 The President of the United States. Thank you all very much. Thank you. Thank you. Oh, please. Well, ladies and gentlemen, President Owen, thank you all very much. It's good to have you all here in Washington. As you may have noticed, Washington, D.C. isn't like other cities. Harry Truman, a man famous for saying exactly what he meant and a very few words well-chosen. One said of Washington, it's the kind of city that if you want a friend, you should find a dog. Well, that isn't true today, at least. I've counted on your friendship and support going on eight years now. Eight years, we've hung tough and hung together, often against seemingly overwhelming odds. Anybody's come up through elected politics as a Republic and knows how important that solidarity is. It's like a story our first Republican president, Abraham Lincoln, once told when he found out all but one of his cabinet officers ranged against him on an important issue. His story was about a man who fell sound asleep during a revival meeting and didn't hear when the minister said, all of you who are on the side of the Lord, stand up. Of course, everyone stood up immediately, except for this one man who was still asleep. The preacher was only getting started and bellowed out, all of you who are on the side of the devil, stand up. Well, at that, the man woke up and standing as straight as he could. He said, I didn't exactly understand the question, but I'll stand by you to the end. It does seem we're a hopeless minority. Well, as Republicans, you may be in a minority in terms of numbers at this year's meeting in the National League of Cities. But always remember, the ideals and beliefs that you stand for are the majority beliefs in this United States of America. On everything from education to crime, federalism to welfare reform, to keeping the American economy a growth and opportunity economy, the people of this country agree with you. Now, I know you've heard from Darrell Sprinkle here and from Senator Baker and Frank Donatena tell you, so I'll try to keep this brief. As Henry VIII said to each of his six wives, I won't keep you long. But there's so many issues before us that I want to cover. The first is federalism. I remember how the pundits snickered that idea at first, but those of us who've actually served at the state and local level, no, it's not in Washington, but in the states, the cities and communities of this country where the work gets done. And we know from experience that the most ten most frightening words in the English language are, I'm from the federal government and I'm here to help. Well, federalism has become the wave of the future. Just last October, I signed Executive Order 12-6-12. Everything in this town has a number attached to it, usually a large one. But this order is a breakthrough. We took a lesson from the environmental movement and now when any agency in the executive branch takes an action that significantly affects state or local governments, it has to prepare a federalism impact statement which only seems proper to me. The federalist system given to us by our founding fathers is a precious natural resource and every bit as much as our environment, it should be cherished and protected. Now it's time for Congress to join us on a Truth in Spending initiative that requires that all legislation include a financial impact statement detailing the measures likely economic effects upon the private sector and state and local governments. Last month I sent to the Congress the Truth in Federal Spending Act of 1988. I hope you'll join with me and urge the Congress to promptly enact this legislation. We see the momentum of federalism and the move in states across our country to reform welfare. In my State of the Union address I said that some years ago the federal government declared a war on poverty and poverty won. Instead of providing a ladder out of poverty welfare became a net of dependency that held millions back. Instead of hope we've too often bred despair and futility. It's time as I said to Congress for the federal government to show a little humility to let a thousand sparks of genius in the states and communities around this country catch fire and become guiding lights. You know on the subject of federalism I remember back when I was governor we had something that was a bit more common back then, campus protests. One thing that protesters would often chant was that we should give power back to the people. I guess they didn't realize how closely I was listening. Yes we've made tremendous progress with federalism but all that progress and more could be destroyed by one bill that I vetoed last week but some hope to pass over my veto. I'm talking about the so-called Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987. Equality before the law is the American standard. We can never allow ourselves to fall short. Discrimination is an evil pure and simple and cannot ever be tolerated. And there are already laws, many laws on the books to protect our civil rights. We can ensure equality of opportunity without increasing federal intrusion into state and local governments in the private sector. The truth is this legislation isn't a civil rights bill. It's a power grab by Washington designed to take control away from states, localities, communities, parents and the private sector and give it to federal bureaucrats and judges. $1 in federal aid, direct or indirect, would bring entire organizations under federal control from charitable social organizations to churches and synagogues. To give just one example if a church or a group of churches operates a nearby summer camp open to all faiths and that camp uses surplus federal property not only the camp but the entire church or group of churches would come under federal control even if the church itself received no aid. What does that mean? It means masses of new paperwork, random on-site compliance reviews by federal bureaucrats and a field day for lawyers. We'd see lawsuits multiply faster than flies in springtime. The Grove City bill would force court-ordered social engineers into every corner of American society and that's why I won't play politics with such a vital issue. I won't cave to the demagoguery of those who cloak a big government power grab in the mantle of civil rights. I have vetoed the Grove City bill and I ask every senator and representative to rise above the pressures of an election year to make a stand for religious liberty by sustaining my veto of this dangerous bill. Now as a reasonable alternative I've transmitted to Congress the Civil Rights Protection Act of 1988 which is designed to ensure equal opportunity while preserving our basic freedoms. This bill properly addresses the Supreme Court's decision in the Grove City case. It would strengthen the civil rights coverage of educational institutions and accommodates other concerns raised during congressional consideration of the Grove City issue. It also would preserve the independence of state and federal regulation to that part of a state or local entity that receives or distributes federal assistance. It's hard to believe that anyone who thinks seriously about the current Grove City bill would ever support it. It's like the story about a congressman sitting in his office one day when a constituent comes by to tell him why he must vote for a certain piece of legislation. Congressman sat back listened and then when he was done he said you're right, you know you're absolutely right. The fellow left happy. A few minutes later another constituent came by and this one wanted him to vote against the bill. The congressman listened to his reasons. Sat back and said you know you're right, you're right you're absolutely right. Well the second constituent left happy. The congressman's wife had dropped by and was waiting outside the office when she heard these two conversations. When the second man left the first man wanted you to vote for the bill and you said he was right. And the second one wanted you to vote against it and you said he was right too. You can't run your affairs that way. The congressman said you know you're right you're right, you're absolutely right. The inability of some in Congress to say no to special interests is right now the biggest threat to our prosperity and our democratic way of life. And that's why few election years will be more important than 1988. As you know, reapportionment comes up just three years later in 1991. Having Republicans in state and local offices is the only hope we have of getting a fair deal. And that's all we're asking for. An end to the anti-democratic and un-American practice of gerrymandering congressional districts. In 1984 there were 367 congressional races contested by both parties. In the races Republicans won half a million more votes than the Democrats. The Democratic Party won 31 more seats. In California one of the worst cases of gerrymandering in the country Republicans received a majority of votes in the 84 congressional races but the Democrats won 60 percent more of the seats. The fact is gerrymandering has become more difficult. The Democratic-controlled state legislatures have so rigged the electoral process that the will of the people cannot be heard. They vote Republican but elect Democrats. A look at the district lines shows how corrupt the whole process has become. The congressional map is a horror show of grotesque contorted shapes. Districts jump back and forth to help the Democrats to absorb special communities and ensure safe seats. One Democratic congressman who helped engineer the gerrymandering of California once described the district lines there as his contribution to modern art. But it isn't just the district lines the Democrats have bent out of shape, it's the American values of fair play and decency and it's time we stop them. Frank Ferenkoff and the Republican are wondering in court, but ultimately it's in the state legislatures that the battle for fairness must be won. And that's why Republicans are going to have to campaign with all our heart and soul for Republican state legislative candidates. I promise you this, as far as the president of the United States is concerned, he's not going to be sitting around his garden sniffing roses in 88. I'm going to be out on the campaign about how the electoral process has been twisted and distorted and that it's time to give the vote back to the people. And I'm going to be telling them in the name of the American system and in the name of fair play Vote Republican in 1988. One final note if I may, it's on a subject that concerns state and local officials and every American, every citizen who cherishes our freedom and shares a concern for our national security. That's what the country is developing in Nicaragua. No crisis is not too strong a term. Those who voted to cut off aid to the freedom fighters claimed it would bring peace to Nicaragua. We pleaded with them that abandoning our friends in the region was no way to bring peace. We warned that even though we cut off the freedom fighters, the Soviets would continue their massive aid to the communists a regime doubled in the first two months of this year compared to last year. While our worst fears have come to pass, only seven weeks after the first vote in Congress, the Sandinista communists have launched an offensive against the freedom fighters hoping to deliver a killer blow before anyone can come to their rescue. The freedom fighters, with all aid cut off, sit trapped inside Nicaragua. Pray for the Sandinistas and their Soviet supplied weapons. Who can't be questioned whether the only plan that Daniel Ortega ever intended for the democratic resistance was their elimination? The House leadership, who played hardball to win the vote to cut off aid, now says it won't accept responsibility for the destruction of the freedom fighters. Whether the freedom fighters are extinguished and communist rule is consolidated in Nicaragua, the American people will be the ones to decide who is responsible. Congress must immediately redress the grave mistake they've made and send an aid urgently to the freedom fighters before it's too late. In every forum available to you, with your constituents and with your representatives in the Congress, make your feelings on this issue known and do it now because soon it may well be too late. When I've spoken for long enough, I'm reminded of the quip that Henry Clay once made when one of his antagonists in the Senate in the middle of a dull and lengthy speech turned to him and said, you, sir, speak for the present generation. I speak for posterity. Clay interrupted him and said, yes, and you seem to resolve to keep on speaking to the arrival of your audience. Well, I won't do that today. That's enough. Thank you all very much. God bless you all.