 So, I think this is an interesting subject matter and you can see that I just adopted the main title of the book but actually the Kenyan chapter actually focused on growth, economic growth, labor market dynamics and even the prospects for a demographic transition. But the first thing you will notice is that my co-authors, we started off as three co-authors and in the process of time it has been off and I'm only all alone so it has been quite a devastating kind of thing that those of my co-authors have passed on. But the most important thing is that they had done all their work by the time this happened. So, I thought maybe instead of because this, I think we presented the chapters in various forums but the last time I looked at it was 2016 when we were launching the book at the Brookings with Borat and Fintab. And the interesting bit was every question and I'm sure Rema will come up with that question is that what are the distinguishing features of the African lions and why did we look at the African lions? And the first thing is maybe the best thing is actually to look at almost about seven characteristics of these distinguishing features of these African lions. And one of them is that we have observed and especially in the decade of from 2000 and this is the period of coverage is 2000 to 2015 but we have observed improved macroeconomic policy environment in most of these countries. And the second thing is that some of them have been driven even by high commodity prices and of course they are also resource economies that have really benefited from that. But of course improving governance and even political accountability has improved in those decades for us that's very important distinguishing features. And in some countries and especially the East African region especially Kenya the digital technology has taken over and has actually driven some of the sectors in terms of increasing productivity and even try to increase also market access in those sectors. And then the demographic transition is one big issue because population has been truly declined but in countries like Kenya for example you find that the growth in the informal sector is the one that absorbs the labor. And that labor doesn't seem to be quite productive so essentially the youth employment and then informal sector growth is also something that we looked at. And then the expanding cities is one of the areas that we can actually look at in terms of the future growth stimulus for these countries and then we have seen that in some of these countries there has been better targeted social protection. This was like the distinguishing features of these six lions but then what about the Kenyan case? I tried to bring in some of the characteristics so that it gives me a chance to spring towards the conclusions that we've made. One of them is and that's the considered position was that Kenya can use its potential or should I say use locational advantage and it has the potential to use its own locational advantage and even this policy space to spark high economic growth via trade and even trade in the regional market. And the second one is that Kenya has been a supplier of FDI for most of the countries in the region. In fact if you look at for example FDI from Kenya to Uganda Kenya is only second to the UK and those have important characteristics of the regionalism especially the East African region. And then there's the potential for natural resource discoveries. Of course this is always comes up in the media especially when you discover oil and everybody looks at it. It has been quite and especially Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, gas in Tanzania, oil in Uganda and Kenya that potential for resource discoveries is actually very critical can change even the profile of growth. But the recurring theme in this in the paper is that population structure leading to demographic transition can help countries sleep the demographic dividend. And for this we have first of all we look at the rebel market and employment growth and productivity and even earnings functions and what do they provide any drivers to economic growth. And of course what are the supporting policies in agriculture, financial sector and public investment and I think the discussion this morning and even yesterday I've heard is focusing on these areas. And in addition what are the policies that are likely to support these structures like for example social protection or even governance institutions or even institutions that protect and regulate the market. For us that is very critical and then we focus on what exactly is quite critical in the Kenyan case. And one of the features especially the sample period 2000 to 2015 has been huge investment in terms of macro stability in Kenya. But we also have seen that institutions have strengthened and even aided by a rig of frameworks new constitution. Of course the most important thing is also having a vision 2030 in Kenya for example to coordinate even what kind of investment you need to make, what kind of targets you need to monitor. That is like a good coordinating framework but more importantly there has been opportunities and charges that can be overcome but biding constraints continue to be extremely high. And biding constraints in this case look at infrastructure that imposes a heavy burden to let's say manufacturing infrastructure that imposes a heavy burden in terms of transactions cost of the private sector. So that is the layout in terms of what the paper has analyzed, the chapter has analyzed but then maybe the best thing is instead of having to show what the analysis done is the conclusions, what kind of conclusions that we do have. One of the conclusions in the whole totality of the book is that the quality of growth is weak because it is manufacturing absent and I think that is a very important aspect. But the Kenyan case is that the growth faces risk because there are so many opportunities that could be used to spark growth. But what it really has or what we have is a problem in terms of savings and investment that can sustain growth for a wrong period. So what we see is growth episodes in Kenya and then all of a sudden we have just some frightening growth and if you look at even the employment, I will talk about the employment, you find that even when you look at earnings in the informal sector or even the should I say the employment figures, they are not even correlated with economic activity but you find that employment in the formal sector and even earnings functions, they are correlated with economic activity. So you then see that the informal sector has its own characteristics that are not very, very quite confirmable with what we might think about growth. Of course I've made this point about taking advantage of, it's a point that I used to make in seminars in Kenya that actually Kenya doesn't need even to discover oil. It has the vocational advantage that it can coordinate a very efficient transit airport, efficient port facilities, railway networks and even road networks and can serve the region, the East African region. It is capable of serving five radlocked countries which are relatively resource rich including Ethiopia and South Sudan. But if you look at the costs imposed by the port facilities in Kenya, I remember in the World Bank when they looked at growth in Uganda, there was always the Mombasa Factor as a negative externality or a negative factor to growth. So it means that I used to argue that you don't even have to struggle to discover all these things. You can be a Dubai for yourself in terms of transit airport. You can provide a road network to support ladro countries like South and Sudan and Ethiopia. Youth unemployment remains very high. It's a social of political stability. But of course this is also interesting because when we looked at the data and also looked at the African Development Bank data but unfortunately I only have the 2011 data. It shows that actually Kenya has maybe the largest proportion of the middle class, the growing middle class and that is part of the Africa rising narrative. In the East African region using that data 2011 it shows that actually Kenya has about 44% of the middle class and the growing middle class, young and growing middle class. And one of the characteristics about the middle class is a class of innovators. It is a class of very strong entrepreneurs that is upcoming and that for me is very important. Thank you. And of course the relative population growth. This is always an interesting one. But the most important thing is that for Kenya to experience what we live or to live the demographic transition. There has to put so many policies on the plan. It shows that actually the analysis and the conclusion shows that Kenya may be likely to live the dividend by the target year before 2050 as the target period. And that seems quite far but it's quite consistent with the kind of data that we're seeing. I talked about the emergency of the middle class. But the most important thing I wanted also to show and I have argued about the wage functions, even the earning functions. But the most important thing is the insufficient capital accumulation. Why does the informal sector seem not even to be, the activities in the informal sector, the employment numbers does not seem to be correlated with economic activity. And that is a case where we find that it's perhaps it's a less of a race of war for unemployment or even other employment. But the most important thing is that it may require capital depending to actually try to align it within the growth of the economy and hopefully that is going to change in terms of how we see it. And the final point maybe I want to make on this one is that we have seen a success in terms of other sectors using the digital technology. And one of the successes is about the financial sector and financial access point. We have seen that it is like it can change, it can reorganize the sectors in terms of even introducing perhaps retroelectronic payments that actually help other sectors across the economy. And so we are saying other sectors of the economy can actually perhaps try to follow that kind of development. And for last it's going to be very, very important. But other markets that follow that and we have seen even studies that are coming up to show that financial inclusion itself in Kenya has lifted about 2% of the population of the households out of poverty. And those are powerful studies because 2% of the households in Kenya works very well into quite a large number of households. It's about 140,000 households. So in a sense it says that we can actually use the examples that have come up through one sector to actually try to coordinate other sectors. But at the same time look at the structure and the problem with the informal sector, I keep going to that is that the kind of data that we get is survey data. You don't seem to get like annual data that can tell you exactly what is the changing structure. One of the things about the survey data is that when you look at the informal sector establishments every year it is the units that increase, not the existing units expanding. And that is where the dynamics is lost. That's why one of the conclusions we are making is that capital deepening may change the structure of this informal sector. When you look at government statement they always say that the informal sector is going to be the main stay in terms of absorbing labor in terms of production. But when you look at it in terms of dynamics it doesn't even show that dynamics. So essentially it's something that we really may focus on when once data is available. Thank you very much and I'm running out of time.