 On the breakfast, Senator proves the amendment of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act. Also on the breakfast, Germany knocked out of the World Cup after a German bid Spain in a stunning upset. We'll have a further conversation with a sports analyst as regards Japan and Spain. Don't forget, we'll also be looking through today's newspapers analyzing the biggest stories of the day. It's the breakfast in plus TV Africa. Welcome, I am Masya Boko. I mean, it would be great to say compliment of the season. Maybe, Merry Christmas already. Well, the countdown has already started and we're looking forward to 2023, but today's the second of December has always started conversation with what's making the rounds, what's having people, what conversations are people talking about, what are people engaging with offline, online and what have you. Now, one of it is that, you know, the court has ordered an arrest and imprisonment of the Chief of Army staff. That's a lot, quite dicey, but let's delve into it. A high court sitting in Minah, Niger State, has issued a warrant of arrest for Farouk Yahya, the Chief of Army staff, for contempt. Now, a warrant of arrest was also issued against Ulubengau Lubanji, a commandant of training and doctrine command in Minah over the same offense. The issue is contempt. Now, this would not be the first time we're talking about contempt. Let's not forget, there's contempt, the issue, there's also been an arrest talking about the IGP, Usmin, the spin issue of contempt, as you've got, as well. We also want to talk about the EFCC boss and now the issue of contempt. So it seemed like we probably might just be in that era and this has gotten a lot of Niger talking. Now, following the ruling on the application, Halima Abdul Malik, the presiding judge, said that an order has made comete in the Nigerian Army Chief Abegyapardin of Staff, General Farouk Yahya, and the commander training and doctrine command in Minah, so sixth and seventh respondent, into the custody of correctional center for contempt of the other of this honorable court made on the 12th of October 2022. I'm sure that, you know, because we've talked about the issue of contempt over time, you probably would be asking, what is contempt of the court? So it's a case where a person who is a party to a proceeding in a superior court of record fails to comply with an order that's made against him. Now, the reason why this is dicey, I mean, when we start this conversation is because it's very dicey. We're talking about the Chief of Army Staff. I need to emphasize, he's the Chief of Army Staff. He's the Chief of Army Staff. Can the Chief of Army Staff or a military personnel high ranking be tried in a civil court? This is some of the conversation that's been going on online. Can he be arrested? And if he can be arrested, who should arrest him? Should he be the police or a military police? Now, where lies the military of, or where lies the rule of law? Because we talk about the, this is, this is a, I mean, a democratic dispensation. We can't take that out. Now, so far, it's important to note that the military is governed by both the civil and military law. However, the civil court does not have the power to try an active military officer, unless he has undergone a court martial by the military and dismiss, you know, respectively from the service. It brings us back to the reality of the issue of being in a democratic dispensation when a democracy, and that's what it is. Now, if you have a military which is governed by the military and the civil law, now whose report, where should it tilt to, which, you know, which would hold sway? It's because, of course, the military would have code of conduct that governs the affairs. There are procedures and laws and what have you. There's also a martial court for the military. But where lies, you know, the constitution? You want to begin to ask the constitution and the military code of conduct, which is supreme, because this is a case, a case of disobedience. And the judiciary over time has been queried and there's been a lot of conversation about all the judiciary is not functional. There's a lot that's going on. There's executive riskality that has actually translated or is affecting the functionality of the judiciary. On the other hand, we begin to ask how can the judiciary be effective in all of this, being, you know, another, you know, I'm of government and what have you. So the conversation is going on. And also, this is something that has happened in almost a span of less than three weeks or almost a month. There's been several order and we're looking at high personnel. EFCC, you have police officer and now you have chief of army staff. But is the constitution supreme or is the code of conduct supreme? I mean, really, can he be arrested? That's the question. Can he be even be tried in a civil court? What exactly? I mean, if he can be tried, then where does the issue or the conversation about the rule of law? Because when we talk about the rule of law, the principle of separation of powers, we begin to say that no one is above the law. So is the chief of army staff above the law? Can he be arrested? It's not a question that I have, you know, a lot of answers, but these are the conversations that are going on. At the end of the day, if you say that the military, the chief of army staff cannot be arrested because he has to be tried by martial court. And therefore, where will we, what we talk about the respect for the rule of law? Because of course now, if you say there's contempt, there's a disrespect to the judiciary. There's an order that should be respected. And so far, it seems that that has become, you know, a thing for us as a country. If you look at Nigeria now, and if you look at these administrations, which is led by President Muhammad Al-Bawari, there's a lot of court disobedience, if you want to say. Court orders are not respected. What exactly is going on? And this case is highly sensitive, especially when you say it's the chief of military staff, and you look at the laws that are governing. You know, the military, like I rightly mentioned, is also still governed by civil rules. And so, you know, no answer to that particular one. But we hope that, you know, our constitution would constantly go through all of the reviews that it should, you know, go through. Now, another top trending is another interesting conversation, very, very nice. It talks about a language. And over time, people have said, what should be the lingual franca for Nigeria? Some people think that Nigeria should adopt Pijin language. You know, some people would say broken English, you know, broken English or, you know, Pijin. What have you? The Federal Executive Council, which usually converge every Wednesday, approved the adoption of mother tongue as a compulsory medium of instruction in primary schools in the country. So the government in all of this said, yes, they've agreed to the fact that the implementation would be a difficult issue. Of course, Adamu, who's a minister of education, said that mother tongue would be used exclusively for the first six years of education, while it would be combined with English language, junior secondary schools level. So, expressly, the government has said that mother tongue is to be used in each schools, and it will be, you know, by the dominant language spoken by a community. What institution, you have, so for instance, I'd like to cite an example. They're saying, for every time you have a language used in that institution, it would be a language that's dominant in that community. So if you have a school in a certain community, the language that is dominated by that community would be the language that would be, you know, used for learning and teaching, and what have you, you want to go on with all of that. So, but in all of this, if you look at the rationale, if you look at the rationale behind all of this, it's very interesting. But let's also look at the interest, the purpose for this. The government is saying that this, in theory, is a policy that has already taken, you know, effect, waiting for implementation when the government itself would actually develop instructional materials and qualified teachers, engaged qualified teachers, you know, to get ahead with it. So that's exactly what we're looking at. But you also need to know that 625 languages is what we're talking about in Nigeria as at the last count. And the objective, like I said, is very brilliant because it's meant to promote and enhance cultivation and the use of Nigerian languages, protect our culture, values, and the list is almost endless. It is really brilliant. But don't we think that this also might further divide us as a people, as a country? It's also good that the government has admitted to the fact that, hey, it would be difficult to implement. So for instance, I'm looking at a state. I really don't understand any states in Nigeria that has diverse languages. One is Corsica State. So let's say there's a school that's in Corsica State. Corsica State has 18 local governments. And in all of these 18 local governments, they have various languages. Some people have said, you know, jokingly that maybe the tall Babel, looking at the story of the Bible, you know, that's where it started saying Corsica State because you could probably have a, you know, a community. And in the community, the road would be a divider. So this community community A and community B, I'm speaking different languages or different language. So what happens? How do we, you know, foster unity with all of this? Will this not further promote this unity and marginalize the minority that have already been marginalized? So that's a lot. I think it would have been a policy that should have been thought through by the government. If we're talking about major issues that we're faced with as a country, which is not rocket science, you don't need any medical, I mean, a native doctor to tell you about it as an issue of unity as a country. So if unity seemed to be a major issue, how do we unite the country? Is this policy going to solve the problem? Is it further going to divide us as a country? Would he, you know, continue with the issue of agitation? Because when you now begin to see a dominant language for certain communities, your host community, that would be the language. Let's not forget that you have in a particular community, one community that might have different languages depending on, you know, the practices. So it's going to be a lot, really difficult. And one or the other thing that the government should say, okay, it's that we would introduce all of these languages, these courses, so you can take a certain course, there will be a course in Yoruba, there will be a course in Igbo, there will be a course in Hausa, there will be a course in Ajagam. There are different languages. You just begin to say, yes, people can offer all of these courses, whatever it is that they are, rather than say that we're going to be lecturing them, there will be two taught in this language. Then do we still have a crop of persons who can speak this language? Because we're talking about transfer of culture, knowledge and what have you. There's a lot to grapple with, but however, fingers across, let's see how this pans out. Away from that, let's look at another one. Very interesting is that the court has remanded or the court remanded students for a tweet against the wife of the president Aisha Buhari. Justice Yusuf of the Federal Capital Territory High Court has remanded one Amino Adamo, a student of the Federal University of Dutsej, Jigawa at the Suleja Correctional Centre in Niger State after tweeting about the wife of the president, Mrs Aisha Buhari. The student was arraigned for cyber-stalking, where he was denied bail despite pleading not guilty to the charges filed against him. You also need to know that this student in question, Muhammad Adamo, is a 500-level student who was arrested by security officials on the order of the president's wife a few days before all of this actually happened. And that also is an issue because we say if someone has broken the law, of course the law talks about libel and defamation, all of that. It's within the constitution, but has the president's wife or the presidency acted contrary to the law before, you know, having another court or whatever, so it's really very sensitive. But like everyone would say, we're a nascent democracy, we're developing and we hope that we get it right. Now, like I mentioned earlier on, he was arrested. Muhammad was arrested just because of that tweet that he had put out in June in Hausa. The interpretation says that the president's wife was feeding fat on poor people's money and that comment was underneath a picture of the president's wife where he's added weight. You know the thing with weight is it's really very sensitive, especially with women. You probably don't want to tell a woman that she has added weight because it doesn't even really add up if you want her to devour you or whatever. But biologically, some people will tell you that weight comes with the age and not necessarily what you consume. You get to a certain stage and maybe your DNA, your composition and what have you. It's possible that you get to that point. But how this was handled, does it really reflect a democratic governance or democratic process? Is it in accordance with the law from start to open to the point that have we acted as the wife of the president or the presidency on those who are acting? Lawmakers, I beg your pardon, those who are supposed to enforce the law, security officials, have they acted in accordance with the law or they have acted contrary? All of these are the issues that are on the forefront and Nigerians have been talking about. However, they will be remanded in the Suleja prison pending the hearing and determination of his bill application. Very, very unfortunate. But does not take out the fact that we need to understand what the law talks about. We need to be very careful and cautious. Not necessarily because we're afraid of being in jail or being in prison for whatever it is, but that we should be careful in our thoughts, in our reactions and how we get to express ourselves on social media as regards people, whether or not they are highly classified, they are the elites or not the elites, we should be very kind with our words. We can still go ahead and make statements and make valid preposition without having to be very, very defamatory in all of that. We take a break and when we return, it will be time for us to go through the pages this morning. We call it Author Press. Julia Johnson will be joining us. Please stay with us.