple replete with images in both the Svetombra and Degumbra styles installed according to Vustu requirements. This complex has since been refashioned into a block-long, intricately carved sandstone showpiece. It was designed to accommodate within its expanse the Sandalwood Pavilion Honoring India created for the St. Louis Exposition in 1902. In the intervening years, the shrine graced Howard Hughes's Casino in Las Vegas for decades and then it was moved to Los Angeles. Now more than 62 Jain temples can be found coast to coast, many in traditional architectural style. Now the first gathering of North American Jains took place in Southern California in 1981. This gathering resulted in the formation of the Federation of Jain Associations in North America. Acronym spells out Jaina. At a subsequent Jain convention at Stanford University in 1991, various scholars began to interface with lay leadership within the growing community of North American Jains. Publin Abjaini delivered a keynote address as did independent scholar Dr. Michael Tobias. John Court and myself were also present and heard addresses by Atul Shah, who is with us today. Now a professor of business here in England, as well as Dr. Sulek Jain who was then the president of Jaina. Dr. Sulek Jain, an engineer and former professor, was living at the time in Ohio and has recently relocated to Nevada. A number of events followed the blended scholars and community members. A conference at the University of Toronto in 1994, many of you were there. A conference at the University of Lund in Sweden honoring the work of Publin Abjaini, hosted by Uli Kvonstrum, 1998. And scholar participation in the gatherings of Jains at the biannual Jaina convention. In the mid-1990s, Dr. Sulek Jain, Sarendra Singh V and Jvala Prasad of Cincinnati and Dayton started offering an undergraduate course in Jainism at the University of Dayton. And in 1994, two organizations emerged. Mahavir Vision and Jaffna, Jain Economic Foundation in North America to fund and support Jain academic projects in North America. It was at a conference center ballroom in the at the Chicago convention in 1995, the group of leaders and scholars including the Lipshaw of Philadelphia, Pravin Keisha of Raleigh and Sulek Jain, and myself discussed future prospects for the growth and maintenance of Jainism in North America and its potential niche within academia. The connections at this meeting provided an opportunity for a successful request to be made for the Jain community to sponsor the conference on Jainism and Ecology as part of the series of conferences on religions of the world and ecology at Harvard University's Center for the Study of World Religions in 1998 resulting in the publication of the Harvard Press book Jainism and Ecology Nonviolence in the Web of Life released in 2000 and then published as well in India. Okay this may be a little bit small but I want to explain one thing very quickly. North American education is grounded in the liberal arts. Every engineer, every future physician, every statistician, every future lawyer must complete distributions in mathematics, in the sciences, in the humanities, and likewise every person within the humanities, a person such as myself, must also study mathematics and science and social science. So given this reality in the education system of North America, the Jains saw an opportunity to encourage the teaching of Jainism at select universities knowing that this would help encourage others universities to follow. In 2004, Dr. Tara Setia with the support of Jains in California established the AHIMSA Center at California Polytechnic University in Pomona, California. The inaugural conference attended heavily by members of the Jain community resulted in the publication of a volume titled AHIMSA, Anaconda, and Jainism, published at Multilan 2004. Each of Dr. Setia's conferences, which generally convene every other year, are generously supported by nearly 100 members of the Jain community. I have the list. Topics have included creating a culture of AHIMSA 2006, rediscovering Gandhi and wisdom 2008, AHIMSA and sustainability 2010, AHIMSA and sustainable happiness 2012, care, compassion, and mindfulness 2014, giving and forgiving 2006, India at 70, building a more inclusive democracy 2017, and transformative education, lessons from Gandhi, King, Chavez, and Mandela in 2018. And these conferences include great school teachers, middle school teachers, high school teachers, professors, university professors, and a range of departments including departments of education. Also in 2004, the same year that she launched this project, Professor Cromwell Crawford of the University of Hawaii in Sulik, Jain, met in India with Jain Acharya scholars and community leaders to establish the International Summer School for Jain Studies, which continues its work, and I'll talk a little bit more about this under the leadership of Shugan Jain. Now in 2001, Unata Pragya and Charitya Pragya, two summonees from Jain Vishrabharati, took up residence with Dilip and Sushma Parekh in Los Angeles. They offered workshops in Prakshad Jain and audited an undergraduate class in religion and ecology at Loyola Marymount University, my home campus. They contacted me some years later about the model used for the implementation of the Doshi Professorship of Indica Comparative Theology at LMU, which was established in 2007. This professorship is structured as support for an existing faculty line. The $500,000 endowment requires the Doshi Professor to hold an annual event, the Doshi Bridge Building Award, with 15,000 of the $25,000 proceedings and allows for a $10,000 fund for research and travel support for the professor myself. This model appealed to the summonees who had already begun teaching at Florida International University in Miami. The Bhagavad Mahavir Professorship Endowment at FIU, established in 2010 and now funded it approximately in the holder of the chairs with us at think about a million dollars, funds the teaching of a course each semester by visiting summonees. It also provides support for Professor Stephen Vos, current holder of the chair, who as I mentioned, received his PhD from the University of Pennsylvania. Since the implementation of this arrangement, other similar but very different positions have been created as listed as you over here and I'll summarize each. Now I also want to note, and this is in the past, from 2012 to 2014, the Jain community supported several activities at Claremont Lincoln University in partnership with Claremont School of Theology and Claremont Graduate University. These included sending students to study at the International Summer School for Jain Studies and three conferences that were convened by Dr. Nitin Shah, an anesthesiologist in Southern California. The three conferences were Bioethics, Religions, and Spiritual Perspectives 2012, Women's Reception, and Centrality in Spiritual Traditions in 2013, and Business Ethics 2014. In 2014, the Jain Center of Southern California formed an external education committee chaired by Dr. Nitin Shah. Dr. Yashwant Modi and Varendra Shah also participated in the committee and they have been coordinators for the fundraising that has created chairs, professorships, and lectureships throughout the state of California. Starting in the fall of 2015, with support from the Uber Eye Foundation of Denver and members of the Jain and Sikh communities, Loyola Marymount University implemented a three-year clinical professorship of Jain and Sikh Studies. The holder of this professorship, Naringian Kalsa Baker, received her PhD from the University of Michigan and she convened three conferences, Music and Poetics of Devotion, Spiritual Warriors, and Ayurveda Health for Body and Mind in 2015, 16, 17, respectively. She continues in a full-time position and then, as you can see on this list here, there are now endowed positions at the University of California at Irvine, the University of North Texas, the University of California at Davis, University of California at Riverside, and Loyola Marymount University, as well as California State University Northridge, and year-by-year funded programs at Rice University, University of California Santa Barbara, California State University Fullerton, and soon to be announced, San Diego State University. And what I would like to do is just talk briefly about the role of the International Summer School for Jain Studies and note that more than 700 scholars and students have studied Jainism in India through ISSJS. Several alumni of the program pursued higher studies in Jainism in the U.S., Canada, and Europe, and many of them now have tenure-track positions in the study of Jainism. And I'm going to close with this slide and just give a brief profile of doctors Mira and Yaswan Modi. Dr. Modi completed medical training in Ahmedabad before arriving in the United States in 1975. In an interview with India Journal, a weekly newspaper published in Southern California, he stated, During my studies in India, I received help from family members, many organizations, government entities, college professors, and friends in terms of moral, ethical, financial support. He started a private practice in Los Angeles in 1983 and he states, I helped countless people with their health-related problems. I want to help patients, help children, spread the principle of nonviolence and pluralism. And his son is a physician, his wife is a physician, a very American tradition for Indian Americans, and their daughter, the, I guess, the rogue within the family is a lawyer with the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. And his life motto, which I will close with, is to utilize time and helping others in whatever way I can. Thank you and I'd like to take some questions if you're ready.