)? The people in the United Kingdom are still coming to terms with the outcome of the referendum on EU membership. It's very early and difficult to know precisely when and how the Brexit process will actually work and how it will unfold. That is preliminary stage. There are five godwc chi'n wir mater? The first is in some ways the most immediately important is the UK is still a member of the European union and although it may not feel like it in a sense it's still business as usual. European Union Law still applies in the UK. European Union Citizens still have the right to live and work yr ysgol yn y Brith yn ymgyrch. Rhaid ynghylch gynllun yng Nghymru yn unedol. Y 1972 yw'r Europeth Cymunitid, sy'n gwybod y gynllun i'r Llywodraeth Ymgyrch yn y Llywodraeth Ymgyrch. Wrth gwrs, mae'n gwybod o ddwy'r arwad i ddwy'r ysgol, a'r rhai ddweud oherwydd oedd y leol ddod oherwydd ymgyrch yn ymgyrchol i'r traethaf. Felly mae'r blaenau ddim yn gweithio, ond bydd y ddweud o'r blaenau o'r traethaf mae'n gweithio yng nghylch gyda'r etymlu ar gyfer yr adeilfynu ar 50, a ydych yn llwyth i'r cyflwyno ar gyfer yr adeilfynu. Felly y ddweud o'r adeilfynu ar 50 o'r adeilfynu mae'r adeilfynu yn llwyth i'r adeilfynu o'r gives notice to the European Council, and at that point a two-year period starts to run. The idea is that that two-year period gives the departing members days and the EU and the remaining member states a time to negotiate the terms of the departure. If they reach agreement before the end of the two years yn ymdeg yw ychydig yn gallu ymlaen. If they haven't reached agreement by the end of the two years, then unless they agree to extend negotiations, at that point the treatise simply stop applying to the departing state. At that point, if there wasn't an agreement, there would be a sort of hard Brexit where the UK would simply be out of the EU ac yn y gynhyrch, mae'n gynhyrch. Mae'r gweithio yma yn y ddweud, ychydig yn ymwneud yma ym mhwyaf yma yma yma yma yma yma'r proses yn ymdweud. A dyna'r ddweud yma yn ymdweud yma, ond nid oes ymdweud o'r rhaid o'r cyfnod fel ydych chi'n rhaid o'r llyfr yn y Llyfrgell Unedig yma, o'r Brytyn i'r ymdweud yma'r 50 ar gyfer y proses. Simply because we've had a referendum, with a particular outcome, that doesn't in itself start off that 2 year negotiation period. Equally there's nothing in British Law that requires the government to begin negotiations, or press the button, trigger the article 50 process. That is because that legislation that allowed the referendum to happen, doesn't say anything Fen o'r rhan o'r gweithio'r referendum ac mae hyn yn cael eu fawr yn cyflawni'r adrefforddiant. Felly, rwy'n rhan o'r rhan o'r achyfen wedi'i gweld i'r Llyw Llywodraeth i'r Rhysgu Llywodraeth yn ymgyrch. Ond mae'r defnyddio'r holl o'r pwysig i'r rhan o'r holl yw bod yn cael eu pwylltigol o'r Llywodraeth yn rhoi'r holl yw. the Prime Minister has clearly indicated that the will of the people are to be implemented. But that still leaves a question as to when this would happen, and it's certainly possible legally for the UK to buy at its time. It may want to wait for a short time while it begins to think about its negotiating strategy, it may want to wait another three months or so until a new Prime Minister is in office. It might be pressure from the European Union to speed things up and to get things started, and the president of the European Council has said that he expects the UK to start its process as soon as possible. But there's nothing that the European Union can legally do to require it to start. So that's to do with the international law side of things. The fourth point is about domestic law. Mae'r cymdeithasol o'r amser yn ymgyrchion unol dinghynol yn ysbyn nhw'n gyda'r gwybod y Gweithredu Cyngor o'r cyflwyno'r Cyngor yn ddodol, oherwydd ymweld yn mynd i'w ei gwybod yr ysbyn nhw'n mynd. Ymddai y Llywodraeth Uned ddweud yn ymgyrchw'r cyflwyno'r cyflwyno'r cyflwyno'r cyflwyno'r cyflwyno'r Cyngor. That's something that is legally possible as a matter of domestic law if our parliament passed legislation like that, then if it was clear enough our court would implement it. But that would be highly inadvisable. Until the process of ending Britain's treaty obligations runs its course, the UK will remain bound in international law by those obligations. Trying to sort the problems out unilaterally on a domestic level would play to UK and EU law on a collision course while Britain was still a member. And that would be in nobody's interests. For one thing it would cause serious reputational damage because Britain would be repudiating international obligations that were still binding on it. It would also overlook the need for a measured and orderly withdrawal but a time of immense instability. But that said the European communities that will need to be repealed once the treaty obligations have ceased to bite. And alongside that there will be the larger almost infinitely large task of disentangling 40 years worth of European law from British law. That will be a Herculean effort that will take years rather than months. The fifth and final point I want to mention is not to do with the European Union but with the Union that the four constituent nations of the UK sit in together. The First Minister of Scotland has said that the referendum outcome makes clear that the people of Scotland see their future as part of the European Union. If that's so then the implication must be that they don't see their future as part of the UK. And the likelihood of a second Scottish independence referendum is now very much greater. It's highly likely the First Minister has said. And there's no room for compromise here because however flexible the British constitution might be it isn't so flexible that it can accommodate bits of the UK staying in the EU and bits of the UK coming out. Only states can be members of the EU and the UK's constituent nations can only acquire statehood if they first leave the UK itself. Like I said at the beginning these are very early days events are moving very quickly and inevitably quite unpredictably. But even allowing for that it's no exaggeration to say that the vote to leave the EU represents a tangible existential threat to the UK as a state. And for that reason along with many others it's hard to overstate the constitutional significance of the decision that the British electorate has taken.