 Ladies and gentlemen, Friedrich Nietzsche lived during the times of Bismarck, the originator of the modern welfare state, and Nietzsche was a very sharp-eyed and clairvoyant thinker with great power of imagination. His serious illness, he had syphilis, which already broke out in his 20s, raised his sensitivity. Also, Nietzsche was a good observer and listener, always traveling and in correspondence with remarkable contemporaries. As a philologist, he knew the history of Europe from the very beginnings, and he was a philosopher more even a poet, certainly one of the most important ones in German culture. All these talents and skills made him a kind of seismograph, adjusted to apprehends the finest nuances, shades and other tones. In many ways, Nietzsche was a kind of prophet, and he, who fell into mental derangement in the year 1890 and died in 1900, foresaw the big issues and problems of the 20th and 21st century. He predicted them as clearly as no one else did in his time. The 20th centuries that Nietzsche will bring gigantic wars, ones which the human race has never seen before, quote, the battle for earth sovereignty, the compulsion to big politics, quote. And then, after the great slaughter in the 21st century, nihilism will overcome mankind and the great tiredness, which will make the people tame, defenseless and turn them into dumb house pets. This nihilism which Nietzsche considers as a direct consequence of democracy and the modern state is, quote, unleashing of lazinesses, tirednesses and will rise up to interoperability at the end of the 21st century and finally will bring the reevaluation of our values. This reevaluation that Nietzsche will be carried out by an aristocracy of mind, which will be an example for the rest of the human race. Nietzsche, who described this evolution in the 70s and 80s of the 19th century, was aware that he himself was a child of these end times, however a child that was ahead of his times. He saw it as his task by way of trial to philosophically anticipate the reevaluation of our values. Nietzsche saw himself as a philosopher of the end times and he thought that philosophy, especially in the times of decadence, has the opportunity to show profoundness and shine a light into the future, quote. Insofar as the slavery of public opinions increases and freedom is endangered, philosophy can increase its dignity. These are the times when ethics stops having a common place, quote. These lines remind a lot of Hegel's famous saying, which although formulated practically claims something very similar. He wrote, Real of Minerva starts its flight at dawn. Not until dawn the awe of wisdom engages in its occupation. Not until it gets dark, its strong eyes are capable of seeing the world. The question of this talk, if one can freely Nietzsche from a present day perspective a right wing anarchist in Mises Rothbard tradition, then indeed there's a lot that speaks for a yes, but also a lot that speaks for a no. What speaks for a yes is the fact that Nietzsche radically rejects the state. The state, he writes, was never interested in truth, but only interested in the useful truth. More precisely, generally in everything useful, be it truth, half truth or fallacy. An alliance between the state and philosophy only makes sense if, by all means, philosophy promises to be useful to the state, which means that the well-being of the state is to be rated higher than the truth. For Nietzsche it is clear that a philosopher who thinks something of himself has to find himself in opposition to the state. And surely no one that has a mind and is capable of reason should waste his talents by working for a state. He wrote, quote, as little state as possible. No political and economic conditions are worth it that especially the most talented minds should concern themselves with it. Such a waste of minds is fundamentally worse than an emergency. They are and stay the working places for lower minds. And others in the lower minds should not stand in service to these workshops. Nietzsche thinks it's a rumor that the state, in exchange for one service, produces general security. Quote, for that price one pays way too much for general security. And the funny thing about it is that one actually brings forth the other side of general security. The modern state Nietzsche writes in the surviving papers of his literary remains makes every one of us irresponsible and forces us to unnatural behavior. Quote, you all don't have the courage to kill a man or even only to whip him. But the tremendous machine of the state overwhelms the individual so that he rejects the responsibility for that what he does. Everything that a man does in service to the state goes against his nature. Just like everything that he learns in respect to his future service in the state goes against his nature. Only individuals writes Nietzsche feel responsible. The multitudes are invented in order to do things that an individual would never have the courage to. When Nietzsche rejects the states and its institutions, it doesn't only mean the rejection of democracy and socialism, but he equally rejects nationalism and militarism as an all egalitarian phenomenon which were made possible only through the rise of the modern state. Nietzsche's critique against the state is fundamental. However, it isn't formulated in a scientific, rational or analytical way as in his framework of the Austrian school, as in the framework of the Austrian school, but mainly in a poetic and heuristic way. This is expressed most clearly in the passage of his Magnum Opus d'Arth, which holds the title about the new false gods. Quote, anywhere in the world are peoples and herds, but not here my brothers. Here there are states. State? What is it? Now listen carefully because now I'm going to tell you my words of the death of peoples. State means the coldest of all cold monsters. Cold, it also lies, and those lies crawl out of its mouth. Me, the state, I'm the people, as folk, alive is. It were the industrious people that created the society and hung faith and love about it, so they served life. Where there is still a society, no one understands the state. It is hated as an evil eye and the sin of morals and rights. Everything he will give to you if you just adore him, the new false god. So he buys the sparkle of your word shield and the glance of your proud eyes. Just look at these useful people, riches they acquire and become poorer with them. Power they want and first the crowd power of power, much money. He's poor man. After throne they all want gold. It is their insanity as if happiness would sit in the throne. My brothers, it is better you shatter the windows and jump into freedom. Avoid the bad smell. Leave the service under the false god of the superfluous. Still the earth stands open for great souls. Still a free life stands open to great souls. There where the state ends is where man begins. He is not superfluous. There where state ends. Oh, why don't you look, my brothers? Don't you see it? The rainbow and the bridge to the legal match? If you would have asked Nietzsche what kind of political culture he would have preferred, which political situation would be the best for the humans and the evolution, then I think he would have definitely chosen the world of poise of antiquity as an optimal way of living together and as an unrepeated cultural ideal. As a philologist he knew the historical sources especially well. It is the time of presocratic philosophy, the time before the appearance of Socrates, the time before the Athenian democracy under the rule of Pernicus. The Greek polis was a little manageable administrative unit, a city with a few villages around which were not dependent on any ruler and administrated themselves. There were no taxes and no administrative costs. Elected male citizens undertook all necessary public tasks on an unpaid voluntary basis. There was no standing bureaucracy, no standing army and no full-time politicians. Because the vast majority of the population about 95% were slaves, the vast majority was excluded from public taxes. Amongst the three citizens there was equality in the sense that no one meddled in the business of someone else and everyone had to fight with his own weapons in the case of war. Every proposed change of legislation was lengthily and thoroughly contemplated and the person that suggested the change remained liable for his whole life for eventual negative consequences even if he was supported by a majority. The law was the same for every three citizens and no one was subordinated to anyone else. Frequently Nietzsche talks about the aristocracy of mind and the elite of the future that still has to be created and which will overcome the European decadence. But before this will be the case one day nihilism must come. The therapeutic welfare state of the day which Nietzsche anticipates conceptually, quote, what they seek to achieve with all their powers is the general green pasture happiness of the herd with security, no hazards, convenience, ease of the life of everyone. There are two most worn out ballots and teachings are called equality of rights and compassion for all the suffering. And suffering itself is seen by them as something that must be eradicated. And in another passage he writes, whoever examines the conscience of the contemporary European will always have the same imperative to pull out of the thousand normal creases and hiding spots the imperative of the herd fearfulness. We want something, we want that some day there will be nothing to fear, some day. Everywhere today in Europe the will and path towards this is called progress. The cultural and social price for this improvement is enormous, quote, the costs of all sum up to an overall loss. Man became less so that one doesn't know anymore for what this monstrous process was actually good for. For what? A new for what? That is what mankind needs. High culture and cultural blossom, said Nietzsche, are contrary wise all ways to be expected when life is dangerous and unsafe, quote. We, countries, who have opened up an eye and a conscience for this question, where and how so far the plant human has grown the strongest and highest, we mean that this always happens under contrary conditions. That the situation of man has to become very dangerous, that his creativity and imagination, his mind will develop under long pressure and force into the final brave. This will to live has to be raised to the absolute will of power. We believe that harshness, violence, slavery, danger on the street and in the heart, hiddenness, stoicism, temptation, odds and demolition of every kind. That everything evil, scary, tyrannical predator and snake-like of man leads as well to the uplifting of the specious human as the opposite. Nietzsche imagines that this aristocracy of mind that one day will undertake the re-evaluation of all values, who recruit itself among those people that suffer from the conditions of the nihilism and decadence the most. Your lonesome ones of today, you shall be one folk one day. Out of yourselves shall grow a chosen folk and out of it the ubermensch. Imagine this an elite that does not place its own happiness in the center, but that feels obligated to making the greatest of thoughts. It is this, the basic idea of culture insofar as this knows to give everyone of us one task, the creation of the philosopher, the artist and the saint within us and the sight from nurturing us and therein to work on the perfection of nature. Modes of behavior and attitudes that nurture such a life directed at the philosophical, Nietzsche explains under the title ten commandments of the free spirit as follows. Ten commandments, you shall not love nor hate the folk. You shall not do politics. You shall not be rich, not a beggar. You shall avoid the famous and powerful. You shall take your wife out of another folk in your own. You shall let your children be raised by your friends. You shall not subjugate yourself to any ceremony of the church. You shall not regret what he is doing, but because of it you shall do a good deed more. You should, in order to say the truth, favor exile. You should let the world do as it likes and let the world let you do as you like. Nietzsche uses the term free spirit often. In contrast, he saw anarchism appropriate to his time as a variation of socialism and unmistakably rejected it. Against the thesis that Nietzsche is a writing anarchist in the Mises Rothbard tradition is his way of thinking which has no roots in either various totalian or epicorean idealism, nor nuclearism, nor liberalism. Classical English liberalism is definitely identified as proto-socialistic and thrown in one part with socialism. Liberal institutions make one small cowardly and idle with them heard animal triumphs every time. Liberalism in Germany heard animalization. In addition, liberal institutions quote, stop being liberal as soon as they are reached. Later on there are no worse and more efficient destroyers of freedom than liberal institutions. Which with Nietzsche I think is quite right. Nietzsche's own definition of freedom sounds like the following. What is freedom? That you have the will to self-responsibility. That one becomes indifferent to hardship, harshness, deprivation and even life. That one is ready to sacrifice man including oneself for the cause. Freedom means that the manly, the instincts joyful of war and victory rule over the other instincts, for example over the ones of happiness. The freed man even more, the freed spirit tramples with his feet the spicable kind of well-being that grosses Christians, cows, broths, the English and other Democrats dream of. The freed man is a warrior. The folk that were worth something or became worthy never became so under liberal institutions. The great danger made something out of them which deserves all. The danger which teaches us about our tools, our virtues, our defense and weapons and our spirit which forces us to be strong. The first principle, one has to have the need to be strong or one will never be. The classical liberal view of freedom as a theory of equal rights quote, the idea of equality which appears in the idea of equal rights basically belongs to decadence. The abuse between man and man, class and class the multiplicity of types, the will to be yourself, the race to raise oneself. That is what I call pathos of distance belongs to every strong age. The elasticity and distance between the extremes get smaller and smaller nowadays. The extremes themselves are finally blurred into likeness. Nietzsche identifies the fight of classical liberalism for equal rights for everyone as an expression of Récenti More, he uses the French word, as an expression to revenge of the little man, excuse me, as an expression of revenge of the little man which can be seen as a political constant as the ideological root of the therapeutic welfare state of today. Important however said Nietzsche is the very opposite quote, that everyone is freed of revenge. That is my bridge to the highest hopes and the rainbow after long downfall. Together with the liberal tradition the liberal economic science is rejected because for Nietzsche it is a co-perpetrator of the development of the modern world. Nietzsche always mentions politics and economics in one go, quote, to save the society from thieves and fire and make it endlessly comfortable for every exchange and change and to transform the state's destiny into a good and bad sense. These are lower, lukewarm and completely dispensable goals. Our era, as much as it talks about economics as a waste, is a waster. It wastes the most precious thing, the spirit. Nietzsche's fundamental critique goes so far that he rejects the European culture of mind as a whole, beginning with Socrates. To him, the history of European philosophy is a history of Becquatens, which was accelerated by the triumph of Christianity as labor. This little ugly, pox-cared, overweight and poor Socrates is to Nietzsche the beginning of Ressentement, the origin of modern revengeful intellectuals. With his cleverness, Socrates takes revenge on the rich, the powerful and the beautiful and thinks that because he is so clever, he is now the one in charge. This, however, says Nietzsche is the mistake of the Enlightenment par excellence that the clever man, the reasoning and arguing man, had to set the tone and call the shots because what came out of this in the end, we can clearly see today that a philosopher speaks against Socrates is truly remarkable. Now, here Nietzsche stands almost alone with this, but one can understand what he means. The core evil which started with Socrates is rationalism, with the tendency to ask asceticism which flattens life like a pressing iron. The rational tradition tamed the humans and that is exactly what Nietzsche is against. Nietzsche's central value is what he calls life and he meant life in its highest possible manifestation. Passion also belongs to life and this should be a Dionysian, a dangerous life, not simply a good or even a comfortable life. The central point seems to be the following. Certainty or truth are not the highest values for Nietzsche. Valuating itself is the highest value. Valuating comes first. Quote, The question of value is more fundamental than the question of certainty. The latter acquires its earnest only under the requirement that the question of value is answered. I believe here is a clear difference to the economical and philosophical approach of the Mises Rothbard tradition which is a rational tradition because it puts the question of certainty as the first and fundamental question in front and only then is certainty established as a conclusion comes to the question of values. So the question which this talk asks is difficult to answer because but I don't want to leave before trying. I think he would have felt comfortable among us, amongst us however we would have properly viewed him as an art person. Nietzsche never gave a talk in front of more than seven people in his life. His classes never had more students. He was a cross-eyed nerd by excellence who was afraid of women and had a beard which nowadays we would consider quite unappetizing. But he was an extraordinary philosopher who can recommend everyone of you to read. One learns very much when one reads Nietzsche and Nietzsche hated democracy in the state like hardly anyone else. Insofar I think that Hans Simon Hoppe would have loved to invite him to give him a speech today. Thank you.