 18 No Canadian under the French rule stands in a more conspicuous or more deserved eminence than Pierre Le Moine d'Iberville. In the seventeenth century most of those who acted a prominent part in the colony were born in old France, but Iberville was a true son of the soil. He and his brothers Longueuil, Serigny, Assigny, Mericourt, St. Helene, the two Chateau gays and the two Biaisville, were one and all children worthy of their father Charles Le Moine of Montreal, and favourable types of that Canadian noblesse to whose adventurous hardyhood half the continent bears witness. Iberville was trained in the French navy and was already among his most able commanders. The capture of Pemecouid was for him but the beginning of greater things, and though the exploits that followed were outside the main theatre of action they were too remarkable to be passed in silence. The French had but one post of any consequence on the island of Newfoundland, the fort and village at Placentia Bay. While the English fishermen had formed a line of settlements two or three hundred miles along the eastern coast, Iberville had represented to the court the necessity of checking their growth and, to that end, a plan was settled in connection with the expedition against Pemecouid. The ships of the king were to transport the men, while Iberville and others associated with him were to pay them and divide the plunder as their compensation. The chronicles of the time show various similar barkens between the great king and his subjects. Pemecouid was no sooner destroyed than Iberville sailed for Newfoundland with the eighty men he had taken at Quebec, and on arriving he was joined by as many more sent him from the same place. He found Bouillon, governor of Placentia, with a squadron formed largely of privateers from Saint-Malau, engaged in a vain attempt to see Saint-John, the chief post of the English. Bouillon was a man of harsh, jealous, and impracticable temper, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he and Iberville could act in concert. They came at last to an agreement made a combined attack on Saint-John, took it, and burned it to the ground. Then followed a new dispute about the division of the spoils. At length it was settled. Bouillon went back to Placentia, and Iberville and his men were left to pursue their conquest alone. There were no British soldiers on the island. The settlers were rude fishermen without commanders and according to the French accounts without religion or morals. In fact, they are described as worse than Indians. Iberville now had with him a hundred and twenty-five soldiers and Canadians besides a few Abonakis from Acadia. It was mid-winter when he began his march. For two months he led his hearty ban through frost and snow from Hamlet to Hamlet, along those forlorn and desolate coasts attacking each and turn and carrying havoc everywhere. Nothing could exceed the hardships of the way or the vigor with which they were met and conquered. The chaplain de Bouillon gives an example of them in his diary, January 18th. The roads are so bad that we can find only twelve men strong enough to beat the path. Our snowshoes break on the crust and against the rocks and fallen trees hidden under the snow which catch and trip us, but for all that we cannot help laughing to see now one and now another fall headlong. Le Sier de Mertigny fell into a river and left his gun and his sword there to save his life. A panic seized the settlers, many of whom were without arms as well as without leaders. They imagined the Canadians to be savages who scalped and butchered like the Iroquois. Their resistance was feeble and incoherent and Iberville carried all before him. Every Hamlet was pillaged and burned and, according to the incredible report of the French writers, 200 persons were killed and 700 captured, though it is admitted that most of the prisoners escaped. When spring opened, all the English settlements were destroyed except the post of Bonavista and the island of Carbonnière, a natural fortress in the sea. Iberville returned to Placentia to prepare for completing his conquest when his plans were broken by the arrival of his brother Serigny with orders to proceed at once against the English at Hudson's Bay. It was the 19th of May when Serigny appeared with five ships of war, the Pelican, the Palmyers, the West, the Profond and the Violin. The important trading post of Fort Nelson called Fort Bourbon by the French was the destined object of attack. Iberville and Serigny had captured it three years before, but the English had retaken it during the past summer and, as it commanded the fur trade of a vast interior region, a strong effort was now to be made for its recovery. Iberville took command of the Pelican and his brother of the Palmyers. They sailed from Placentia early in July, followed by two other ships of the squadron and a vessel carrying stores. Before the end of the month, they entered the bay where they were soon caught among masses of floating ice. The store ship was crushed and lost and the rest were in extreme danger. The Pelican at last extricated herself and sailed into the open sea, but her three consorts were nowhere to be seen. Iberville steered for Fort Nelson which was several hundred miles distant on the western shore of this dismal inland sea. He had nearly reached it when three sailhove in sight and he did not doubt that they were his missing ships. They proved, however, to be English-armed merchantmen. The Hampshire of fifty-two guns and the Daring and the Hudson's Bay of thirty-six and thirty-two. The Piddy-Con carried but forty-four and she was alone. A desperate battle followed and from half past nine to one o'clock the cannonade was incessant. Iberville kept the advantage of the wind and coming at length to close quarters with the Hampshire gave her repeated broadsides between wind and water with such effect that she sank with all on board. The next closed with the Hudson's Bay which soon struck her flag, while the Daring made sail and escaped. The Piddy-Con was badly damaged in hull, mast and rigging and the increasing fury of a gale from the east made her position more critical every hour. She anchored to escape being driven ashore, but the cables parted and she was stranded about two leaks from the fort. Here, wrapped by the waves and the tide, she split amid ships, but most of the crew reached land with their weapons and ammunition. The northern winter had already begun and the snow lay a foot deep in the forest. Some of them died from cold and exhaustion and the rest built huts and kindled fires to warm and dry themselves. Food was so scarce that their only hope of escape from famishing seemed to lie in a desperate effort to carry the fort by storm but now fortune interposed. The three ships they had left behind in the ice arrived with all the needed suckers. Men, cannon and mortars were sent ashore and the attack began. Fort Nelson was a palisade work garrisoned by traders and other civilians in the employee of the English fur company and commanded by one of its agents named Bailey. Though it had a considerable number of small cannon, it was incapable of defense against anything but musketry and the French bombs soon made it untenable. After being three times summoned, Bailey lowered his flag, though not till he had obtained honorable terms, and he and his men marched out with arms and baggage, drums beating and colors flying. Iberville had triumphed over the storms, the icebergs and the English. The north had seen his prowess and another fame awaited him in the regions of the sun, for he became the father of Louisiana and his brother Bienville founded New Orleans. These northern conflicts were but episodes. In Hudson's Bay, Newfoundland and Acadia, the issues of the war were unimportant compared with a momentous question whether France or England should be mistress of the West, that is to say, of the whole interior of the continent. There was a strange contrast in the attitude of the rival colonies towards this supreme prize. The one was inert and seemingly indifferent, the other intensely active. The reason is obvious enough. The English colonies were separate, jealous of the crown and of each other and incapable as yet of acting in concert. Living by agriculture and trade, they could prosper within limited areas and had no present need of spreading beyond the Alleghenies. Each of them was an aggregate of persons busyed with their own affairs and giving little heed to matters which did not immediately concern them. Their rulers, whether chosen by themselves or appointed in England, could not compel them to become the instruments of enterprises in which the sacrifice was present and the advantage remote. The neglect in which the English court left them, though wholesome in most respects, made them unfit for aggressive action, for they had neither troops, commanders, political union, military organization nor military habits. In communities so busy and governments so popular, much could not be done in war till the people were roused to the necessity of doing it, and that awakening was still far distant. Even New York, the only exposed colony except Massachusetts and New Hampshire, regarded the war merely as a nuisance to be held at arm's length. In Canada, all was different. Living by the fur trade, she needed free range and indefinite space. Her geographical position determined the nature of her pursuits, and her pursuits developed the roving and adventurous character of her people, who, living under a military rule, could be directed at will to such ends as their rulers saw fit. The grand French scheme of territorial extension was not born at court, but sprang from Canadian soil, and was developed by the chiefs of the colony, who being on the ground saw the possibilities and requirements of the situation and generally had a personal interest in realizing them. The rival colonies had two different laws of growth. The one increased by slow extension, rooting firmly as it spread. The other shot offshoots with few or no roots far out into the wilderness. It was the nature of French colonization to seize upon detached strategic points and hold them by the bayonet forming no agricultural basis, but attracting the Indians by trade and holding them by conversion. A musket, a rosary, and a pack of beaver skins may serve to represent it, and in fact it consisted of little elves. Whence came the numerical weakness of New France and the real though latent strength of her rivals? Because it is answered, the French were not an emigrating people, but at the end of the 17th century, this was only half true. The French people were divided into two parts, one eager to emigrate and the other reluctant. The one consisted of the persecuted Huguenots, the other of the favored Catholics. The government chose to construct its colonies, not of those who wished to go, but of those who wished to stay at home. From the hour when the Edict of Not was revoked, hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen would have hailed as a boon the permission to transport themselves, their families and their property to the New World. The permission was fiercely refused, and the persecuted sect was denied even a refuge in the wilderness. Had it been granted them, the valleys of the West would have swarmed with a laborious and virtuous population trained in adversity and possessing the essential qualities of self-government. Another France would have grown beyond the Alleghenes strong with the same kind of strength that made the future greatness of the British colonies. British America was an asylum for the oppressed and the suffering of all creeds and nations and population poured into her by the force of unnatural tendency. France, like England, might have been great in two hemispheres if she had placed herself in accord with this tendency instead of opposing it, but despotism was consistent with itself and a mighty opportunity was for ever lost. As soon could the Ethiopian change his skin as the priest-ridden king changed his fatal policy of exclusion. Canada must be bound to the papacy even if it blasted her. The contest for the West must be waged by the means which Bourbon policy ordained and which, it must be admitted, had some great advantages of their own when controlled by a man like Frontenac. The result hung for the present on the relations of the French with the Iroquois and the tribes of the lakes, the Illinois and the Valley of the Ohio, but above all on their relations with the Iroquois, for could they be conquered or won over, it would be easy to deal with the rest. Frontenac was meditating a grand effort to inflict such castigation as would bring them to reason when one of their chiefs named Tareja came to Quebec with overtures of peace. The Iroquois had lost many of their best warriors. The arrival of troops from France had discouraged them, the war had interrupted their hunting, and having no furs to barter with the English they were in want of arms, ammunition, and all the necessaries of life. Moreover, Father Millet, nominally a prisoner among them but really an adopted chief, had used all his influence to bring about a peace and the mission of Tareja was the result. Frontenac received him kindly. My Iroquois children have been drunk, but I will give them an opportunity to repent. Let each of your five nations send me two deputies and I will listen to what they have to say. They would not come, but sent him instead an invitation to meet them and their friends the English in a general council at Albany, her proposal which he rejected with contempt. Then they sent another deputation partly to him and partly to their Christian countrymen of the soul and the mountain inviting all alike to come and treat with them at Onondaga. Frontenac, adopting the Indian fashion, kicked away their wampum belts, rebuked them for tampering with the mission Indians, and told them that they were rebels bribed by the English, adding that if a suitable deputation should be sent to Quebec to treat squarely of peace he still would listen, but that, if they came back with any more such proposals as they had just made, they should be roasted alive. A few weeks later the deputation appeared. It consisted of two chiefs of each nation headed by the renowned orator de Canissore, or as the French wrote the name, de Canissorens. The council was held in the Hall of the Supreme Council at Quebec. The dignitaries of the colony were present with priests, Jesuits, récolés, officers, and the Christian chiefs of the soul and the mountain. The appearance of the ambassadors bespoke their destitute plight, for they were all dressed in shabby deerskins and old blankets except de Canissore, who was attired in a scarlet coat laced with gold given him by the governor of New York. Colden, who knew him in his old age, describes him as a tall, well-formed man with a face not unlike the busts of Cicero. He spoke, says the French reporter, with as perfect a grace as his vouchsafed to an uncivilized people. Buried the hatchet, covered the blood that had been spilled, the roads and cleared the clouds from the sun. In other words, he offered peace. But he demanded at the same time that it should include the English. Frantanac replied in substance, my children are right to come submissive and repentant. I am ready to forgive the past and hang up the hatchet. But the peace must include all my other children far and near. Shut your ears to English poison. The war with the English has nothing to do with you and only the great kings across the sea have power to stop it. You must give up all your prisoners, both French and Indian, without one exception. I will then return mine and make peace with you, but not before. He then entertained them at his own table, gave them a feast described as magnificent and bestowed gifts so liberally that the tattered ambassadors went home in embroidered coats, laced shirts, and plumed hats. They were pledged to return with the prisoners before the end of the season and they left two hostages as security. Meanwhile, the authorities of New York tried to prevent the threatened peace. First, Major Peter Schuyler convoked the chiefs at Albany and told them that if they went to ask peace in Canada, they would be slaves forever. The Iroquois declared that they loved the English, but they repelled every attempt to control their action. Then Fletcher, the governor, called a general counsel at the same place, and told them that they should not hold councils with the French, or that, if they did so, they should hold them at Albany in presence of the English. Again they asserted their rights as an independent people. Carlyer, said their speaker, has held councils with our enemies and why should not we hold councils with his? Yet they were strong in assurances of friendship and declared themselves one head, one heart, one blood, and one soul with the English. Their speaker continued, Our only reason for sending deputies to the French is that we are brought so low and none of our neighbors help us but leave us to bear all the burden of the war. Our brothers of New England, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, all of their own accord took hold of the Covenant chain and called themselves our allies, but they have done nothing to help us and we cannot fight the French alone because they are always receiving soldiers from beyond the Great Lake. Speak from your heart, brother. Will you and your neighbors join with us and make strong war against the French? If you will, we will break off all treaties and fight them as hotly as ever, but if you will not help us, we must make peace. Nothing could be more just than these reproaches, and if the English governor had answered by a vigorous attack on the French forts south of the St. Lawrence, the Iroquois warriors would have raised the hatchet again with one accord. But Fletcher was busy with other matters and he had besides no force at his disposal but four companies, the only British regulars on the continent, defective in numbers, ill-appointed, and mutinous. Therefore he answered not with acts but with words. The negotiation with the French went on and Fletcher called another council. It left him in a worse position than before. The Iroquois again asked for help. He could not promise it, but was forced to yield the point and tell them that he consented to their making peace with Anantio. It is certain that they wanted peace, but equally certain that they did not want it to be lasting, and sought nothing more than a breathing time to regain their strength. Even now some of them were continuing the war, and at the great council at Onondaga where the matter was debated the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks spurned the French proposals and refused to give up their prisoners. The Cayugas and some of the Seneca's were of another mind and agreed to a partial compliance with Fontanac's demands. The rest seemed to have stood passive in the hope of gaining time. They were disappointed. In vain the Seneca and Cayuga deputies buried the Hacheta Montreal and promised that the other nations would soon do likewise. Fontanac was not to be deceived. He would accept nothing but the frank fulfillment of his conditions refused the proffered peace and told his Indian allies to wage war to the knife. There was a dog-feast and a war dance and the strife began anew. In all these conferences the Iroquois had stood by their English allies with a fidelity not too well-merited. But though they were loyal towards the English they had acted with duplicity towards the French and, while treating of peace with them, had attacked some of their Indian allies and intrigued with others. They pursued with more persistency than ever the policy they had adopted in the time of Labar, that is, to persuade or frighten the tribes of the West to abandon the French, join hands with them and the English and send their furs to Albany instead of Montreal. For the sagacious Confederates knew well that if the trade were turned into this new channel their local position would enable them to control it. The scheme was good, but with whatever consistency their chiefs and elders might pursue it the wayward ferocity of their young warriors crossed it incessantly and murders alternated with intrigues. On the other hand the Western tribes, who since the war had been but ill supplied with French goods and French brandy, knew that they could have English goods and English rum in great abundance and at far less cost, and thus in spite of hate and fear the intrigue went on. Michelin Mackenac was the focus of it but it pervaded all the West. The position of Fontenac was one of great difficulty and the more so that the intestine quarrels of his allies excessively complicated the mazes of forest diplomacy. This heterogeneous multitude scattered in tribes and groups of tribes over 2,000 miles of wilderness was like a vast menagerie of wild animals and the lynx bristled at the wolf and the panther grinned fury at the bear in spite of all his efforts to form them into a happy family under his paternal rule. La Motte Cadillac commanded at Michelin Mackenac, Gourta Manche was stationed at Fort Miami's and Taunty and La Forêt at the fortified rock of Seydouie on the Illinois, while Nicolas Perrault roamed among the tribes of the Mississippi, striving at the risk of his life to keep them at peace with each other and in alliance with the French. Yet a plot presently came to light by which the foxes, Mascontain and kikapus were to join hands, renounce the French, and cast their fortunes with the Iroquois and the English. There was still more anxiety for the tribes of Michelin Mackenac because the results of their defection would be more immediate. This important post had at the time an Indian population of six or seven thousand souls, a Jesuit mission, a fort with two hundred soldiers and a village of about sixty houses, occupied by traders and courteurs-de-bois. The Indians of the place were in relations more or less close with all the tribes of the lakes. The Huron village was divided between two rival chiefs, the baron who was deep in Iroquois and English intrigue, and the rat who though once the worst enemy of the French now stood their friend. The Ottawa's and other Algonquins of the adjacent villages were savages of a lower grade, tossed continually between hatred of the Iroquois, distrust of the French, and love of English goods and English rum. La Motte Cadillac found that the Hurons of the baron's band were receiving messengers and peace belts from New York and her red allies, that the English had promised to build a trading house on Lake Erie, and that the Iroquois had invited the lake tribes to a grand convention at Detroit. These belts and messages were sent in the Indian expression underground, that is, secretly, and the envoys who brought them came in the disguise of prisoners taken by the Hurons. On one occasion seven Iroquois were brought in, and some of the French, suspecting them to be agents of the negotiation, stabbed two of them as they landed. There was a great tumult. The Hurons took arms to defend the remaining five, but at length suffered themselves to be appeased and even gave one of the Iroquois a chief into the hands of the French, who says la poterie, determined to make an example of him. They invited the Ottawa's to drink the broth of an Iroquois. Their wretch was made fast to a steak and a Frenchman began the torture by burning him with a red-hot gun barrel. The mob of savages was soon wrought up to the required pitch of ferocity, and after atrociously tormenting him they cut him to pieces and ate him. It was clear that the more Iroquois the Isles of France could be persuaded to burn, the less would be the danger that they would make peace with the Confederacy. On another occasion four were tortured at once, and Lamotte Cadillac writes, if any more prisoners are brought to me I promise you that their fate will be no sweeter. The same cruel measures were practiced when the Ottawa's came to trade at Montreal. Frantonec once invited a band of them to roast an Iroquois, really caught by the soldiers, but as they had hamstrung him to prevent his escape he bled to death before the torture began. In the next spring the revolting tragedy of Michelin Mackenac was repeated at Montreal, where four more Iroquois were burned by the soldiers, inhabitants, and Indian allies. It was the Mission of Canada, says a Canadian writer, to propagate Christianity and civilization. Every effort was vain. Lamotte Cadillac wrote that matters grew worse and worse in that the Ottawa's had been made to believe that the French neither would nor could protect them but meant to leave them to their fate. They thought that they had no hope except in peace with the Iroquois and had actually gone to meet them at an appointed rendezvous. Of course Alon was now left to Frantonec and this was to strike the Iroquois with a blow heavy enough to humble them and teach the wavering horrors of the West that he was in truth their father and their defender. Nobody knew so well as he the difficulties of the attempt and deceived perhaps by his own energy he feared that in his absence on a distant expedition the governor of New York would attack Montreal. Therefore he had begged for more troops. About three hundred were sent him and with these he was forced to content himself. He had waited also for another reason. In his belief the re-establishment of Fort Frantonec abandoned in a panic by de Norville was necessary to the success of a campaign against the Iroquois. A party in the colony vehemently opposed the measure on the ground that the fort would be used by the friends of Frantonec for purposes of trade. It was nevertheless very important if not essential for holding the Iroquois in check. They themselves felt it to be so and when they heard that the French intended to occupy it again they appealed to the governor of New York who told them that if the plan were carried into effect he would march to their aid with all the power of his government. He did not and perhaps could not keep his word. In the question of Fort Frantonec as in everything else the opposition to the governor always busy and vehement found its chief representative in the intendant who told the minister that the policy of Frantonec was all wrong, that the public good was not its object, that he disobeyed or evaded the orders of the king and that he had suffered the Iroquois to delude him by false overtures of peace. The representations of the intendant and his faction had such effect that Pontchartin wrote to the governor that the plan of re-establishing Fort Frantonec must absolutely be abandoned. Frantonec bent on accomplishing his purpose and doubly so because his enemies opposed it had anticipated the orders of the minister and sent seven hundred men to Lake Ontario to repair the fort. The day after they left Montreal the letter of Pontchartin arrived. The intendant demanded their recall. Frantonec refused. The fort was repaired, garrisoned and vitualed for a year. A successful campaign was now doubly necessary to the governor for by this alone could he hope to avert the consequences of his audacity. He waited no longer but mustered troops, militia and Indians and marched to attack the Iroquois. CHAPTER XIX On the 4th of July Frantonec left Montreal at the head of about twenty-two hundred men. On the 19th he reached Fort Frantonec and on the 26th he crossed to the southern shore of Lake Ontario. A swarm of Indian canoes led the way. Next followed two battalions of regulars in bateau commanded by Caliaire. Then more bateau laden with cannon, mortars and rockets. Then Frantonec himself surrounded by the canoes of his staff and his guard. Then eight hundred Canadians under Ramses. While more regulars and more Indians all commanded by Vaudraille brought up the rear. In two days they reached the mouth of the Osweco. Strong scouting parties were sent out to scour the forests in front while the expedition slowly and painfully worked its way up the stream. Most of the troops and Canadians marched through the matted woods along the banks while the bateau and canoes were pushed, rowed, paddled or dragged forward against the current. On the evening of the 30th they reached the falls where the river plunged over ledges of rock which completely stopped the way. The work of carrying was begun at once. The Indians and Canadians carried the canoes to the navigable water above and gangs of men dragged the bateau up the portage path on rollers. Night soon came and the work was continued till ten o'clock by torchlight. Frantonec would have fast on foot like the rest but the Indians would not have it so. They lifted him in his canoe upon their shoulders and bore him in triumph singing and yelling through the forest and along the margin of the rapids the blaze of the torches lighting the strange procession where plumes of officers and uniforms of the governor's guard mingled with the feathers and scalp locks of naked savages. When the falls were passed the troops pushed on as before along the narrow stream and through the tangled labyrinths on either side. Till on the first of August they reached Lake Onondaga and with sail set the whole flotilla glided before the wind and landed the motley army on a rising ground half a league from the salt springs of Salina. The next day was spent in building a fort to protect their canoes, bateau and stores and as evening closed a ruddy globe of the southern forest told them that the town of Onondaga was on fire. The merquis de Crissassie was left with a detachment to hold the fort and at sunrise on the fourth the army moved forward in order of battle. It was formed in two lines, regulars on the right and left and Canadians in the center. Calière commanded the first line and vautrer the second. Frontenac was between them surrounded by his staff, officers and his guard and followed by the artillery which relays of Canadians dragged and lifted forward with inconceivable labour. The governor enfeebled by age was carried in an armchair while Calière, disabled by gout, was mounted on a horse brought for the purpose in one of the bateau. To subercasse fell the hard task of directing the march among the dense columns of the primeval forest by hill and hollow over rocks and fallen trees, through swamps, brooks and gullies among thickets, brambles and vines. It was but eight or nine miles to Onondaga, but they were all day in reaching it and evening was near when they emerged from the shadows of the forest into the broad light of the Indian clearing. The maze fields stretched before them for miles and in the midst lay the charred and smoking ruins of the Iroquois capital. Not an enemy was to be seen, but they found the dead bodies of two murdered French prisoners. Scouts were sent out, guards were set and the disappointed troops encamped on the maze fields. Onondaga, formerly an open town had been fortified by the English who had enclosed it with a double range of strong palisades forming a rectangle flanked by bastions at the four corners and surrounded by an outer fence of tall poles. The place was not defensible against cannon and mortars and the 400 warriors belonging to it had been but slightly reinforced from the other tribes of the Confederacy, each of which feared that the French attack might be directed against itself. On the approach of an enemy of five times their number they had burned their town and retreated southward into distant forests. The troops were busy for two days and hacking down the maze, digging up the cache for hidden stores of food and destroying their contents. The neighboring tribe of the Oneida sent a messenger to beg peace. Frontenac replied that he would grant it on condition that they all should migrate to Canada and settle there and Vaudrey with 700 men was sent to enforce the demand. Meanwhile a few Onondaga stragglers had been found and among them hidden in a hollow tree a withered warrior 80 years old and nearly blind. Frontenac would have spared him but the Indian allies, Christians from the Mission villages were so eager to burn him that it was thought inexpedient to refuse them. They tied him to the stake and tried to shake his constancy by every torture that fire could inflict but not a cry nor a murmur escaped him. He defied them to do their worst till enraged at his taunts one of them gave him a mortal stab. I thank you, said the old stoic with his last breath but you ought to have finished as you began and killed me by fire. Learn from me you dogs of Frenchmen how to endure pain and you dogs of dogs their Indian allies think what you will do when you are burned like me. Vaudrey and his detachment returned within three days after destroying Oneida with all the growing corn and seizing a number of chiefs as hostages for the fulfillment of the demands of Frontenac. There was some thought of marching on Cayuga but the governor judged it to be inexpedient and as it would be useless to chase the fugitive Onondagas nothing remained but to return home. While Frontenac was on his march Governor Fletcher had heard of his approach and called the council at New York to consider what should be done. They resolved that it will be very grievous to take the people from their labor and there is likewise no money to answer the charge thereof. Money was however advanced by Colonel Cortland and others and the governor wrote to Connecticut and New Jersey for their contingents of men but they thought the matter no concern of theirs and did not respond. Fletcher went to Albany with the few men he could gather at the moment and heard on his arrival that the French were gone. Then he convoked the chiefs, condoled with them and made them presents. Corn was sent to the Onondagas and Oneidas to support them through the winter and prevent the famine which the French hoped would prove their destruction. What Frontenac feared had come to pass. The enemy had saved themselves by flight and his expedition like that of Donanville was but half successful. He took care however to announce it to the king as a triumph. Sire, the benedictions which heaven has ever showered upon your majesty's arms have extended even to this new world, whereof we have had visible proof in the expedition I have just made against the Onondagas, the principal nation of the Iroquois. I had long projected this enterprise but the difficulties and risks which attended it made me regarded as imprudent and I should never have resolved to undertake it if I had not last year established an entrepôt, Fort Frontenac, which made my communications more easy and if I had not known beyond all doubt that this was absolutely the only means to prevent our allies from making peace with the Iroquois and introducing the English into their country by which the colony would infallibly be ruined. Nevertheless by unexpected good fortune the Onondagas who pass for masters of the other Iroquois and the terror of all the Indians of this country fell into a sort of bewilderment which could only have come from on high and were so terrified to see me march against them in person and cover their lakes and rivers with nearly 400 sail that without availing themselves of passes where a hundred men might easily hold 4,000 in check they did not dare to lay a single ambush gate but after waiting till I was five leagues from their fort they set it on fire with all their dwellings and fled with their families 20 leagues into the depths of the forest. It could have been wished to make the affair more brilliant for they had tried to hold their fort against us for we were prepared to force it and kill a great many of them but their ruin is not the last sure because the famine to which they are reduced will destroy more than we could have killed by sword and gun. All the officers and men have done their duty admirably and especially Monsieur de Caliaire who has been a great help to me. I know not if your majesty will think that I have tried to do mine and will hold me worthy of some mark of honor that may enable me to pass the short remainder of my life in some little distinction but whether this be so or not I most humbly pray your majesty to believe that I will sacrifice the rest of my days to your majesty's service with the same ardor I have always felt. The king highly commended him and sent him the cross of the military order of Saint-Louis. Caliaire who had deserved it less had received it several years before but he had not found or provoked so many defamers. Fontenac complained to the minister that his services had been slightly and totally requited. This was true and it was due largely to the complaints excited by his own perversity and violence. These complaints still continued but the fault was not all on one side and Fontenac himself had often just reasoned to retort them. He wrote to Pont Chartres if you will not be so good as to look closely into the true state of things here I shall always be exposed to detraction and forced to make new apologies which is very hard for a person so full of zeal and uprightness as I am. My secretary who is going to France will tell you all the ugly intrigues used to defeat my plans for the service of the king and the growth of the colony. I have long tried to combat these artifices but I confess that I no longer feel strength to resist them and must succumb at last if you will not have the goodness to give me strong support. He still continued to provoke the detraction which he deprecated till he drew at last a sharp remonstrance from the minister. The dispute you have had with Monsieur de Champigny is without cause and I confess I cannot comprehend how you could have acted as you have done. If you do things of this sort you must expect disagreeable consequences which all the desire I have to oblige you cannot prevent. It is deplorable both for you and for me that instead of using my goodwill to gain favors from his majesty you compel me to make excuses for a violence which answers no purpose and in which you indulge wantonly nobody can tell why. Most of these quarrels however trivial in themselves at a solid foundation and were closely connected with the great question of the control of the West. As to the measures to be taken two parties divided the colony. One consisting of the governor and his friends and the other of the intendant, the Jesuits and such of the merchants as were not in favor with Frotonac. His policy was to protect the Indian allies at all risks to repel by force if necessary every attempt of the English to encroach on the territory in dispute and to occupy it by force which should be at once posts of war and commerce and places a rendezvous for traders and voyageurs. Champigny and his party denounced this system urged that the forest posts should be abandoned that both garrisons and traders should be recalled that the French should not go to the Indians but that the Indians should come to the French that the fur trade of the interior should be carried on at Montreal and that no Frenchman should be allowed to leave the settled limits of the colony except the Jesuits and persons in their service who as Champigny insisted would be able to keep the Indians in the French interest without the help of soldiers. Strong personal interests were active on both sides and gave bitterness to the strife. Frotonac, who always stood by his friends had placed Tanti, La Forêt, La Motte-Cadillac and others of their number in charge of the forest posts where they made good profit by trade. Moreover, the licenses for trading expeditions into the interior were now as before used largely for the benefit of his favorites. The Jesuits also declared and with some truth that the forest posts were centers of debauchery and that the licenses for the Western trade were the ruin of innumerable young men. All these reasons were laid before the king. In vain, Frotonac represented that to abandon the forest posts would be to resign to the English the trade of the interior country and at last the country itself. The royal ear was open to his opponents and the royal instincts reinforced their arguments. The king, enamored of subordination and order wished to govern Canada as he governed a province of France and this could be done only by keeping the population within prescribed bounds. Therefore he commanded that licenses for the forest trade should cease, that the forest posts should be abandoned and destroyed, that all Frenchmen should be ordered back to the settlements and that none should return under pain of the galleys. An exception was made in favor of the Jesuits who were allowed to continue their Western missions subject to restrictions designed to prevent them from becoming a cover to illicit fur trade. Frotonac was also directed to make peace with the Iroquois even if necessary without including the Western allies of France, that is he was authorized by Louis XIV to pursue the course which had discredited and imperiled the colony under the rule of Donanville. The intentions of the king did not take effect. The policy of Frotonac was the true one, whatever motives may have entered into his advocacy of it. In view of the geographical, social, political and commercial conditions of Canada, the policy of his opponents was impracticable and nothing less than a perpetual cordon of troops could have prevented the Canadians from escaping to the back woods. In spite of all the evils that attended the forest posts, it would have been a blunder to abandon them. This quickly became apparent. Champigny himself saw the necessity of compromise. The instructions of the king were scarcely given before they were partially withdrawn and they soon became a dead letter. Even Fort Frotonac was retained after repeated directions to abandon it. The policy of the governor prevailed. The colony returned to its normal methods of growth and so continued to the end. Now came the question of peace with the Iroquois to whose mercy Frotonac was authorized to leave his Western allies. He was the last man to accept such permission. Since the burning of Onondaga, the Iroquois negotiations with the Western tribes had been broken off and several fights had occurred in which the Confederates had suffered loss and been roused to vengeance. This was what Frotonac wanted, but at the same time it promised him fresh trouble. For while he was determined to prevent the Iroquois from making peace with the allies without his authority, he was equally determined to compel them to do so with it. There must be peace, though not till he could control its conditions. The Onondaga campaign, unsatisfactory as it was, had had its effect. Several Iroquois chiefs came to Quebec with overtures of peace. They brought no prisoners, but promised to bring them in the spring and one of them remained as a hostage that a promise should be kept. It was nevertheless broken under English influence and instead of a solemn embassy, the Council of Onondaga sent a messenger with a wampum belt to tell Frotonac that they were also engrossed in bewailing the recent death of Black Kettle, a famous war chief, that they had no strength to travel and they begged that Onondaga would return the hostage and send to them for the French prisoners. The messenger farther declared that though they would make peace with Onondaga, they would not make it with his allies. Frotonac threw back the peace belt into his face. Tell the chiefs that if they must need stay at home to cry about a trifle, I will give them something to cry for. Let them bring me every prisoner, French and Indian, and make a treaty that shall include all my children or they shall feel my tomahawk again. Then turning to a number of Ottawa's who were present, you see that I can make peace for myself when I please. If I continue the war, it is only for your sake. I will never make a treaty without including you and recovering your prisoners like my own. Thus the matter stood when a great event took place. Early in February, a party of Dutch and Indians came to Montreal with news that peace had been signed in Europe and at the end of May, Major Peter Schuyler, accompanied by Delius, the minister of Albany, arrived with copies of the treaty in French and Latin. The scratch of a pen at Riswick had ended the conflict in America, so far at least as concerned the civilized combatants. It was not till July that Frotonac received the official announcement from Versailles coupled with an address from the king to the people of Canada. I were faithful and beloved. The moment has arrived ordained by heaven to reconcile the nations. The ratification of the treaty concluded some time ago by our ambassadors with those of the emperor and the empire after having made peace with Spain, England and Holland as everywhere restored the tranquillities so much desired. Strasbourg, one of the chief ramparts of the empire of heresy, united forever to the church and to our crown. The Rhine established as the barrier between France and Germany. And what touches us even more, the worship of the true faith authorized by a solemn engagement with sovereigns of another religion are the advantages secured by this last treaty. The author of so many blessings manifests himself so clearly that we cannot but recognize his goodness. And the visible impress of his all-powerful hand is as it were the seal he has affixed to justify our intent to cause all our realm to serve and obey him and to make our people happy. We have begun by the fulfillment of our duty in offering him the thanks which are his due. And we have ordered the archbishops and bishops of our kingdom to cause Tadeum to be sung in the cathedrals of their diocese. It is our will and our command that you be present at that which will be sung in the cathedral of our city of Quebec on the day appointed by the count of Rotenac, our governor and lieutenant general in New France. Herein fail not for such is our pleasure. Louis. There was peace between the two crowns, but a serious question still remained between Rotenac and the new governor of New York, the Earl of Belmont. When Skyler and Delias came to Quebec, they brought with them all the French prisoners in the hands of the English of New York together with a promise from Belmont that he would order the Iroquois, subjects of the British crown, to deliver to him all those in their possession and that he would send them to Canada under a safe escort. The two envoys demanded of Rotenac at the same time that he should deliver to them all the Iroquois in his hands. To give up Iroquois prisoners to Belmont or to receive through him French prisoners whom the Iroquois had captured would have been an acknowledgement of British sovereignty over the five Confederate tribes. Rotenac replied that the Earl need give himself no trouble in the matter as the Iroquois were rebellious subjects of King Louis that they had already repented and begged peace and that if they did not soon come to conclude it he should use force to compel them. Belmont wrote in return that he had sent arms to the Iroquois with orders to defend themselves if attacked by the French and to give no quarter to them or their allies and he added that if necessary he would send soldiers to their aid. A few days after he received fresh news of Rotenac's war-like intentions and Rotenac as follows, Sir, two of our Indians of the nation called Onondagas came yesterday to advise me that you had sent two renegades of their nation to them to tell them and the other tribes except the Mohawks that in case they did not come to Canada within 40 days to solicit peace from you they may expect your marching into their country at the head of an army to constrain them there on two by force. I, on my side, do this very day send my lieutenant governor with the King's troops to join the Indians and to oppose any hostilities he will attempt and if needs be I will arm every man in the provinces under my government to repel you and to make reprisals for the damage you will commit on our Indians. This in a few words is the part I will take at the resolution I have adopted whereof I have thought it proper by these presence to give you notice. I am Sir, yours, et cetera, et cetera. Earl of Belmont, New York, 22nd August 1698. To arm every man in his government would have been difficult. He did, however, what he could and ordered Captain Nanfan, the lieutenant governor to repair to Albany whence on the first news that the French were approaching he was to march to the relief of the Iroquois with the four shattered companies of regueters and as many of the militia of Albany and Ulster as he could muster. Then the Earl sent vessels mayor of Albany to persuade the Iroquois to deliver their prisoners to him and make no treaty with Frontenac. On the same day he dispatched Captain John Skyler to carry his letters to the French governor. When Skyler reached Quebec and delivered the letters, Frontenac read them with marks of great displeasure. My Lord Belmont threatens me, he said. Does he think that I am afraid of him? He claims the Iroquois but they are none of his. They call me father and they call him brother and shall not a father chastise his children when he sees fit. A conversation followed in which Frontenac asked the envoy what was the strength of Belmont's government. Skyler parried the question by a grotesque exaggeration and answered that the Earl could bring about a hundred thousand men into the field. Frontenac pretended to believe him and returned with careless gravity that he had always heard so. The following Sunday was the day appointed for the Té des Hommes ordered by the king and all the dignitaries of the colony with a crowd of lesser note failed the cathedral. There was a dinner of ceremony at the chateau to which Skyler was invited and he found the table of the governor thronged with officers. Frontenac called on his guests to drink the health of King William. Skyler replied by a toast in honor of King Louis and the governor next gave the health of the Earl of Belmont. The peace was then solemnly proclaimed amid the firing of cannon from the batteries and ships and the day closed with a bonfire and a general illumination. On the next evening, Frontenac gave Skyler a letter in answer to the threats of the Earl. He had written with trembling hand but unshaken will and unbending pride. I am determined to pursue my course without flinching and I request you not try to thwart me by efforts which will prove useless. All the protection and aid you tell me that you have given and will continue to give the Iroquois against the terms of the treaty will not cause me much alarm nor make me change my plans but rather on the contrary engage me to pursue them still more. As the old soldier traced these lines the shadow of death was upon him. Toils and years, passions and cares had wasted his strength at last and his fiery soul could bear him up no longer. A few weeks later he was lying calmly on his deathbed. End of chapter 19. Chapters 20 and 21 of France and England and North America Part 5 Count Fontenac knew France Louis XIV by Francis Parkman, Jr. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. Chapter 20. 1698. Death of Fontenac. In November when the last ship had gone and Canada was sealed from the world for half a year a mortal illness fell upon the governor. On the 22nd he had strength enough to dictate his will seated in an easy chair in his chamber at the château. His colleague and adversary Champigny often came to visit him and did all in his power to soothe his last moments. The reconciliation between them was complete. One of his récollèves friends, Father Olivier Goyer, administered extreme unction and on the afternoon of the 28th he died in perfect composure and full possession of his faculties. He was in his 78th year. He was greatly beloved by the humbler classes two days before his death, beset the château praising and lamenting him. Many of higher stations shared the popular grief. He was the love and delight of New France, says one of them. Churchmen honored him for his piety. Nobles esteemed him for his valor. Merchants respected him for his equity and the people loved him for his kindness. He was the father of the poor, says another. The protector of the oppressed and a perfect model of virtue and piety. And Ursuline Nunn regrets him as the friend and patron of her sisterhood and so also does the superior of the Hotel Dieu. His most conspicuous, though not his bitterest opponent, the Intentant Champigny, thus announced his death to the court. I venture to send this letter by way of New England to tell you that Monsieur Le Comte de Frontenac died on the 28th of last month with the sentiments of a true Christian. After all the disputes we have had together you will hardly believe, Monseigneur, how truly and deeply I am touched by his death. He treated me during his illness in a manner so obliging that I should be utterly void of gratitude if I did not feel thankful to him. As a mark of kind feeling, Frontenac had bequeathed to the Intentant of Valuable Crucifix and to Madame de Champigny a reliquary which he had long been accustomed to wear. For the rest, he gave 1,500 livres to the Ricollet to be expended in masses for his soul and that of his wife after her death. To her he bequeathed all the remainder of his small property and he also directed that his heart should be sent her in a case of lead or silver. His enemies reported that she refused to accept it saying that she had never had it when he was living and did not want it when he was dead. On the Friday after his death he was buried as he had directed, not in the cathedral but in the church of the Ricollet, a preference deeply offensive to many of the clergy. The bishop officiated and then the Ricollet, Father Guy who had attended his death bed and seems to have been his confessor, mounted the pulpit and delivered his funeral aeration. This funeral pageantry exclaimed the orator, this temple draped in mourning, these dim lights, this sad and solemn music, this great assembly bowed in sorrow and all this pomp and circumstance of death may well penetrate your hearts. I will not seek to dry your tears for I cannot contain my own. After all, this is a time to weep and never did people weep for a better governor. A copy of this eulogy fell into the hands of an enemy of Fultonac who wrote a running commentary upon it. The copy thus annotated is still preserved at Quebec. A few passages from the orator and his critic will show the violent conflict of opinion concerning the governor and illustrate in some sort, though with more force than fairness the contradictions of his character. The orator. This wise man to whom the Senate of Venice listened with respectful attention because he spoke before them with all the force of that eloquence which you, Monsieur, have so often admired, the critic. It was not his eloquence that they admired but his extravagant pretensions, his bursts of rage and his unworthy treatment of those who did not agree with him. The orator. This disinterested man more busied with duty than with gain, the critic. The less said about that, the better. The orator, who made the fortune of others but did not increase his own. The critic, not for want of trying and that very often in spite of his conscience and the king's orders. The orator, devoted to the service of his king, whose majesty he represented and whose person he loved. The critic, not at all, how often has he opposed his orders even with force and violence to the great scandal of everybody? The orator, great in the midst of difficulties by that consummate prudence, that solid judgment, that presence of mind, that breadth and elevation of thought which he retained to the last moment of his life. The critic, he had in fact a great capacity for political maneuvers and tricks but as for the solid judgment ascribed to him, his conduct gives it the lie or else, if he had it, the vehemence of his passions often unsettled it. It is much to be feared that his presence of mind was the effect of an obstinate and hardened self-confidence by which he put himself above everybody and everything since he never used it to repair so far as in him lay the public and private wrongs he caused. What ought he not to have done here in this temple to ask pardon for the obstinate and furious heat with which he so long persecuted the church, upheld an even instigated rebellion against her, protected libertines, scandal mongers and creatures of evil life against the ministers of heaven, molested, persecuted, vexed persons most eminent in virtue, nay even the priests and magistrates who defended the cause of God, sustained in all sorts of ways the wrongful and scandalous traffic in Brandy with the Indians, permitted, approved and supported the license and abuse of taverns, authorized and even introduced in spite of the remonstances of the servants of God, criminal and dangerous diversions, tried to decry the bishop and the clergy, the missionaries and other persons of virtue and to injure them both here and in France by libals and calamities, caused in fine either by himself or through others a multitude of disorders under which this infant church has grown for many years. What I say ought he not to have done before dying to atone for these scandals and give proof of sincere penitence and compunction. God gave him full time to recognize his errors and yet to the last he showed a great indifference in all these matters. When in presence of the holy sacrament he was asked according to the ritual, do you not beg pardon for all the ill examples you may have given? He answered yes, but did not confess that he had ever given any. In a word he behaved during the few days before his death like one who had led a near approachable life and had nothing to fear and this is the presence of mind that he retained to his last moment. The orator, great in dangers by his courage he always came off with honor and never was reproached with rashness. The critic, true. He was not rash as was seen when the Bustané besieged Québec. The orator, great in religion by his piety he practiced its good works in spirit and in truth. The critic, say rather that he practiced its forms with parade and ostentation, witness the inordinate ambition with which he always claimed honors in the church to which he had no right, outrageously affronted in tendons who opposed his pretensions, required priests to address him when preaching and in their intercourse with him demanded from them humiliations which he did not exact from the meanest military officer. This was his way of making himself great in religion and piety or more truly in vanity and hypocrisy. How can a man be called great in religion when he openly holds opinions entirely opposed to the true faith such as that all men are predestined that hell will not last forever and the like? The orator, his very look inspired esteem and confidence. The critic, then one must have taken him at exactly the right moment and not when he was foaming at the mouth with rage. The orator, a mingled air of nobility and gentleness, a countenance that bespoke the probity that appeared in all his acts and a sincerity that could not dissimulate. The critic, the eulogist did not know the old fox. The orator, an inviolable fidelity to friends. The critic, what friends? Was it persons of the other sex? Of these he was always fond and too much for the honor of some of them. The orator, disinterested for himself, ardent for others, he used his credit at court only to recommend their services, excuse their faults and obtain favors for them. The critic, true, but it was for his creatures and for nobody else. The orator, I pass in silence that reading of spiritual books which he practiced as an indispensable duty more than 40 years, that holy avidity with which he listened to the word of God. The critic, only if the preacher dressed the sermon to him and called him Monseigneur, as for his reading, it was often Jansenist books of which he had a great many in which he greatly praised and lent freely to others. The orator, he prepared for the sacraments by meditation and retreat. The critic and generally came out of his retreat more excited than ever against the church. The orator, let us not recall his ancient and noble descent. His family connected with all that is greatest in the army, the magistrate and the government. Knights, marshals of France, governors of provinces, judges, counselors and ministers of state, let us not, I say. Recall all these without remembering that their examples roused this generous heart to noble emulation. And as an expiring flame grows brighter as it dies, so did all the virtues of his race unite at last in him to end with glory a long line of great men that shall be no more except in history. The critic, well laid on and too well for his hearers to believe him, far from agreeing that all these virtues were collected in the person of his pretended hero, they would find it very hard to admit that he had even one of them. It is clear enough from what quiver these arrows came. From the first, Protonac had set himself in opposition to the most influential of the Canadian clergy. When he came to the colony, their power in the government was still enormous and even the most devout of his predecessors had been forced into conflict with them to defend the civil authority. But when Protonac entered the stripe, he brought into it an irritability, a jealous and exacting vanity, a love of rule and a passion for having his own way even in trifles which made him the most exasperating of adversaries. Hence it was that many of the clerical party felt towards him a bitterness that was far from ending with his life. The sentiment of a religion often survives its convictions. However heterodox in doctrine, he was still wedded to the observances of the church and practiced them under the ministration of the Ricollet with an assiduity that made full amends to his conscience for the vivacity with which he opposed the rest of the clergy. To the Ricollet, their patron was the most devout of men. To his ultra-mantine adversaries, he was an impious persecutor. His own acts and words best paint his character and it is needless to enlarge upon it. What perhaps may be least forgiven him is the barbarity of the warfare that he waged in the cruelties that he permitted. He had seen too many towns sacked to be much subject to the scruples of modern humanitarianism, yet he was no wit more ruthless than his times and surroundings and some of his contemporaries find fault with him for not allowing more Indian captives to be tortured. Many surpassed him in cruelty, none equaled him in capacity and vigor. When civilized enemies were once within his power, he treated them according to their degree with a chivalrous courtesy or a generous kindness. If he was a hot and pertinacious foe, he was also a fast friend and he excited love and hatred in about equal measure. His attitude towards public enemies was always proud and peremptory, yet his courage was guided by so clear a sagacity that he never was forced to recede from the position he had taken. Towards Indians, he was an admirable compound of sternness and conciliation. Of the immensity of his services to the colony, there can be no doubt. He found it under de non vil in humiliation and terror and he left it in honor and almost in triumph. In spite of Father Goye, Gregnus must be denied him, but a more remarkable figure in its bold and salient individuality and sharply marked light and shadow is nowhere seen in American history. Chapter 21, 1699-1701. Conclusion. It did not need the presence of Frontenac to cause snappings and sparks in the highly electrical atmosphere of New France. Caglier took his place as governor Eddin Tatum and in due time received a formal appointment to the office. Apart from the wretched state of his health undermined by gout and dropsy, he was in most respects well-fitted for it, but his department at once gave umbrage to the excitable Champigny who declared that he had never seen such auteur since he came to the colony. Another official was still more offended. Monsieur de Frontenac, he says, was no sooner dead than trouble began. Monsieur de Caglier, puffed up by his new authority, claims honors due only to a marshal of France. It would be a different matter if he, like his predecessor, were regarded as the father of the country and the love and delight of the Indian allies. At the review at Montreal, he sat in his garage and received the incense offered him with as much composure and coolness as if he had been some divinity of this new world. In spite of these complaints, the court sustained Caglier and authorized him to enjoy the honors that he had assumed. His first and chief task was to finish the work that Frontenac had shaped out and bring the Iroquois to such submission as the interests of the colony and its allies demanded. The fierce Confederates admired the late governor and if they themselves are to be believed could not help lamenting him, but they were emboldened by his death and the difficulty of dealing with them was increased by it. Had they been sure of effectual support from the English, there can be little doubt that they would have refused to treat with the French of whom their distrust was extreme. The treachery of De Noville at Fort Frontenac still wrangled in their hearts and the English had made them believe that some of their best men had lately been poisoned by agents from Montreal. The French assured them on the other hand that the English meant to poison them, refused to sell them powder and lead, and then when they were helpless, pal upon and destroy them. At Montreal, they were told that the English called them their negroes and at Albany that if they made peace with Anuncio, they would sink into perpetual infamy and slavery. Still, in spite of their perplexity, they persisted in asserting their independence of each of the rival powers and played the one against the other in order to strengthen their position with both. When Belmont required them to surrender their French prisoners to him, they answered, we are the masters, our prisoners are our own, we will keep them or give them to the French if we choose. At the same time, they told Caliaia that they would bring them to the English at Albany and invited him to send thither his agents to receive them. They were much disconcerted, however, when letters were read to them which showed that, pending the action of commissioners to settle the dispute, the two kings had ordered their respective governors to refrain from all acts of hostility and join forces if necessary to compel the Iroquois to keep quiet. This, with their enormous losses and their desire to recover their people held captive in Canada, led them at last to serious thoughts of peace. Resolving at the same time to try the temper of the new Anuncio and yield no more than was absolutely necessary, they sent him but six ambassadors and no prisoners. The ambassadors marched in single file to the place of council, while their chief, who led the way, sang a dismal song of lamentation for the French slain in the war, calling on them to thrust their heads above ground, behold the good work of peace and banish every thought of vengeance. Caliaia proved as they had hoped less inexorable than Frotunac. He accepted their promises and consented dissent for the prisoners in their hands on condition that within 36 days a full deputation of their principal men should come to Montreal. The Jesuit Breuillard, the Canadian Marine Corps and a French officer named Jean Caire went back with them to receive the prisoners. The history of Jean Caire was the noteworthy one. The Seneca's had captured him some time before, tortured his companions to death and doomed him to the same fate. As a preliminary torment, an old chief tried to burn a finger of the captive in the bowl of his pipe on which Jean Caire knocked him down. If he had begged for mercy, their hearts would have been flint, but the warrior crowd was so pleased with this proof of courage that they adopted him as one of their tribe and gave him an Iroquois wife. He lived among them for many years and gained a commanding influence which proved very useful to the French. When he, with Breuillard and Marine Corps, approached on Ndaga, which had long before risen from its ashes, they were greeted with a fusillade of joy and regaled with the sweet stalks of young maize followed by the more substantial refreshment of venison and corn beaten together into a pulp and boiled. The chiefs and elders seemed well inclined to peace, and though an envoy came from Albany to prevent it, he behaved with such arrogance that far from dissuading his auditors, he confirmed them in their resolve to meet an anzio at Montreal. They seemed willing enough to give up their French prisoners, but an unexpected difficulty arose from the prisoners themselves. They had been adopted into Iroquois families and having become attached to the Indian life, they would not leave it. Some of them hid in the woods to escape their deliverers who, with their best efforts, could collect but 13, all women, children, and boys. With these they returned to Montreal accompanied by a peace embassy of 19 Iroquois. Peace then was made. I bury the hatchet, said Caliaire, in a deep hole and over the hole I place a great rock and over the rock I turn a river that the hatchet may never be dug up again. The famous Huron, Cône d'Iaronque, or the Rat, was present as were also a few Ottawa's abanacches and converts of the so and the mountain. Sharp words passed between them and the ambassadors, but at last they all laid down their hatchets at the feet of an anzio and signed the treaty together. It was but a truce and a doubtful one. More was needed to confirm it and the following August was named for a solemn act of ratification. Father Angéloran was sent to Michel Amacanac while Côte d'Omange spent the winter and spring in toilsome journeys among the tribes of the West. Such was his influence over them that he persuaded them all to give up their Iroquois prisoners and send deputies to the Grand Council. Angéloran had had scarcely less success among the northern tribes and early in July a great fleet of canoes conducted by Côte d'Omange and failed with chiefs, warriors and Iroquois prisoners paddled down the lakes for Montreal. Meanwhile, Brouillard, Maricourt and Jean Caë had returned on the same errand to the Iroquois towns, but so far as concerned prisoners, their success was no greater than before. Whether French or Indian, the chiefs were slow to give them up, saying that they had all been adopted into families who would not part with them unless consoled for the loss by gifts. This was true, but it was equally true of the other tribes whose chiefs had made the necessary gifts and recovered the captive Iroquois. Jean Caër and his colleagues succeeded however in leading a large deputation of chiefs and elders to Montreal. Côte d'Omange with his canoe fleet from the lakes was not far behind and when their approach was announced, the chronicler La Poitrie, full of curiosity, went to meet them at the Mission Village of the Sault. First appeared the Iroquois, 200 in all, firing their guns as their canoes drew near while the Mission Indians ranged along the shore, returned the salute. The ambassadors were conducted to a capacious lodge where for a quarter of an hour they sat smoking with immovable composure. Then a chief of the Mission made a speech and then followed a feast of boiled dogs. In the morning they descended the rapids to Montreal and in due time the distant roar of the saluting cannon told of their arrival. They had scarcely left the village when the river was covered with the canoes of the western and northern allies. There was another fusillade of welcome as the heterogeneous company landed and marched to the great council house. The calumet was produced and 12 of the assembled chiefs sang a song, each rattling at the same time a dried gourd half full of peas. Six large kettles were next brought in containing several dogs and a bear suitably chopped to pieces, which being ladled out to the guests were dispatched in an instant and a solemn dance and a supper of boiled corn closed the festivity. The strangers embarked again on the next day and the cannon of Montreal greeted them as they landed before the town. A great quantity of evergreen boughs had been gathered for their use and of these they made their wigwams outside the palisades. Before the opening of the grand council a multitude of questions must be settled, jealousy soothed and complaints answered. Kelyer had no peace. He was busyed for a week in giving audience to the deputies. There was one question which agitated them all and threatened to rekindle the war. Condiaronque, the rat, the foremost man among all the allied tribes gave utterance to the general feeling. My father, you told us last autumn to bring you all the Iroquois prisoners in our hands. We have obeyed and brought them. Now let us see if the Iroquois also have obeyed and brought you our people whom they captured during the war. If they have done so, they are sincere. If not, they are false. But I know that they have not brought them. I told you last year that it was better that they should bring their prisoners first. You see now how it is and how they have deceived us. The complaint was just and the situation became critical. The Iroquois deputies were invited to explain themselves. They stopped into the council room with their usual haughty composure and readily promised to surrender the prisoners in future but offered no hostages for their good faith. The rat who had counseled his own and other tribes to bring their Iroquois captives to Montreal was excessively mortified at finding himself duped. He came to a later meeting when this and other matters were to be discussed, but he was so weakened by fever that he could not stand. An armchair was brought him and seated in it he harangued the assembly for two hours amid a deep silence broken only by ejaculations of approval from his Indian hearers. When the meeting ended, he was completely exhausted and being carried in his chair to the hospital he died about midnight. He was a great loss to the French for though he had caused the massacre of Lachine, his services of late had been invaluable. In spite of his unlucky name, he was one of the ablest North American Indians on record as appears by his remarkable influence over many tribes and by the respect not to say admiration of his French contemporaries. The French charge themselves with the funeral rites carried the dead chief to his wigwam, stretched him on a robe of beaver skin and left him there lying in state, swathed in a scarlet blanket with a kettle, a gun and a sword at his side for his use in the world of spirits. This was a concession to the superstition of his countrymen, for the rat was a convert and went regularly to mass. Even the Iroquois, his deadliest foes paid tribute to his memory. Sixty of them came in solemn procession and ranged themselves around the beer while one of their principal chiefs pronounced in harangue in which he declared that the sun had covered his face that day in grief for the loss of the great Huron. He was buried on the next morning. St. Ulce, senior captain led the funeral train with an escort of troops followed by 16 Huron warriors in robes of beaver skin marching four and four with faces painted black and guns reversed. Then came the clergy and then six war chiefs carrying the coffin. It was decorated with flowers and on it lay a plumed hat, a sword and a gorget. Behind it were the brother and sons of the dead chief and files of Huron and Ottawa warriors while Madame de Champigny, attended by Vaudré and all the military officers closed the procession. After the service, the soldiers fired three volleys over the grave and a tablet was placed upon it carved with the words. Sigeet Leurat, chef des Hurons. All this ceremony pleased the Allied tribes and helped to calm their irritation. Every obstacle being length removed or smoothed over the 4th of August was named for the Grand Council. A vast oblong space was marked out on a plane near the town and enclosed with offensive branches. At one end was a canopy of boughs and leaves under which were seats for the spectators. Troops were drawn up in line along the sides. The seats under the canopy were filled by ladies, officials and the chief inhabitants of Montreal. Calière sat in front surrounded by interpreters and the Indians were seated on the grass around the open space. There were more than 1,300 of them gathered from a distance of full 2,000 miles, Hurons and Ottawa's from Michele Makinac, Ojibwa's from Lake Superior, Crease from the remote north, Potawatomies from Lake Michigan, Mascontain, Sax, Foxes, Winnebago's and Menemeny's from Wisconsin, Miami's from the St. Joseph, Illinois from the River Illinois, Abonakis from Acadia and many Allied hordes of less account. Each savage painted with diverse hues and patterns and each in his dress of ceremony, leather shirts fringed with scalp locks, colored blankets or robes of bison hide and beaver skin, bristling crests of hair or long-length tresses, eagle feathers or horns of beasts. Preeminent among them all sat their valiant and terrible foes, the warriors of the Confederacy. Strange, exclaims Lepotry, that four or 5,000 should make a whole new world tremble. New England is but too happy to gain their good graces. New France is often wasted by their wars and our allies dread them over an extent of more than 1,500 leagues. It was more a marvel than he knew for he greatly overrates their number. Kellier opened the council with a speech in which he told the assembly that, since but few tribes were represented at the Treaty of the Year before, he had sent for the Maul to ratify it, that he now threw their hatchets on his own into a pit so deep that nobody could find them, that henceforth they must live like brethren. And if by chance one should strike another, the injured brother must not revenge the blow but come for redress to him Anuncio, their common father. Nicola Perot and the Jesuits who acted as interpreters repeated this speech in five different languages and to confirm it, 31 Wampum belts were given to the 31 tribes present. Then each tribe answered in turn. First came Hasaki, chief of an Ottawa band known as Cut-Tales. He approached with a majestic air his long robe of beaver skin trailing on the grass behind him. Four Iroquois captives followed with eyes bent on the ground and when he stopped before the governor they seated themselves at his feet. You asked us for our prisoners, he said, and here they are. I set them free because you wish it and I regard them as my brothers. Then turning to the Iroquois deputies, know that if I pleased I might have eaten them but I have not done as you would have done. Remember this when we meet and let us be friends. The Iroquois ejaculated their approval. Next came a Huron chief followed by eight Iroquois prisoners who as he declared had been bought at great cost in kettles, guns, and blankets from the families who had adopted them. We thought that the Iroquois would have done by us as we have done by them and we were astonished to see that they had not brought us our prisoners. Listen to me my father and you Iroquois listen. I am not sorry to make peace since my father wishes it and I will live in peace with him and with you. Thus in turn came the spokesman of all the tribes delivering their prisoners and making their speeches. The Miami orator said, I am very angry with the Iroquois who burned my son some years ago but today I forget all that. My father's will is mine. I will not be like the Iroquois who have disobeyed his voice. The orator of the Mississaugas came forward ground with the head and horns of a young bison bull and presenting his prisoners said, I place them in your hands, do with them as you like. I am only too proud that you count me among your allies. The chief of the foxes now rose from his seat at the farther end of the enclosure and walked sedately across the whole open space towards the stand of spectators. His face was painted red and he wore an old French wig with its abundant girls in a state of complete entanglement. When he reached the chair of the governor, he bowed and lifted the wig like a hat to show that he was perfect in French politeness. There was a burst of laughter from the spectators but Galière with ceremonious gravity begged him to put it on again which he did and proceeded with his speech the pith of which was briefly as follows. The darkness is gone, the sun shines bright again and now the Iroquois is my brother. Then came a young Algonquin war chief dressed like a Canadian but adorned with a drooping red feather and a tall ridge of hair like the crest of a cock. It was he who slew black kettle that redoubted Iroquois whose loss filled the confederacy with mourning and who exclaimed as he fell, must die who have made the whole earth tremble now die by the hand of a child. The young chief spoke concisely and to the purpose. I am not a man of counsel. It is for me to listen to your words. Peace has come and now let us forget the past. When he and all the rest had ended the artor of the Iroquois drove to the front and in brief words gave in their adhesion to the treaty. Honancio, we are pleased with all you have done and we have listened to all you have said. We assure you by these four belts of wampum that we will stand fast in our obedience. As for the prisoners whom we have not brought to you we place them at your disposal and you will send and fetch them. The calumet was lighted. Calière, Champigny and Vaudreuil do the first smoke then the Iroquois deputies and then all the tribes in turn. The treaty was duly signed, the representative of each tribe of fixing his mark in the shape of some bird, beast, fish, reptile, insect, plant or nondescript object. Thus says la poterie, the labors of the late Count Frontenac were brought to a happy consummation. The work of Frontenac was indeed finished though not as he would have finished it. Calière had told the Iroquois that till they surrendered their Indian prisoners he would keep in his own hands the Iroquois prisoners surrendered by the allied tribes. To this the spokesman of the Confederacy Cooley replied, such a proposal was never made since the world began. Keep them if you like. We will go home and think no more about them. But if you gave them to us without making trouble and gave us our son Jean Caire at the same time, we should have no reason to distrust your sincerity and should all be glad to send you back the prisoners we took from your allies. Calière yielded, persuaded the allies to agree to the conditions, gave up the prisoners and took an empty promise in return. It was a triumph for the Iroquois who meant to keep their Indian captives and did in fact keep nearly all of them. The chief objects of the late governor were gained. The power of the Iroquois was so far broken that they were never again very formidable to the French. Canada had confirmed her Indian alliances and rebutted the English claim to sovereignty over the five tribes with all the consequences that hung upon it. By the Treaty of Risswick, the great questions at issue in America were left to the arbitrament of future wars. And meanwhile as time went on, the policy of Fontenac developed and ripened. Detroit was occupied by the French, the passes of the West were guarded by forts, and other new France grew up at the mouth of the Mississippi, and lines of military communication joined the Gulf of Mexico with the Gulf of St. Lawrence. While the colonies of England lay passive between the Alleghenies and the Sea, till roused by the trumpet that sounded with wavering notes on many a bloody field to peel at last in triumph from the heights of Abraham. End of chapters 20 and 21. End of France and England in North America, part five. Count Fontenac, New France, Louis XIV by Francis Parkman, Jr. Recorded by Céline Major.