 I'll try to be very short in my presentation, although I would have a huge interest and really to have exchange with you in terms of answering the questions which you might raise. Kosovo and Ireland are located on two different sides of Europe, very far from each other. But in my view, we shared some common experiences. Our peoples have faced a long suffering, like the people of Ireland, also Kosovoers, where having a very long struggle for independence and for political and social freedom. I'm here today also to thank citizens of Ireland for the support which you give to us in a very, very crucial times. There were different parts of Irish society who were engaged since June 1999 in building a modern Kosovo. I'm very grateful to, I mean, first to members of the Defence Forces, to journalists, to human rights activists, to many diplomats which have been engaged in Kosovo for years and who supported us in our path to freedom and independence. I had today a great meeting with the Minister for Affairs. I was very much impressed with his vision for Europe, with his vision for the Balkans. And in his vision, the Europe is not completed without integration of the Balkans. And I had also a very good meeting with your Minister for Europe and I briefed them on the current developments in Kosovo. It is for me a great pleasure also to greet Ambassador Dolling which is covering Kosovo. Ambassador Dolling is based in Budapest, but from time to time he's coming to Pristina and with us it is our Ambassador Grajewski who is technically located in London but is also the channel of communication with you here in Dublin. We're very grateful to your government for supporting us for many years. But we are very, very grateful for the support which your government was giving to us last year during the Irish presidency of the Council of the European Union where two very important decisions have been taken. I mean, the first was we reached our agreement with Serbia April last year and I think the role which Ireland played in that was very important. And secondly, the European Council also recommended to the Commission opening of negotiation for a stabilization association agreement with Kosovo which was actually very, very important development. I'm going to discuss with you tonight for the first time some of my thoughts on smart power of the small states. And I'm aware that it's pretty late but it is raining, it's pretty cold outside and I think I can have your attention a little bit for some minutes on that. Smart power is a concept coined by Joseph Nye. And it includes a kind of mixture of soft and hard power. And I'll try just to provide you with some definitions as a former professor of what soft power and smart power means. Soft power is the ability to influence the preferences of others in order to achieve some intended goals. While smart power is a more pragmatic idea, it's a more pragmatic concept. It is about making choices based on resources, capacities, and the likelihood for success. Of course, Nye in his books has reflected what great powers, regional powers, super powers, could do with a notion of smart power. While I'm going to be focused tonight, most mostly in the case of Kosovo and what Kosovo practice of the small power means. Let me start by setting the context of my speech. And I'm going to share just some, I'm going to say just a few words about that. In my view, there are three reasons why we should talk about power in small states. First, Kosovo is the youngest state in Europe. And usually, the birth of a state is followed by the birth of a concept. What I'm trying to say is that the job of the foreign minister and somebody who was teaching at Pristina University is to think long term how to conduct foreign policy, which kind of the parameters should have our foreign policy, to have a thinking on foreign policy, to have a strategic vision on foreign policy. Secondly, Kosovo is located in Europe and all European states are somehow small states. That means that all European states are having the same framework how to conduct foreign policy. Third, small states are aware that they have small territory, small population, limited military and economic resources. And for them, it is very crucial how to find very alternative way to project power. I'm not the first who is pretending in front of you and here in Dublin that Europe is composed by small states. A former prime minister of Belgium and a former secretary general of NATO, Paul Henry Spock, said once, in Europe, there are only small states. But some of them don't know this. But Belgium is not a small state in compared to other small states in the Balkans. Let me give you an example. The total GDP of Belgium is bigger than the total GDP of all states in the Balkans. If we are using economy just as a parameter to measure the power of different states. In my view, small states are using smart power because this is the best way, this is the only alternative, how to preserve the political existence and how to play a role in international politics. And in my view, different small states, even many of them who are part of Europe, are today playing a very crucial role in international politics. Some of them promote peaceful resolution of conflicts. And I have been amazed as a foreign minister on daily basis to get information what kind of the role some of the European small states are playing today in different conflicts in the world. I mean, based on my daily communication with many foreign ministers, some of them are actually very much engaged in different global initiatives. For example, to reduce poverty and violence in different continents. And some others are promoting values related to liberty and democracy. I'm aware that I'm in Ireland today and I spend a lot of time living in Austria. And in Austria, I was promoting for a pretty long time a kind of, I mean, Austria was promoting itself as a neutral states in the world politics. But in my view, in the today world, small states do not have a much of choice remaining neutral states in the classical sense. In my view, they are applying and they should apply a mixed foreign policy, which means establishing a strategic partnership with a superpower and with a regional or some regional powers while preserving very good relations with neighbors and other states in distance. This is the best way for them how to benefit from the existing international system. Kosovo and its foreign policy today is the foreign policy for Kosovo today is actually a very important instrument to support and promote the national interest, but at the same time to support and to promote the interest of our citizens. The consolidation of our statehood and the conduct of foreign policy were done under very difficult circumstances. As a small state, we arose from a violent dissolution of former Yugoslavia. And in the last 20 years, we experienced it. All the changes in the international system after the Cold War. Let me give here some example. We faced apartheid in 1990s, human rights violation, ethnic lynzings, genocide. And after June 1999, we were put under the administration of the United Nations. And after the declaration of independence in 2008, we were also put under the supervision by the international community. Tonight, I'm going to present some key elements, actually four elements of Kosovo's smart power in foreign affairs. And what we did in the last six years and what I did in the last three years as a foreign minister in order to promote our agenda in foreign policy. And the first element which we use was our ability to attract international recognition and to get international support for membership in international and regional organization. The second was the ability to normalize the relation with Serbia to resolve peacefully outstanding interstate issues and to serve as a model for resolving other historic challenges in the region. I'm thinking here on Bosnia and on Macedonia. I mean, in Bosnia, the current relation between different entities. Within the Bosnia and on Macedonia, the name issue between Skopje and Athens. A third is the ability to overcome obstacles and to advance our Euro-Atlantic agenda through proactive diplomacy and domestic reforms. And fourth, the fourth element was the ability to change the image of Kosovo from a post-conflict place to an attractive place for international investments and tourism. In that matter, we did pretty a good job in terms of promoting Kosovo as a regional model of secularism and interfaith tolerance through a very active public and digital diplomacy. The first example of smart power, in our case, was the power how to attract international recognition for independent Kosovo. State recognition is today one of the most unregulated, but at the same time, one of the most conservative aspects of the international politics and international law. Kosovo is actually very proud that we were able in the last six years after the declaration of independence to achieve many individual recognitions, which we cannot be compared with many other states in the world. For the time being, we have been recognized by 104 member states of the United Nations and from three out of 28 member states of the European Union from all neighbors in the region except Serbia. As a minister for affairs, I was focusing my activities in seeking recognition at three levels. I was visiting main multilateral capitals, such New York, Brussels, Geneva, Cairo, Jeddah, Gaborone, and others. Secondly, I was working with most influential states in the world, like United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, and others. And third, I was traveling to individual countries that have not recognized Kosovo so far and was trying to convince there in different capitals prime ministers, presidents, and foreign ministers and others to take a positive decision and to recognize Kosovo. In the last three years, I was able to visit 65 states who have not yet recognized Kosovo, and I had more than 500 bilateral meetings in different parts of the world. But in each visit, in each continent, in each part of the world, and this is very much related to the smart power, we were developing a very specific strategy how to present Kosovo, why a country should recognize Kosovo as an independent state. What I'm trying to say in order to use a more simple term, we were using different narratives. We use another narrative in Africa. We use another narrative in Western Hemisphere. And if I was in Middle America in Caribbean, I was using the narrative of the small states. Or if I met the members of OIC, of Organization for Islamic Corporation, or Asia, Southeast Asia, we were using very different narratives at different parts of the world. That means we were using different strategies already to convince somebody to get a positive decision for independent Kosovo. The second aspect of the smart power has been the ability to get membership in different international organizations. When we declare independence in 2008, we were not part of any organization in the region and in the world. And membership in different international organizations, it's very important to us in terms of strengthening our international position, in terms of advancing our state interest and playing our role at multilateral level. At the same time, membership in different international organizations is very important in terms of getting political and financial support from different, different organization. We had many challenges, but beside many challenges, we were able in 2009 to get membership in World Bank and IMF. And we are very grateful to Ireland for supporting us in that matter. In 2005, we got the membership at ABRD, at European Bank for Development and Reconstruction. And last year, we got the membership at the Council of Europe Development Bank in Paris. At the same time, we were able to get membership in other 20 regional and European organizations, but I'm not going to bother you with many other names of different organizations who exist in Europe and beyond Europe. Very often, we were able to get the support in order to vote for Kosovo from countries who have not yet recognized Kosovo. And again, here we develop a narrative. We were pretending that membership, our membership in these organizations is not about exercise and sovereignty. It's not about status. It's not about independence. I told them it's primarily for economic and social reason, but I think you are aware that for a minister doesn't care at the end of the day about these technical things, what matters to me is sovereignty. But it worked. I told them, I need your support to get the membership at ABRD, not because of strengthening our international position. I need your support to get the membership at ABRD because it's about growth in Kosovo. It's about development in Kosovo, although he was aware that for a minister was talking to him. In the last six years, we had a lot of achievement in terms of international consolidation of our statehood. And this year, we are planning to apply for membership of the Council of Europe. And of course, our goal is also to be a full member of United Nations, where we have to think and rethink what we should put in our frame of a narrative, how to explain to somebody why we need to get the membership there. I mean, how to reach first consensus among countries who recognize Kosovo and then how to convince other countries who did not recognize Kosovo to vote in favor of Kosovo. A third aspect of Kosovo's smart power is the advancement of our Euro-Atlantic agenda. Kosovo in terms of history, in terms of geography, in terms of culture and identity, it is a European country. Our integration into European Union is, our membership into European Union is actually our return back to Europe. And without our integration into European Union and NATO as a small state, we will remain forever a very vulnerable state. In that sense, I mean, to us, it is among the most important strategic priorities. But the integration map in the Balkans, it is very complex landscape. What I'm trying to say is that there are different countries who are having different dynamics in terms of integration agenda. Some of them who started earlier thought pretty in good shape in terms of getting the membership creations. Membership last year has created actually a very good momentum in the region for modernization and for reforms among different countries. But when it comes to our integration agenda, we are pretty late on that because we are the, we were the lost country who declared independence from former Yugoslavia. I mean, in terms of the Yugoslav Brecca. At the same time, the process is pretty complex because there are five member states who did not recognize Kosovo like Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Greece and Cyprus. And they're shaping very much the European agenda to Kosovo. However, we are very proud that last year we were able to start negotiation for signing a stabilization association agreement with the European Union last October. And we are hoping by the middle of this year to be able to sign that agreement. Stabilization association agreement for Kosovo, it is very important in terms of first modernizing our political system. I mean, this is our modernization project. And to be very frank, very often in the Balkans elites failed when it comes to the modernization. In my view, modernization is nothing else, just frame how much you are able to compete with other nations in the world. And to win competition or to be part of that competition. And signing a stabilization association agreement, it is for us also the first possibility to start to modernize our country, to modernize our economy. And at the same time to transform our society. Beyond the European context of this agreement, the agreement, it is very important to Kosovo because this is the first legal bilateral agreement between European Union and independent Kosovo. More than that, what I learned in the last three years is that in the way how the European Union sees the Balkans, this is the way how the rest of the world sees the Balkans. That's been in the way how somebody is reading the developments in Kosovo from Singapore or Australia or from Guyana is actually what he's reading and getting as a frame of understanding the events, what has been published and written in Brussels about Kosovo and about the Balkans. In that sense, I mean signing a stabilization association agreement between Kosovo and the European Union, it's a new reference to Kosovo, a new reference how the world is going to understand Kosovo. In the last two years, we also have started a dialogue and visa liberalization with the European Union. We are very proud that we were able to reach the, to make a lot of reforms and to reach many benchmarks. But at the same time, we are trying to achieve this goal in a time when there is a lot of skepticism in Europe towards migration. But we are trying to convince the institutions in Brussels that we need to get a date in 2014 in order to make possible for the Kosovo citizens to travel visa free. Frankly speaking, the fact that Kosovo is today the most isolated country in the region in terms of visa free travel, it makes in our case the visa liberalization a matter of human rights and a matter of human dignity. I'll come to my last aspect of Kosovo's smart power which is very much, which is related to our ability to ensure Kosovo's territorial integrity and international sovereignty. We are very proud that last year we were able to reach agreement with Serbia in April 2013 and with that agreement, Serbia has accepted the existence of Kosovo as a state and also accepted our territorial integrity and that agreement which we reached last year has closed a chapter of 100 years of old conflict between Kosovo and Serbia and has also opened in our view a new chapter of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia as two independent independent country. We are very much interested not only to normalize with Serbia the relations at political level but we are very much also to start a bilateral process of reconciliation between the two society. When we reached that agreement with Serbia in April 2013, we did this of course because of our citizens in terms of providing them with predictability and regulating the relations with our neighbor in the north but we did this because of the region also. In the region there are three historic challenges. The first historic challenge has been the relation between Kosovo and Serbia. Second, the situation in Bosnia and third, the name issue between Skopje and Athens. And we are very proud that in the last months we were able to organize the local elections in the north of Kosovo and to extend the public institutions of Kosovo and to integrate the Kosovo Serb community also in the north of Kosovo. If I sum up our approach in foreign affairs in the last three years and the way how we were trying to use some of the instruments of the smart power in this lecture I would mention shortly three, four elements how we did that. First, we were able to attract international attention and to be also very much engaged in a cooperation with international democratic community. Secondly, we were able to generate support. Third, we were able to put ourselves in the map of states to be part of their agenda. And fourth, we were also able to play our role as a young state whenever it was necessary from Kosovo to take our role over. I will stop here. I'm aware that talking about smart power in a pretty late hour like today it's a very complex topic. But I'm very grateful to you for inviting me tonight to share some of my thoughts on Kosovo's foreign policy. And of course I'm more than interested to answer questions if you might have questions on different issues related to Kosovo but also to the region. Again, we are very grateful to Irish people for supporting us massively. And in the Balkans you have a young independent country on which you can count forever as a European partner of Ireland.