 I would like to thank Wyder for having me back. This is like homecoming for me after seven years that I left Helsinki. And also it's a great honor to be in this session, particularly because I'm not an expert. Second, because the people that have done the ground breaking work on these are in this room. And also because when I went to school, I read Alain and Elizabeth papers, especially the contribution on the sustainable development plans on my own country, the Dominican Republic. So it's a great honor to be here. So I took the word of Alain and also the work of Augustine Foso who invited me very seriously to focus on policy issues. I mean, I don't want to reformulate the papers. They were very well presented. They are very well laid out at the presentation. So what I'm going to do is to give some background, especially related to policy. And this is data that comes from the UN, from the World Bank and the work that some of the authors here have done. So basically, I mean, if you look around what is the status about the formality or informality or registration or not of land, we see that around 70% of land in developing countries is unregistered, leaving people and citizens more vulnerable to displacement. Also, the issue of inequality was raised by some of the presentations, especially gender disparities, that globally, around over 30% of farms are held by women compared with over 60% for men. And also the issue about development, peace, prosperity and security, like if we look at the experience of African countries, land issues have played a major role in conflicts in Africa, particularly since 1990. So the issue of land security and regulation touches upon different aspects of development economics. Then what about poverty? I mean, using my UN hat and also, I mean, some of the work that Alan has done for FAO and also Elizabeth, I mean, if we look at the, what is the composition of poverty from the MDGs war and now that we are in the post-2015 development agenda, the situation is that the poor remain largely rural and dependent on agriculture. So the issue of land security is very important, particularly for sub-Saharan Africa. Then also some of the work that we have done in the UN commission for the status of women, we see that in about over 160 countries that were studied, only 37 had a specific laws granting equal rights for women and men to own, use and control land. So the issue of gender inequality still manifests itself importantly. And another issue is the issue of migration that has implications not only for employment and labor relocation, but also the issue of high population growth and population dividends, especially in the African continent. So there are different areas of development that are related to the topics discussed here today. I mean, I don't want here to preach to the converted especially because the specialists are here in the room, but when I was giving the task, I just went back to read some of the work that has been done by Wyver and some of the surveys. And I mean, if we think about the future, development and research agenda, there are some issues that still we have to go back to. And first of all, I mean, we know that property rights are not the sojourners given, they evolve over time, and they are driven by economic and political forces. And we saw it today in the case of Africa, Vietnam and Mexico. So the papers discussed here today are of great importance. I mean, the work of Rodrik and also the work cited by Martin Ravallon and co-authors, the issues of the egalitarian access and the egalitarian consequences are also very important. But there are some questions related to the development process that also I think going forward, we have to revisit and some of the papers here have done a good work on that. And it's, I mean, what are the different ramifications and implications of organizing rural economic activities? The first one is the risk that land will be expropriated has implications for investment and then other implications for productivity and so on. The second issue is about the impact, I mean, how that it reduces the ability of borrowers to pledge land as collateral and then also restrict credit, affect credit constraints. The issue of how this can affect or inhibit land transactions, especially that the potential gains from trade are lost. And I think this is an area where more work will be done about the relationship between land and property rights and the trade aspects. And Klaus mentioned that today on his presentation. And finally, the issue of how scarce resources like labor may be devoted to protecting insecure rights over plots. So these are issues like all they've been hanging around for some time in the literature, but I think are important in the context of what was discussed today. So I just have general remarks. As I said, I mean, I received the presentations. I enjoy very much reading them. As we saw, they look at different aspects of land security and the findings have important implications for development and policy. Later, I'm going to put forward some areas that I think is not a Christmas shopping list, but some areas that I think thinking about a development agenda can be important. As we saw, the three papers use the best available data. They have very well-defined identification and empirical strategies. They account for household and other timing barrier and fixed effects to control for unobserved characteristics and so on. So there is, I mean, a good foundation there. And also, I mean, what is important is also what other countries and regions can learn from these experiences. Like for example, the Latin America. We have many countries that have the same colonial origins and the same type of land reforms that Mexico has. So it's like, what can we learn from Mexico and also the case of what other countries can learn from Rwanda, Ethiopia, Sambia, and so on. And Vietnam is the poster child of reform in the region. So what other least developed countries in the region can learn from Vietnam. That could be a very well articulated, very nice work. What I found also very important is that the three presentations highlighted the political implications, particularly the influence of local power or elites and also the issue of corruption and how that can relate to enhance property rights. Then, I mean, what are the questions like reading the papers and just, I don't want to sound repetitive, but what questions came to my mind and thinking on future development based on this work that has been presented. I mean, again, the issue of the role of the government as a source of learning security in Vietnam was very, I think it's a very powerful message coming from the work of Thomas and Fintar and also the issue of the political consequences in Mexico. But then like going forward and also from the African experience, what are the persistent challenges for property and land rights and what type of innovations can be put forward? Not only formal, but also informal. Also the issue, what is the optimal type of ownership structure, like individual, vis-a-vis a societal property rights? Then what about the impacts and spillovers on non-rural, non-farmid activities? And I think this is also an area where the Mexico war can guide us a little bit. I mean, what are the impact for non-farm and rural development or ex-colleague from Antaluk, Christensen has done also some important work on this area and can be also very useful for least developed countries. And also, what are the interactions with other policy areas? And I think one of the, I think was Elizabeth at the end that mentioned and also close the issue of the interaction between political reform and economic reform and how this can affect development prospects in the presence of insecure land and property rights. Then here comes my Christmas list and I will try to be brief, but as I said, it comes from my reading of the presentations and I think issues that were touched by the presentation but also that could be taken forward. And the first is the impact on structural transformation. As I said, we're looking not only at the development of agricultural land, but also non-farm and non-agrarian sector. The second issue and as is the looking at the work of Alain Elizabeth, not only previous work but also the wider special issue in the Journal of Development Economics, the issue of food prices and the issue of food security is also very important. The impact of efficiency in terms of production and as I said, food security. And then I want to go back to the issue of gender implications and again, why there has done some important work at Fintar with Carol Newman and others and also as I cited my ex-colleague Christian Christensen now back at the World Bank and also Klaus has done some work for Africa on that. So it's like, what are the different gender dimensions not only related to tenure or non-tenure but the issues like in the case of Rwanda what they show that, yes, there were improved access for women in terms of rights, but only for legally married women. So some of these laws, these regulations have been modified or they are trying to modify but in some countries still there is this difference. And also, well, the issue of bargaining power or empowering women, whether it has impact on efficiency or not and TARP and others show that in the case of, I mean, using household data that there were no efficiency losses because women had improved bargaining power. So it was a positive outcome. But then there is the, as I mentioned before the non-farming economy and here that's where you see also more inequality. And for example, in the case of non-farm enterprises they according to some work they seem to be less productive when they are operated by women and they are located in rural areas. So there are many issues related to that that I don't have time to unfold now but I think it will be important to look at that as well. Then the issue of human capital accumulation and employment and then as I mentioned before institutional innovations beyond titling and this brings me to the issue of, I mean, what can be done? And I came across by the work of Ernest and Christopher Rudri and where they propose that they centralize private creation of property rights. For example, by other creation of a land bank using the case of Ghana. So here this will be like formal institutions will take deposits from land owners and then lands will lease out land to commercial farmers and developers. So this will be like a sort of mixed approach to credit granting and managing. I mean, this is only one of many permutations that can be out there and again the work of Klaus and others here have some also interesting things to say about that. I will stop here and well, there are other issues there that I also thought would be important especially looking more at the trade dimensions in the tradable and non-tradable sectors and different types of crops and the issue of foreign direct investment. I don't know how much work is out there about this but I think will be interesting to also to consider. And finally just I joined the crowd crying for more data and better data and I don't know why there can helps with this and with this I'll stop and thank you very much.