 Thank you so much for inviting me, and it's a real pleasure to jump from the public sector back to academia, but back to a real-based approach to academia, which is very relevant when making decisions on the ground. And so first I want to start by celebrating the approach of both papers. And I want to celebrate both approaches, both papers, the approach because it focuses on violence broadly, and of course I'll be focusing on gender-based violence, but it's not a minor issue that gender-based violence is included, because if we don't include gender-based violence in analysis, we don't understand the impact on women's violence. And let me just give you two figures in Bogota of what is the case. Seventy-three percent of victims of domestic violence in Bogota are women. Eighty-two percent of victims of domestic of sexual violence are women. Thus, if gender-based violence, both domestic violence and sexual violence, are not included in analysis, we won't be understanding how it impacts different populations. The same occurs for the other populations, but I'll focus for the analysis on these two. And it has huge implications, and it's not obvious for governments, and it's not obvious in academic papers either. It would seem, right, you listen to Marcela and to Anna presenting, and you say like everybody should have this approach, and obviously everybody has it, but no. It's it makes a difference. And let me tell you, I'll give you an example of what happened in Bogota, when in our first Security Council meeting in which the Secretary for Women Affairs was not a permanent member, until this administration, the police would always and the Secretary for Security would always present the figures of violence, what we call delitos de alto impacto, high impact crime and violence. But then they would say, and other crimes, domestic violence and sexual violence. So the police itself for years had not been prioritizing domestic violence or sexual violence. So just that focus meant that the issues of security related to women were not as important as homicide and the theft of cell phones or bikes or whatever other crime citizens might be interested in. So now they're part of it. But that makes a huge difference because imagine what it means if you tell the police on the streets that domestic violence and sexual violence are just other crimes and not core crimes, right? They're not the high impact crimes. So even that emphasis, and that's why I celebrate that this approach and that both papers put domestic violence and sexual violence and other forms of social and domestic violence at the core. So that's one thing I celebrate. I also, unfortunately, and Marcelo is just asking me this, everything that was just presented Bogota is an empirical case study of what happens. Everything. Violence is both a cause and a consequence of inequality and its impacts on growth are clear. So unfortunately, if you want to see where this where these two studies apply, it's the city of Bogota. It's very clear. On a few things. So on a positive note, Bogota's approach does resonate with the central arguments. We do see it as a causal, as violence being a cause of inequality, but also inequality being highly correlated, sometimes causally, sometimes correlations. I want to make that distinction with regards to inequality impacts violence directly on women. The three most correlated variables on through which we could measure inequality and it's the probability of being a victim of sexual violence and domestic violence in Bogota. The three variables are your level of education, which is clearly a measure of inequality, your access to internet. It's a proxy to both education, but also your access to other forms of education, even leaving your house. And the third variable is the amount of free time that women have. Those three variables are the most highly correlated variables on the probability of being a victim of violence. So that resonates absolutely with the hypotheses that are offered by both papers. Another issue, which I do want to point out, is Anna made a big emphasis on the quality of data and the underreporting. One of the issues with sexual violence and domestic violence is the fear of women stepping out. So we just carried out a study in which we were trying to understand why do women don't go out and put a report, file a report. And there's three variables. One, their impact on their previous impact and their ideas on the justice system, your first point. So it's not even impacting how we resolve violence. It's even impacting why women don't step out and access institutions, why they don't step out to the judiciary or even to the police. That's the first reason. The second reason is shame, which speaks in a way terribly about how society deals with domestic violence and the typical idea that it should be kept behind that door and it should be dealt with domestically. And the third one is very interesting, which is women usually think they can resolve it by themselves and they don't need care services or they don't need the judiciary or they don't need the police or they don't need other services. And so this is just to show you that the impacts and what the report suggests on where we should focus has not only an impact on how we resolve violence, but how we see violence. It impedes us from seeing it itself because women are not stepping out to file reports and raise their hands and say I've been a victim of domestic violence. There's something in domestic violence studies called la cifra oscura. I actually don't know what the term is in English, but it's basically all the underreported cases. And what it does is it's hard, it's costly to measure, but Bogotá decided to measure it because we want more women to step out. We don't mind that this figure increases, which is another reason why domestic violence is usually not addressed because it never speaks positively of the police, for instance. We're used to, we want homicide rates to drop. We want cell phone thefts to drop. We want bicycle thefts to drop and so forth. But there's two crimes that necessarily need to increase if we want to be doing a better job, which is domestic violence and sexual violence. Why? Because of the level of underrepresented and underreported cases. To give you a concrete figure, Bogotá just measured its cifra oscura, which measures how many women report saying they've been victims of domestic violence in the past two years. 400,000 women in Bogotá report being victims of domestic violence. Only 70,000 have filed claims in the same two years. So we have a huge gap. Women are not stepping out. So that's why another problem of studying this sort of violence is does it pay to step out? And do the institutions that are in charge of security want to pay attention to these crimes? Because the police, actually one of the figures of the police to measure success is that domestic violence and sexual violence decreases. What we've been trying to tell them is no, we needed to increase. Because increasing means how many women are stepping out and actually filing claims, where, donde están denunciando. So that's another issue that Mark, it explains why we see under represented cases and underreported cases. And also explains why some key institutions don't want to look at these figures. But it also, unless we look at this, we won't understand both violence and security issues in cities. Now, Juan, should I go to, is that in the Q&A session or can I go to what are we doing in Bogotá exactly to approach that? What do you prefer? Great. So I have two minutes to wrap up the rest. Okay, great. I'll, okay. So I think I'll leave it then. Let me a few things. So I think underreporting and the client and the constant call for better figures matters. But I think it's just not, we can't continue to capture figures just without dividing and reporting men and women and LGBT populations or we're not really understanding the dynamics. Also, if violence manifests itself very different at the subnational level. But even at what we call in Bogotá localidades or districts. And if we don't capture data at that level in all cities, then we'll be taking erroneous decisions at the policy level because sexual violence varies very differently. And I'll be wrapping up with that. And so to respect time, I'll finish and I'll go into the rest afterwards. Thank you.