 Mr. President, I know you're going to be happy to be here. Well, I'm pleased to see you. Well, come in here. You have so many stuff to do. Yes, I would tell you quickly. Reflecting reports in the region, do you have hard evidence that the Sandinistas have invaded Honduras? And if so, how concerned are you about that? Well, obviously we're concerned. But yes, the information we have is that Nicaragua has crossed the border in Honduras. Are you considering using U.S. troops, introducing them in combat, sir? We've been in consultation with the Honduran government, but I can't comment on anything. Do you know anything about a coup in Panama, Mr. President? Some shots have been heard at the... That's all we know either. Some shots have been heard and we've heard nothing else. Mr. President? Are you giving up on the peace plan and view of Mr. Shamir's rejection of the continued killings in the occupied areas? We have not yet had our meeting. Well, you've heard of his rejection, though, haven't you? Well, we're going to, I think, have a discussion on all these things. Mr. President, given the Robert McFarland guilty play last week and the impending indictments of Oliver North and John Point Dexter, do you stand by your statement that you don't believe any laws were broken? I have no knowledge of anything that was broken, and I am the one who gave all of you the first announcement of the discovery that there was extra money and so forth, because I have learned that after the covert operation was exploded by the press. But why do you think no law was broken? Why do you think no law was broken if you found money that was improperly used, misappropriated? Because from all of the investigation and everything else that money came from, we don't know who had it and we don't know where it went. And you don't know that Oliver North can't do anything. Thank you all. Thank you. Why do you think, Mr. President, that we have to purchase price for you to ask for it? Why do you think McFarland pleaded guilty, sir? He just pleaded guilty and not telling Congress everything and wanted to know. Well, don't you think that's wrong? It doesn't have to be myself. You do that yourself? No. Now don't distort that. No. What did you mean, sir? So we understand. Well, I just think that Congress would like to be asking questions about almost everything. Don't you think they should in terms of the laws? This is even the course. Let's wait and determine whether they've said the law. Well, they've already said he pleaded guilty. Mr. President, please. Thank you. This is yours. Yes, sir. It's the President. What are you going to say to our Prime Minister? Well, I think we're going to have a fruitful discussion. We always have in. Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? Mr. President, I think we're going to have a fruitful discussion. We always have in. Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? Mr. Prime Minister, what other words? I think we will discuss all the aspects of this agreement, our area and our relations in the United States. Our Minister has remarked about the short initiative for true any agreement you could come to this meeting today. Well, I'm not going to have any guess about the latest. I've always had a congenial relationship. I'm looking forward to talking to you. Thank you. This way. This way. We're going out this way. We've been a bit delayed by the press. Through our visit comes at a pivotal time, and we believe there's a real chance to make progress toward peace. We share with you the conviction that peace cannot be made under the threat of violence or terrorism. The PLO has once again revealed its true colors and its real intent. It says no to peace and yes to terrorism. And we're not going to give in to the PLO. Or will we allow extremists in the Arab world to think that a wage can be driven between the United States and Israel? Those who think that are wrong, and those who think that violence and terror will weaken us or the Israelis, they're really resolved, I think, are wrong. So while proving them wrong, we must also search for ways to give moderate Palestinians and Arab governments a stake in becoming a surrogate. The developments in the territories may become more dangerous, not only by repressive measures, fueling even greater extremism and fundamentalism, not only in the territories but in neighboring Arab states. This could threaten the relative stability of the past few years. The new weaponry in the Arab world and the evidence of fundamentalist power, I think both want to avoid this sort of a regional threat to Israel. Political response is needed, and those in the Arab world who see the danger of continuing upheaval must see there's a basis for negotiating peace with Israel. This would serve their interests as well as managing the extremists. And that's what our initiative I know is all about. It satisfies nobody completely, but we think it meets everyone's essential needs and objectives. There is a security in the need for transitional arrangements, and the Palestinians in terms of possibly gaining meaningful responsibility for self-rule. King Hussein's in terms of guaranteeing talks on final status and holding bilateral negotiations under the international umbrella. Egypt, we know is supportive. Hussein is interested in the other Arabs are sympathetic except for Syria, and we feel that there is some hope. We've just discussed momentarily in the other room your problems with an international conference. Since you were here last February, we've said that we could accept such a conference if it makes direct bilateral negotiations impossible. We also said we would go along with a conference that obstructed such negotiations. Yous haven't changed, and we will not permit a conference that has the power to shape or to pass judgments or to dictate to the bilateral negotiations. Here I am. I know you've got an agenda for your own. I'll quit talking, and then we'll hear and turn it over to you. Well, I have now to meet you again and discuss with you the situation in our area and the excellent relations between our two countries. I'm very proud to remind you that in the same place we have decided, you have decided about establishing. This is going to be a friendship. It's a mistake. Some days it doesn't make any skills. That's a good idea. What's your understanding of all these clusters over there? Lebanon. You have any feelings on that intelligence? We have some intelligence, but it's not enough. We have also our own intelligence. I know. Until now, nothing could go better. Retire, hold the promise. There's always a form of warfare in the world. It's just barbaric. We have a level of fanaticism and brutality in that part of the world that is not current anywhere else. Look at the way the Iraqis and Iranians are blasting each other's cities. It's a senseless brutality. In our speech last night, which I said that, these PLO's, they're just terrorists. I'm dealing with that. If we've got the Muslim community in Lebanon, I'm sure that they'll thank you for telling me that. They have a religion. We're the Christian Lebanese. I'm not endorsing it, but I'm just telling you where you're going. Your relationship with that region is valid. It's the northern part of the southern part of the region. The Muslim jihad and the Muslim holy warriors, which is what we have in the West Bank and Gaza, I think they get a lot of their inspiration from so many. But there are more and more signs for a tradition between the Khizrullahs.