 Thanks to the Center for Policy Analysis and for Seema Mustafa for being the moving spirit behind it. Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, very briefly, first of all, where do we stand today? Let's be very clinical about it and surgically recognize the fact that we are two neighbors who can't actually separate from each other, can't distance ourselves from each other and yet we have missiles with religious symbolisms pointing at each other. Prithvi, Agni, Trishol, Gauri, Hataf, Shaheen, they're all emblazoned with religious sentiment and symbolism. Each citizen of the other country is a suspect. We do not allow visas and now the visa form that I had to fill in was so impossible that I had really to seek the support of somebody, an IT expert, very kindly, the High Commissioner of India enabled me to have his services and his oversight of an IT expert in the High Commission of India. Even my associates who are totally computer savvy, IT savvy, had a problem for four days doing the online filling and the online application. And then it's not just that we are not allowed visas but by and large, except for us in this room, people are required to report to police stations and humiliate themselves on both sides of the border. It's not as if it's on the one side. So we lose no opportunity to demean bureaucratically and administratively the citizen of the other side. We have nukes which would wipe out populations, cause immense and enormous damage. These are all eminently discardable in my estimation. As I said earlier, it's a little repetitive but since 1945 when they were first used, nobody has ever used a nuclear bomb, never thrown a nuclear bomb. The Americans were destroyed, humiliated. They had to run out of Vietnam. They had 30,000 nuclear warheads and an equal number of matching missiles and vehicles for the nuclear warheads. They couldn't use it. The Soviet Union was wiped out of the map of the earth, was obliterated. And not necessarily Marxism but the Soviet Union has been obliterated from the earth and the map of the earth. And it was stuck in Afghanistan for a good 10 years, 1979 to 1989. And it had 40,000 nuclear warheads with an equal number of matching vehicles, delivery systems, but it could not use a single, the smallest warhead, nuclear warhead in its defense. So these are really only meant for display. And like I said the other day, they are like the Gardner set that people have in their dining rooms just to show people and show off to people that we have that. We are just showing off to the world. India is the largest democracy, which is the largest nuclear capable democracy in the world. And we are the only Islamic country in the world with a nuclear bomb. We take just false pride in such matters and the nuclear south Asia is really a threat to us all as well as to the world. Now what needs to be done? There are so many things that were discussed here. I think initially, very briefly initially visas and we must have a sense of positive reciprocity rather than a negative reciprocity. We reciprocate equally to everything negative that the other side has done. Let us try to reciprocate equally to the positive thing that one side has done and Pakistan still awaits and India awaits. I am sure many gestures it has made and Pakistan has made, but they must be reciprocated. Imagine I can go to all over the world with my cell phone working, but the moment I cross from Waga into Atari my cell phone is as dead as a door mouse and it is useless. I have to buy another chip. I am cut off from the world that I live in that I know of that I am comfortable with and suddenly I feel I am in an alien land which I should not be feeling because I am not in an alien land. I am among my own people, the South Asians, but the same happens to Indians carrying cell phones to Pakistan. TV channels, we are beaming your TV channels but very few Indians get to see Pakistani TV channels and Pakistani plays and drama serials are still wonderful. They are still very powerful, very emotive. They are based on social issues and values which are common to us. It is not just the flippant sass we kabhi bahuti but a lot more meaningful and powerful drama and theater has been created in Pakistan perhaps because of the reason that there has been greater state and military intervention there and therefore greater state brutality and arbitrariness. I was very happily surprised to meet two young students yesterday who both were at the Sark University from Pakistan and both had apparently they had, I hope I don't get their visas restricted but they had been granted all India visas with multiple entry and they were so happy to be in India. We have to increase this interaction of students and exchange of students. Siachen must be declared a peace park. Siachen is bleeding both India and Pakistan. It is most unnecessary and we are losing the glacier. It is not only bleeding Pakistan and India, a million dollars to Pakistan per day, two million dollars to India per day but at the same time it is also depleting and that's a great resource for Central Asia and for South Asia and for its ecosystem. Disaster management, we found that when there was an earthquake in Kashmir, the line of control became a great impediment to relief measures into Indian Kashmir, Indian side of the Kashmir because of the fact that our relief efforts could not be extended into India whereas Pakistan with a larger affected area had more effective and a great amount of relief efforts going on. One thing that has not been mentioned for three days in this conference and I have been a little surprised by that is something that is a passion with both of us. It is said that had Germany, had the Axis powers been playing cricket, all their warring sentiment and all their frustrations would have come out on cricket fields rather than on the battlefields in the world war first and the second world war. Cricket. India has got to be generous about cricket, Pakistani cricket. You deny our players even the IPL. I don't know where it gets from but it's the mindset. It's a mindset that we have and it's a mindset that you have and it's really how deep under the skin it has gone is to be seen from the board, cricket board's decisions not to allow Pakistani players, they'll get Australian players, they'll get South African players, English players, New Zealanders, they'll get them, they'll get Sri Lanka's but they won't get the best one day and T20 player Shahid Afridi because he is a Pakistani. That is said, I think these things can be done. PM's visit, somebody asked me on the television, one channel asked me yesterday, do you think Mr Manmohan Singh should schedule a visit to Pakistan and how soon should he do it? I said my reply was these visits should be normal. These visits should be like I'd like give him a call and say like I'd say to my friend Gautam Soni sitting here, I'm coming for dinner to your house, ask Usha to cook a saag gosht for me. It should be like this is the way it should be between Prime Minister's Manmohan Singh and Gilani and as far as I'm concerned, Mr Manmohan Singh should have been in Pakistan day before yesterday rather than day after tomorrow. These interactions, even if they have nothing to discuss, Alsace-Lorraine was solved between France and Germany after 100 years of warring and 100 years of disputes by just interaction. Every month the Prime Ministers, the heads of government would meet, every fortnight the foreign ministers would meet, every week some level of interaction at the foreign office would take place and even if they did not discuss Alsace-Lorraine, even if they did not discuss the dispute at all, they met, they sat, they ate, they broke bread and that's the kind of atmosphere and relationship I think we must have and that is one of the CBMs and we must not be hostage to rogue elements. There's always this apprehension that if something else happens, I promise you, I promise you from the core of my heart and as we used to say promise and I tell the truth and promise to die kind of thing that Pakistan and the Pakistanis grieved. There were people who wept to see the images of Bombay, they wept and there was grief all over South Asia. It wasn't a grief that was unique and exclusive to the Indians so we must get into the mode where there is uninterrupted and uninterruptible dialogue. There is, it must remain constant uninterrupted and uninterruptible. Now these CBMs like cell phones, TV channels, visas, cricket interactions, they must lead to something and what they must lead to are more substantive issues like trade and economic integration. We are a market, the South Asian market and we are manufacturers and consumers. We have between us more than 1.5 billion people and these are people thirsty for goods. These are people who need cheaper goods and if there is competition you get cheaper goods. We need secondly to lead up to nuclear free South Asia. Forget nuclear free world. Let the world remain nuclear and let there be other nuclear powers, let there be whatever, whoever gets nuclear power and nuclear weapons. South Asia must be made a nuclear free zone. That would lead to also a gradual calibrated but real disarmament and reduction of arms between the two countries. These are two major players of arms in India and Pakistan and they must. And we must of course giving the benefit of to each other fight together religious extremism and terrorism. And I greatly appreciate what Masooda Jalal had to say about the Taliban and about how they enslave women and how they blow up schools. They are the enemies of civil society in Pakistan as much as in Afghanistan and you would be sorry to have them reach up to your borders. To the Indians I would say support us in our fight against terrorism and we are fighting. Our soldiers are losing lives and there is a great hemorrhage in the Pakistan army fighting a war on its eastern border. So let us be relaxed on the western border the Pakistan army is engaged. Let us let it feel reassured on the eastern border. Let there be no tension whatsoever for whatever reason on the eastern border and you will support and you will help South Asia become a better place. Water security is another issue that is important and is going to become more and more important and aggravating in the next few years. And environment, glaciers, rivers all these are integrated issues and they are common problems and common problems of the future. We have to have policies together to face them but above all I think it is the mind sets that we have to change. And the mind sets change only if we realize that there is an economic interest in a particular shift in policy. Without the demonstrable manifest economic interest it is difficult to change policies. We have to inform the Indians I would like to inform the Indians I would like to make advice the Pakistanis. But we have to inform the Indians that if you have give space in Kashmir, if you give space to Pakistan and other issues, if you give space to a peaceful South Asia with the reduction of arms, taking the initiative perhaps yourselves, you have the greatest opportunity that 21st century will offer to any nation. And this is a window for the next 10 years only. In the next 10 years Central Asia will have its own industry, will have its own markets, internal markets, external markets, it will have its own import pipelines and systems, resources. In the next 10 years Central Asia is a thirsty market and the ferry to Central Asia, the road to Central Asia for India is through Pakistan. Your industry, your industrialist will continue to compete in world markets in tough conditions with China and with Europe and with the other industrialized nations, with Japan also, with Korea, they are great industrial giants. But Pakistan and India together can exploit the Central Asian market because of the land route which is the easiest, surest, cheapest route for trade. And there is historically been a trade with Central Asia. And if you go to Baku, there is a Multani Saray there where the Multani Hondi way back 500 years ago used to run and was honored. Now you have this great opening. You want to take a flight out into the atmosphere, India growing, India growing by leaps and bounds and India taking off. You will make the cover of the economists like the current cover of economists which shows that India seems to be losing out its pace of development. But if you get Central Asia, an opening to Central Asia, you will have an enormous economic fillip. And to the advantage of Pakistan, of course, as I said earlier on the first day, the advantage to Pakistan will be that Pakistan will be the guy at the Tall Bridge. And any goods passing through Pakistan, we will benefit, of course, for several reasons, not just as a tall keeper, but also for the several industries downstream and upstream and transport facilities and services that we can provide on the way. To the Pakistani, I would say, and I again said this earlier but in conclusion, give up on the Middle East and embrace South Asia. Unfortunately, we had a period of obscurantism, state-sponsored obscurantism, a long period under General Ziaul Haq. Our history books were changed. Our history books were revised. In the curriculum textbook histories of Pakistan for the eighth class, for instance, and I think Dr. Nair has done a lot of work on that. The first chapter of the history of Pakistan was Moinja Daro and Harappa. Of course, it's great tourist attraction. It's important. The second chapter was the pre-Islamic Saudi Arabia. This is the history of Pakistan. The third chapter was the advent of Islam in Saudi Arabia. The fourth chapter was the migration of the Holy Prophet, peace be upon him, to Medina. The fifth chapter was the conquest of Makkah. This is the history of Pakistan, mind you. The sixth chapter was the move of the capital of the Islamic world and caliphate to Damascus. The seventh chapter, Pakistan history came back with Mohammed bin Qasim coming from Damascus to conquer a part of Sindh province in southern Pakistan. And we just cut out 2,000 years completely. All the Chaldergupt, Mauryas, the Kushans, the Guptas, the Sistanis, the Shakkas, the Huns, the Kaneshks. We all cut them out as not our history. Now that took our children and our people into the embrace of the Middle East. We have to revert and come back and embrace and recognize and be proud of and take pride in our South Asian identity and South Asian history and South Asian background and South Asian lineage. Then, of course, finally, as somebody said, Professor Anish Waneik said wonderfully last yesterday, we must recognize the elephant in the room. We've been talking about everything except the elephant in the room. And the elephant in the room is the United States of America. We must recognize that the elephant in the room may, like the British at one time in their divide and rule policy, may have an interest in keeping us apart and keeping us somewhat inimical, at least not friendly for a larger purpose that the elephant alone has. But how can we do it as a civil society? I will give you two examples. How the bureaucracy resists. How civil society can sometimes actually make a difference. And how these conferences like this help equip people in civil society if and if ever they come into some position of authority to make the difference. I had spent long years under Ziaulak's military regime in prison and in jail. During those jail terms, I encountered several hundred Indian prisoners who were languishing there for seven years, ten years, twelve years. Each one had been caught on the wrong side of the border without a passport, without valid documents. That is an offense which can get you a maximum of one year's sentence. Each one had been sentenced to one year's imprisonment after first having been grilled by the security apparatus to ensure that he was not an Indian spy. And each one had over-lived his tenure of sentence by several years. The first time I met one, and he was a man called Ram Das and I wrote about Ram Das also, he was from Ajmer. And I asked Ram Das how long he had been in jail. He said twelve years. I said twelve years, what did you do? He said I crossed the border and I was sentenced to one year. And I said you've been here twelve years. He said yes. I sent a cheat from myself to the superintendent in jail and I invited, asked the superintendent in jail to come over and see me. When he came in a couple of hours, I asked him, I said I just met a prisoner in jail. He came to give me water and he has been here for twelve years and he was sentenced to one year. He should have been free after one year. And the superintendent had a very simple answer, a response. He said sir, quite frankly, I am prepared to open the door and let him go. But the moment he steps out, he steps out into Pakistan. As far as I am concerned, let him fly out of this jail, fly out away to the east and drop down in land in India and I have no problem. I will cut his name out of the register of prisoners. Now Ramdas was one, there were several others. Ramdas had an appointment story to tell about how his mother used to go to Ajmer to the Khazaz shrine every Thursday. And one Thursday she fell ill and he did not go to the shrine. She used to take him with him and how he got pushed out, came, went out playing with friends. And he thought that it was all because he had not gone to Khazaz shrine for one, in one, one Thursday. And he would say to me that when he got back to India, to Ajmer, he would spend forty days at the shrine before seeking out his mother. Now it just so happened that in about, this was 1981, in 1988 I became the Home Minister of Pakistan. By now Ramdas had been there for a good eighteen years. My first action was of course to release Pakistani military court prisoners and I released some three thousand prisoners in one statement and one notification. My second action was to ask the Interior Ministry, the Home Ministry for names and particulars of all the Indian prisoners in Pakistani jails. And I got a list in about four or five days, they scanned the prisons, they got them from all the jails. In about four or five days I got a list about fifteen hundred and sixty one Pakistani prisoners. I also asked them how many in our estimation did the Indians hold of our prisoners who were held in similar conditions which were really bad on both sides. Because there was no relative to chase up and to, they did not even get letters through post. Because there were banned letters on this side by the intelligence agencies, on that side by the intelligence agencies. Because they thought that if the mother writes something she may have cryptic sort of a message which may be a spy to a spy. So they got no letters. They had no communication with their families. And I now started negotiating with Sardar Bhuta Singh for the exchange of the prisoners. And Sardar Bhuta Singh found that he had some difficulty. I had some difficulty also on my side but I pushed them hard. And ultimately I came to India also. I came to Delhi. I met with Sardar Sahib and there was intelligence agencies on both sides had reservations. Ultimately after about three months I sent a message. I said I will release your prisoners unilaterally. I cannot hold them. They are on my conscience. I cannot hold them. And I said the message I sent across was that I will take every Indian prisoner to the border. Have television cameras there. Stand there myself. Ask each one. Does he want to cross over? Tell him that if you cross over, my side will be silent. There will be no fire from the Rangers or the police. No fire from Pakistani side. But if the BSF shoots at you, that's not my responsibility. Do you want to do it or not? And anyone who volunteers to go out of 1561, I will let them go. Now this brought the Indian government to a lot of discomfort and ultimately we exchanged the prisoners in another month or two months. But that was all a passion of the civil society passion that I had imbibed. Not only in being in jail but in being in the company of people like you, informed people, concerned people, people like the engineer Rashid who spoke so passionately about Kashmir. One other, I'm sorry for just two minutes more. One other example I can give you is where I had to fight my own bureaucracy. The Citizenship Act of 1951, which is the Citizenship Act in India also of 1951 and there are similar provisions, had a quaint provision. A Pakistani man, the law said in Section 3, who can be given citizenship of Pakistan? A Pakistani marrying a foreigner can give his wife the citizenship of Pakistan. Now there were thousands of Pakistani women who had married Indians in particular and for that waited for and been applying for decades for citizenship so that there would be no visa requirement so that their husbands could come and live in Pakistan, work in Pakistan, not have to report to police and be normal husband and wife. So, but the law said the citizen, the entitled only the wife is entitled to the citizenship of her husband. Not the spouse or not the husband being entitled to the citizenship of the wife. When I saw some of these applications I thought that this was very peculiar and very unjust. So I asked for a report from the Interior Ministry and the Interior Secretary was a grand old man of the real Raj kind of mentality and vintage and he said the law says wife sir, the law says wife and only the wife. I said can you send this report to me in writing? Aziz Sahib you are wondering who it was, it was SK Mahmood. You were guessing that. So Shah Sahib sent me a whole note on why the husband cannot be given citizenship. Now I wrote my own directive on that and that was simple. As far as the wife is concerned she is entitled as of right. As far as the husband is concerned of a Pakistani woman he will get this under the discretion of the government to give citizenship to anyone but without exception so that the equality clause of the constitution is not violated by this law. Now you can ask of course why did we not change the law. Unfortunately in the first Benazir Bhutto government we had a majority in the National Assembly which is your Lok Sabha but we had only three senators out of a hundred in the Senate so we could not pass any legislation, we could not get any legislation through. Finally another thing that I have noticed somebody somehow has escaped notice of this conference. There is this gentleman and I have, I share a particular emotional relationship with him. I was pleading the case of the deposed Chief Justice of the Harb Ahmad Chaudhary in 2007 and one of the gentleman who was opposing me as a lawyer was also a gentleman who had, was the complainant in the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto murder trial and on the basis of which Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto the Prime Minister of Pakistan was sent to the gallows and executed but this gentleman is a senior advocate of the Supreme Court and was appearing on behalf of General Musharraf. One day he came to the media and he attacked me personally very violently, very vigorously, very abrasively, acerbically. He attacked me for all manner of things that I had done and I hadn't done. The next day a very unfortunate incident took place, a gentleman whom I did not know at all came with a can of black spray paint and sprayed it in the Supreme Court premises on Mr. Kasuri's face. Now that gentleman I did not know, I had to denounce him and his action, I was very upset with the action he had taken but that gentleman was on the front page of every Indian newspaper day before yesterday. He is a Deputy Attorney General of Pakistan Khursheed Khan who has done seva, polishing boots and seva he says in penance for Pakistan's treatment of its minorities. We haven't even noticed this great action that Mr. Khursheed Khan, Deputy Attorney General for Pakistan did for India and Pakistan. I think he needs an applause and let's do seva. Thank you Seema, thank you for having us here. Well, this is a poem titled yesterday, today and tomorrow. For the youth that I see, a lot of youth here, it's about the dreams we had yesterday. The what we are, the condition we are in today and the hope for tomorrow. The dreams we had were shared dreams and we have to really pursue them again. The youth that I see, the dreams we had were shared dreams and we had to really pursue them again. This I wrote in captivity under Musharraf's regime and became, parts of it became kind of the anthem of the lawyer's movement. The youth that I see, the dreams we had were shared dreams and we had to really pursue them again. The story of a new world, like a new world, a world where there is no sorrow, no sorrow, no hunger. It seemed that everyone saw the pain of this earth. Everyone thought that everyone would come out. All the sins of poverty. On the one hand there were all the people, on the one hand there were a few families, on the one hand there were the banks of hunger, on the one hand there were the treasures of the workers, on the one hand there were my brothers, on the one hand there were my brothers, on the one hand there was the wealth and fun at one side there was from Abra, on the other hand the Urals and Chuchak at one side the Amrit vivares, the whole world was asking, say, who are you with? on one side there was public, all on one side were some houses, on one side were the farmland, on one side were the treasure of the workers, on one side were the sisters and sisters, on one side were the harvest and farm, on one side was the third world, on one side were the sheep, on one side were the cattle and cows, on one side was the herd and cattle, On one side was Heer and Raja, on the other side was Qazi and Chuchak On one side was Amrat, on the other side was Bhiske The whole world was asking, Tell me, who are you with now? And we were doing this with courage We were all friends with the workers We were all friends with the criminals We were all friends with the helpless We had our own land, we loved it We were crazy about Mother Earth We were enemies by using it We were the caretakers of our country We were all friends with each other We were all brothers with each other We had the same thought We also had courage There was no separation of religion There was no separation of religion And we were all united The world was filled with all kinds of sorrows We were all united We were all united We will change the world This conflict of sorrow and pain We will unite And all brothers had their own thoughts They were standing hand in hand All brothers had their own thoughts They were standing hand in hand They were kissing each other They were standing hand in hand Everyone had dreams in their eyes Everyone had hopes in their hands Everyone had their own thoughts Everyone had their own thoughts They had to make a decision They had to make a decision I was a part of the song of Umi I was a part of the song of Umi The new morning was coming The new morning was coming The night was dark There was freedom and freedom Your presence was mine The people of the fallen walls There was no other support There was only one sign to meet Only one sign to meet But... We were fighting But we were fighting And we didn't realize Our dreams were incomplete We were not close to that Forget about the knowledge We had our own principles Color, religion, nature and religion You have given us a lot of opportunities When we lost our minds This world changed in just a minute Every enemy in a minute The rocks were filled with dirt This war of religion has destroyed us What will they give life to? They have destroyed dreams. This Jannib Kinkar and the boys, this Jannib Kinkar and the boys, that Jannib is a heavy rock, it has been created all over the world. It feels like one power is wandering on the earth, it feels like every power is being crushed by it. And its bombings, all the blood has been drained, the power has come in the religion, the battle itself has been hastened. And the Goddess of Time is lost in thought. Her hair is open in the darkness. Thousands of questions, answers, perspectives, doubts have been raised. The Goddess of Time is lost in thought. Her hair is open in the darkness. Thousands of questions, answers, perspectives, doubts have been raised. The world is a shadow of darkness. It has been shadowed on the third world. Globalization. The world is a shadow of darkness. It has been shadowed on the third world. When did the season of our freedom come? When did it come? How are the wounds? When will the blood wash out from the hands of Daishat Gardhi? From the mothers of their sons? A beautiful dream of the paradise where the hard work of Kashni was seen, will it become a dream? In the future, in this state, how long will the army of the army stay like this in their homes? How long will the army stay like this in their homes? And the dream that has been broken has become a reality. The dream that has been broken has become a reality. The power of the power of the inside has opened all the doors. Listen to the words of the Adl. The real Munsif will come again. We will bring food, clothes and our homes to the people. The flour, electricity, water, oil, everyone will get a cheap price. The unemployed will get a job every day. The state will be like a mother. The state will be like a mother. The state will be like a mother. She will love every citizen. The army will be good to everyone when she will be with Sarhad. And Muhammad Ali Jinnah saw people who dream of everyone. Muhammad Ali Jinnah saw people who dream of everyone. The whole world will have a God. The shadow of one and only God. That God is true. That God is Sanja. Every religion, every religion has a God. Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, every human being has a God of Karma. Sanja is the creator. Sanja is the master. He has achieved everything on his path. Adham Tashaddad is his path. Amen is our future. Go, go, tell everyone. Our steps cannot be stopped. Go, go, tell everyone. We cannot bow down. The enemy of the cruel and the cruel will be the end of the oppressed. The path is not the same. The path is not the same. The path is not the same. The path is not the same. The path is not the same. Look, look, that is the destination. The oppressed are running away from fear. Victory is our future.