 Section 25 of the Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Mike Botez. The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2. Edited by Charles F. Horn, Rossiter Johnson, and John Rudd. Judas Macabeus liberates Judea, BC 165-141, by Josephus. The noble-minded Judas Macabeus was the hero of Jewish independence. The deliverer of Judea and Judaism during the bloody persecution of the Syrian king Antiochus Epiphanes in the 2nd century BC. This king was attempting to destroy in Palestine the national religion. For this purpose pagan altars were set up among the Jews, and pagan sacrifices enjoined upon the worshippers of Jehovah. Many Jews fled from their own towns and villages, into the uninhabited wilderness, in order that they might have the liberty to worship the God of their fathers, but a few conformed to the ordinances of Antiochus. Soon, however, open resistance to the decrease of the pagan ruler began to manifest itself among the faithful. The first protest in the shape of active opposition was made by Matatheus, a priest living at Modin. When the servants of Antiochus came to that retired village and commanded Matatheus to do sacrifice to the heathen gods, he refused. He went so far as to strike down at the altar, a Jew who was preparing to offer such a sacrifice. Then he escaped to the mountains with his five sons and a band of followers. These followers grew in numbers and activity, overthrowing pagan altars, circumcising heathen children, and put into the sword both apostates and unbelievers. When Matatheus died in BC 166, he was succeeded as leader by his son Judas, called Makabeus, the hammer. As Charles, who defeated the Saracens at Tours, is called Martel, or Hammer. The successes of Judas were uninterrupted, and culminated BC 165 in the repulse of Lysias, the general of Antiochus at Betzur, where a large Syrian force gathered in the expectation of crushing the patriotic army of Judas. After the victory, Judas led his followers into Jerusalem, and proceeded to restore the temple and the worship of the national religion, and to cleanse the temple from all traces of pagan worship. The great altar was rebuilt, new sacred vessels provided, and in eight days dedication festival begun on the very day when, three years before, the altar of Jehovah had been desecrated by heathen sacrifice. This feast of the dedication was ever afterward observed in the temple at Jerusalem and is mentioned in the Gospels, John 1022. Judas established the dynasty of priest kings, which lasted until supplanted by Herod, with the aid of the Romans in BC 40, and gave by his genuinely heroic bearing his name to this whole glorious epoch of Jewish history. Now at this time there was one whose name was Matatias, who dwelt at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons, John who was called Gades, and Simon who was called Mathis, and Judas who was called Macabeus, and Eleazar who was called Auran, and Jonathan who was called Athos. Now this Matatias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the multitude were under, and he told them that it was better for them to die for the laws of their country than to live so ingloriously as they then did. But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were commanded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice as the king had commanded, they desired that Matatias, a person of the greatest character among them, both on other accounts and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of children, would begin to sacrifice, because his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because such a procedure would make him honored by the king. But Matatias said that he would not do it, and that if all other nations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons live the religious worship of their country. But as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded, but which Matatias had great indignation, and run upon him violently with his sons, who had swords of them, and slew both the men himself that sacrificed, and Apelles, the king's general, who compelled him to sacrifice with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar and cried out, if, said he, anyone be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me. And when he said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and wailed in caves. But when the king's generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert. And when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their advantage, and not putting them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war. But when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath day, and they burned them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing to break in upon the honor they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses, for our law requires that we rest upon that day. There were about a thousand, with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves. But many of those that escaped joined themselves to Matathias and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight even on the Sabbath day, and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies by observing the law so rigorously, while their adversaries would still assault them on this day. And they would not then defend themselves, in that nothing could then hinder, but they must all perish without fighting. This speech persuaded them, and this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath days. So Matathias got great army about him, and overthrew their idle altars and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power. For many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him. He also commanded that those boys who were not yet circumcised should be circumcised now, and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into distemper, he called for his sons and said them round about him, and said, O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth, and I recommend to you my resolution and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him who begot you and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not be carried away with those that either by their own inclination or out of necessity betrayed, but to become such sons as are worthy of me, to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls as to be ready when it shall be necessary to die for your laws, as sensible as this by just reasoning that if God sees that you are so disposed, he will not overlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly and enjoy your own customs, your bodies are mortal and subject to fate, but they receive a sort of immortality by the remembrance of what actions they have done, and I would have you so in love with this immortality that you may pursue after glory, and that when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple for such things to lose your lives, I exhort you especially to agree with one another, and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of everyone's own virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels he gives you? Take Macabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power. Amatathias had thus discourse to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution. He died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin, all the people making great lamentation for him, whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration of public affairs in the 146th year, and thus by the ready assistance of his brethren and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death, who had transgressed its laws, and purified land of all the pollutions that were in it. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army and made haste to go against Judas, who met him and joined battle with him, and beat him and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being on that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon and kept for himself, but he wounded more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp and went his way. But when Seron, who was the general of the army of Selesiria, heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, he determined to make an expedition against him, as thinking it became him to endeavor to punish those that transgressed the king's injunctions. He then got together an army as large as he was able, and joined to it the renegade and wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He then came as far as Bethoron, a village of Judea, and there pitched his camp, upon which Judas met him, and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight, because their numbers were small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting. He encouraged them and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety toward God, in that they had the plainest instances in their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, and exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws and their own children, had frequently conquered many ten thousands, for innocence is the strongest army. By this speech he induced his men to contend the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron, and upon joining the battle with him, he beat the Syrians, and when their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them onto the plain, and slew about 800 of the enemy, but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to the sea. When King Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry at what had happened. So he got together all his own army, with many mercenaries whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and prepared to break into Judea about the beginning of the spring. But when upon his mastering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid. By reason of these additions there had been among the nations, he having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not sufficient for him. He therefore resolved first to go into Persia and collect the taxes of that country. Hereupon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him, Governor of the Kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt and of the lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of his forces and of his elephants, and charged them to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care until he came back, and that he should conquer Judea and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem and abolish the whole nation. And when King Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia, and in the 147th year he passed over Euphrates and went to the superior provinces. On this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Doremenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends, and delivered to them 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus and pitched their camp in the plain country. There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria and the country roundabout, as also many of the renegade Jews, and besides these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives, having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners, with that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price. And when Judea saw their camp and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth, and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God, to grant them the victory over their enemies. So he set them in their ancient order of battle, used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he encouraged them to fight by the following speech, which he made to them. O my fellow soldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present for courage and contempt of dangers. For if you now fight manfully, you may recover your liberty, which as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men, so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such circumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws and the customs of our country, or to submit to the most appropriate sufferings. Nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore manfully, and suppose that you must die though you do not fight, but believe that besides such glorious rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is day tomorrow morning. And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gorgias with five thousand foot and one thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose certain of the renegade Jews as guides, the son of Matatias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided. And they had therefore supped in good time and had left many fires in their camp. He marched all night to those enemies that were at Emmaus, so that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected that they were retired, and had hidden themselves among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek them wheresoever they were. But about break of day, Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those alarmed by reason of their poverty. And when he saw the enemy very well, and skillfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged the Jews and told them that they ought to fight, though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such as were more a number, and were armed also, out of regard to their great courage. So he commanded the Trumpeters to sound for the battle, and by thus falling upon the enemy when they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the planes of Idomia, Ashdod, and Jamnia, and of these there fell about three thousand. Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the spoils? For that, still, they must have a contest and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were with him, but that when they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others. And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias men looked down into that army which they left in their camp, and they saw that it was overthrown, and the camp burned, for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off what had happened. When therefore those that were with Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they also were affrighted and put to flight, but then Judas, as though he had already beaten Gorgias soldiers without fighting, returned and seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of gold and silver and purple and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good success, for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of their liberty. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he had sent, and the next year he got together 60,000 chosen men. He also took 5,000 horsemen and fell upon Judea, and he went up to the hill country of Betsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there, where Judas met him with 10,000 men, and when he saw the great number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined the battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them and slew about 5,000 of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of them. Nay indeed Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch. When therefore the generals of Antiochus armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them that after these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices, but as soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its gates burned down, and plants growing in the temple of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple, so he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them orders to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candlesticks, the table of shoe bread, and the altar of incense, which were made of gold, he hung up the veils of the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar of burnt offering, and built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not as such as were hewn with iron tools. So on the five-and-twentieth day of the month of Castileo, which the Macedonians call Apileus, they lighted the lamps that were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar of incense, and laid the loaves upon the table of shoe bread, and offered burnt offerings upon the new altar of burnt offering. Now it so fell out that these things were done on the very same day on which their divine worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years time, for so it was that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for three years. This desolation happened to the temple in the hundred forty-and-fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apileus, and on the hundred-and-fifty-third Olympiad, but it was dedicated anew, on the same day the twenty-fifth of the month Apileus, in the hundred-and-forty-eighth year, and on the hundred-and-fifty-fourth Olympiad, and this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before, for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship for some time. Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of pleasure thereon, but he feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices, and he honored God and delighted them by hymns and psalms. Nay they were so very glad at the revival of their customs, when after a long time of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep the festival on account of the restoration of their temple worship for eight days, and from that time to this we celebrate this festival and call it lights. I suppose the reason was because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us, and that thence was the name given to that festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified the city Bezzura that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses that might come from our enemies. When these things were over, the nations round about the Jews were very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up together and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them, and making secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions against these men, and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon the Idomians the posterity of Esau, at Akrabateni, and slew a great many of them and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bin that laid weight for the Jews, and he sat down about them and besieged them, and burned their towers and destroyed the men that were in them. After this he went dense in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and numerous army, of which Timotheus was the commander, and when he had subdued them he seized on the city of Jazer, and took their wives and their children captives, and burned the city, and then returned into Judea. But when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema, and sent to Judas to inform him that Timotheus was endeavouring to take the place where they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, there came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemaeus and of Tyre, and Sidon, and the strangers of Galilee were gotten together. Accordingly, Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon, his brother, should take 3,000 chosen men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land of Gilead with 8,000 soldiers, and he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarius, to be over the rest of the forces, and charge them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles with any persons, whosoever, until his return. Accordingly, Simon went into Galilee and fought the enemy and put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemaeus, and slew about 3,000 of them, and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home. Now, as for Judas Macabeus and his brother Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan, and when they had gone three days' journey, they lighted up on the Nabataeans, who came to meet them peaceably, and who told them how the affairs of those in the land of Galilee stood, and how many of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons and into the cities of Galilee, and exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this exhortation Judas harkened, and returned into the wilderness, and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city and beat the inhabitants and destroyed all the males, and all that were able to fight, and burned the city, nor did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where Timothyus lay around the place with his army, and Judas came upon the city in the morning, and when he found that the enemy were making an assault upon the wolves, and that some of them brought ladders on which they might get upon those wolves, and that others brought engines to butter them, he beat the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred. He also parted his army into three bodies, and fell up on the backs of their enemies, but when the Timothyuses men perceived that it was Macabeus that was up on them, of both whose courage and good success in war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they were put to flight, but Judas followed them with his army and slew about 8000 of them. He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners, called Malei, and took it, and slew all the males and burned the city itself. He then removed from thence and overthrew Cass' form and Bosseur and many other cities of the land of Gilead, but not long after this Timothyus prepared a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries and induced some of the Arabians by the promise of rewards to go with him in this expedition and came with his army beyond the brook over against the city Raphon, and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously and to hinder their passing over the brook, for he said to them beforehand that if they come over it we shall be beaten, and when Judas heard that Timothyus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army and went in haste against Timothyus, his enemy, and when he had passed over the brook he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified that he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly, and some of them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called the Temple of Cognayim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves, but Judas took the city and slew them and burned the Temple, and so used several ways of destroying his enemies. When he had done this he gathered the Jews together with their children and wives and the substance that belonged to them, and was going to bring them back into Judea, but as soon as he was come to a certain city the name of which was Ephron, that lay upon the road, and as it was not possible for him to go any other way, so he was not willing to go back again, he then sent to the inhabitants and desired that they would open their gates and permit them to go on their way through the city, for they stopped up the gates with stones and cut off their passage through it, and when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and encompassed the city around and besieged it, and lying round it by day and night, took the city and slew every male in it, and burned it all down, and so obtained a way through it, and the multitude of those that were slain was so great that they went over the dead bodies, so they came over Jordan and arrived at the great plain over against which is situate the city Bethshan, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis, and going away hastily from them they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank offerings, both for their good success and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these battles, but as Joseph, the son of Zacharias and Azarias, whom Judeas left generals of the rest of the forces, at the same time when Simon was in Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemies, and Judeas himself and his brother Jonathan were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order where too they took the army that was under their command and came to Jamnia. Their Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them, and upon joining battle with him, they lost two thousand of their army and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea, and that misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judeas had given them, not to fight with anyone before his return. For, besides the rest of Judea's sagacious councils, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them. But Judeas and his brethren did not live off fighting with the Idomans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burned the country of the foreigners and the city of Marisa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libervox.org. Recording by Chad Jackson. The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 2, edited by Charles F. Horn, Rossiter Johnson, and John Rudd. The Grocky and their reforms, B.C. 133, Theodore Momsen. Cornelia, whose father was Scipio Africanus, preferred to be called the mother of the Grocky, rather than the daughter of the conqueror of Numantia. Tiberius and Chaos Gragas, her sons, were born at a time when the social condition of Rome was ranked with corruption. The small farmer class were deprived of holdings, the soil was being worked by slaves, and its products wasted on pleasure and debauchery by the rich, the law courts were controlled by the wealthy and powerful, while oppression, bribery, and fraud were generally rampant in the city. On December 10th, B.C. 133, Tiberius Gragas entered upon the office of Tribune, to which he had been elected, and pledged himself to the abolition of crying abuses. His first movement was in the direction of agrarian legislation. He proposed to vest all public lands in the hands of three commissioners, triumphed by the triumvirate, who were to distribute the public lands, at that time largely monopolized by the wealthy, to all citizens in needy circumstances. The bill met with bitter opposition from the rich landholders, but was eventually passed, and Gragas rose to the summit of popular power. He also brought forward a measure limiting the necessary period of military service. A second bill was drawn up by him for the reformation of the law courts, and a third established a right of appeal from the law courts to the popular assembly. These measures were afterward carried by his brother, Caus. Tiberius Gragas was killed in a tumult, which was raised in the forum by the nobles and their partisans, and 300 of his followers lost their lives in the fray. Caus Gragas, his brother, returned to Rome B.C. 124 from Sardinia, where he had been engaged in subduing the mountaineers. For ten years he had kept aloof from public life, but was at once elected tribune in the discharge of which office he showed distinguished powers as an orator. He brought forth the important measures known as the Sampronian laws, the provisions of which were quite revolutionary in character. The first of these laws renewed and extended the agrarian laws of his brother, and instituted new colonies in Italy and the provinces. By the second Sampronian law, the state undertook to furnish corn at a low price to all Roman citizens. Other measures aimed at diminishing the great administrative power of the senate, which had so far monopolized all judicial offices. By the law of Gragas, the administration of justice was entirely transferred to a body of 300 persons who possessed the equestrian rate of property. The Sampronian law for the assignment of consular provinces, which hitherto had been left to the senate, made the allotment of two designated provinces to be decided by the newly elected consuls themselves. The power of the senate was also crippled by the law of Gragas, in which he transferred to the tribunes the burden of improving the roads of Italy, contracts for which had hitherto been awarded by the censor under the approval of the senate. These movements were all in the direction of increasing popular and democratic power, and the work of the grochie tended to the extension of political freedom. In the history of politics, these social struggles are among the most important events illustrative of the gradual dawn of civil liberty among the people which had been dominated and oppressed by a selfish aristocracy. The power of Gragas rested on the mercantile class and the proletariat, primarily on the latter, which in this conflict, wherein neither side had any military reserve acted as it were the part of an army. It was clear that the senate was not powerful enough to rest either from the merchants or from the proletariat their new privileges. Any attempt to assail the corn laws or the new jury arrangement would have led under a somewhat grosser or somewhat more civilized form to a street riot, in presence of which the senate was utterly defenseless. But it was no less clear than Gragas himself and these merchants and proletarians were only kept together by mutual advantage and that the men of material interests were ready to accept their posts and the populace, strictly so called its bread quite as well from any other as from Chaos Gragas. The institutions of Gragas stood, for the moment at least, immovably firm, with exception of a single one, his own supremacy. The weakness of the latter lay in the fact in the constitution of Gragas there was no relation of allegiance subsisting at all between the chief and the army and while the new constitution possessed all other elements of vitality it lacked one, the moral tie between ruler and ruled without which every state rests on a pedestal of clay. In the rejection of the proposal to admit the latins to the franchise it had been demonstrated with decisive clearness that the multitude in fact never voted for Gragas but always simply for itself. The aristocracy conceived the plan of offering battle to the author of the corn largesse land assignations on his own ground. As a matter of course the senate offered to the proletariat not merely the same advantages as Gragas had already assured to it in corn and otherwise but advantages still greater. Commissioned by the senate, the tribune of the people, Marcus Livius Drusus proposed to relieve those who had received land under laws of Gragas from the rent imposed on them and to declare their allotments to be free and alienable property and further to provide for the proletariat not in transmarine but in 12 Italian colonies each of a 3,000 colonists for the planting of which the people might nominate suitable men only Drusus himself declined in contrast with the family complexion of the groccan commission to take part in this honorable duty presumably the latins were named as those who would have to bear the cost of the plan for there does not appear to have existed then in Italy other occupied domain land of any extent saved that which was enjoyed by them. We find isolated enactments of Drusus such as the regulation that the punishment of scourging might only be inflicted on the latin soldier by the latin officer set over him and not by the roman officer which were to all appearance intended to indemnify the latins for other losses. The plan was not the most refined. The attempt at a rivalry was too clear however to draw the fair bond between the nobles and the proletariat still closer by their exercising jointly a tyranny over the latins was too transparent. The inquiry suggested itself too readily in what part of the peninsula now that the Italian domains have been mainly given away already even granting that the whole domains assigned to the latins were confiscated was the occupied domain land requisite for the formation of 12 new numerous and compact communities to be discovered. Lastly the declaration of Drusus that he would have nothing to do with the execution of his law was so dreadfully prudent as to border on sheer folly. But the clumsy snare was quite suited to the stupid game which they wished to catch. There was the additional and perhaps decisive consideration that Gracas on whose personal influence everything depended was just then establishing the Carthaginian colony in Africa and that is a lieutenant in the capital Marcus Flacas played into the hands of his opponents by his vehement and maladroit acts. The people accordingly ratified the Livian laws as readily as it had before ratified the Sampronian. It then as usual repaid the latest by inflicting a gentle blow on its earlier benefactor declining to reelect him when he stood for the third time as a candidate for the tribunate for the year BC 120. On this occasion however there are alleged to have been unjust proceedings on the part of the tribune presiding at the election who had been offended by Gracas. Thus the foundation of his despotism gave way beneath him. A second blow was inflicted on him by the consular elections which not only proved in a general sense adverse to the democracy but which placed at the head of the state Lucius Opimius one of the least scrupulous chiefs of the strict aristocratic party and a man firmly resolved to get rid of their dangerous antagonist at the earliest opportunity. Such an opportunity soon occurred. On the 10th of December BC 121 Gracas ceased to be tribune of the people. On the 1st of January BC 120 Opimius entered upon his office. The first attack as was fair was directed against the most useful and most unpopular measure of Gracas the re-establishment of Carthage while the trans-marine colonies had hitherto been only correctly assailed through the greater allurements of the Italian. African hyenas it was now alleged dug up the newly placed boundary stones of Carthage and the Roman priest when requested certified that such signs importance ought to form an express warning against rebuilding on a site accursed by the gods. The senate thereby found itself in its conscience compelled to have a law proposed which prohibited the planting of the colony of Sononia. Gracas who with the other men nominated to establish it was just then selecting the colonists appeared on the day of voting at the capital whether the burgesses were convoked with a view to procure by means of his adherence the rejection of the law. He wished to shun acts of violence that he might not himself supply his opponents with the pretext which they sought but he had not been able to prevent a great portion of his faithful partisans who remembered the catastrophe of Tiberias and were well acquainted with the designs of the aristocracy from appearing in arms fearing that amid the immense excitement on both sides corals could hardly be avoided. The consul Lucius Opimius offered the usual sacrifice in the porch of the capitoline temple when the attendants assisting at the ceremony. Quintus Antilius with the holy entrails in his hands hardly ordered the bad citizens to quit the porch and seemed as though he would lay on chaos himself where upon a zealous groccan drew his sword and cut the man down. A fearful tumult arose. Gracas vainly sought to address the people and to disclaim the responsibility for the sacrilegious murder. He only furnished his antagonist with a further formal ground of accusation as without being aware of it in the confusion he interrupted a tribune in the act of speaking to the people an offense for which an obsolete statute originating at the time of the old ascensions between the orders I 353 had prescribed the severest penalty. The consul Lucius Opimius took his measures to put down by force of arms the insurrection for the overthrow of the republican constitution as they were fond of designating the events of this day. He himself passed the night in the temple of Caster in the Forum. At early dawn the capitol was filled with creed and archers the senate house and forum with the men of the government party and the senators in that section of the equites adhering to them who by order of the consul had all appeared in arms each attended by two armed slaves. None of the aristocracy was absent even the aged and venerable Quintus Metellus well disposed to reform had appeared with shield and sword. An officer of ability and experience acquired in the Spanish wars Decimus Brutus was entrusted with the command of the armed force. The senate assembled the senate house. The beer with the corpse of Antilius was deposited in front of it. The senate as if surprised appeared en masse at the door in order to view the dead body and then retired to determine what should be done. The leaders of the democracy had gone from the capitol to their houses. Marcus flakas had spent the night in preparing for the war in the streets while Gragas apparently disdained to strive with destiny. Next morning when they learned of the preparation made their opponents at the capitol and the forum both proceeded to the avantine the old stronghold of the popular party and the struggles between the patricians and the plebeians. Gragas went thither silent and unarmed. Flakas called the slaves to arms and entrenched himself in the temple of Diana while he at the same time sent his younger son Quintus to the enemies camp in order if possible to arrange a compromise. The latter returned with the announcement that the treasurer was going to give him an additional surrender. At the same time he brought a summons from the senate to Gragas and Flakas to appear before it and to answer for the violation of the majesty of the tribunes. Gragas wished to comply with the summons but Flakas prevented him from doing so and repeated the equally weak and mistaken attempt to move such antagonists to a compromise. When instead of the two-sided leaders the young Quintus Flakas came to the forum the consul treated the refusal to appear as the beginning of open insurrection against the government. He ordered the messenger to be arrested and gave the signal for attack on the avantine while the same time he caused proclamation to be made in the streets that the government would give to whomever should bring the head of Gragas or of Flakas its literal weight in gold and that they would guarantee complete indemnity to everyone who should leave the avantine before the beginning of the conflict. Gragas quickly thinned, the valiant nobility in conjunction with the Cretans and the slaves stormed the almost undefended mount and killed all whom they found, about 250 persons mostly of humble rank. Marcus Flakas fled with his eldest son to a place of concealment where they were soon afterward hunted out and put to death. Gragas headed the beginning of the conflict, retired into the temple of Minerva and was there about to pierce himself with his sword when his friend Publius Latorius seized his arm and besought him to preserve himself if possible for better times. Gragas was induced to make an attempt to escape to the other bank of the Tiber, but when hastening down the hill he fell and sprained his foot. To gain time for him to escape his two attendants turned and facing his pursuers allowed themselves to be cut down. As Marcus Pomponius at the Portia Trigamina under the avantine, Publius Latorius at the bridge over the Tiber where Horatius Cockles was said to have once withstood singly the Etruscan army, so Gragas attended only by his slave Euporus reached the suburb on the right bank of the Tiber. There in the grove of Farina afterward were found the two dead bodies. It seemed as if the slave had put to death first his master and then himself. The heads of the two fallen leaders were handed over to the government as required. The stipulated price and more was paid to Lucius Septimilius, a man of quality, the bearer of the head of Gragas, while the murderers of Flaacus, persons of humble rank were sent away with empty hands. The bodies of the dead were thrown into the river and the houses of the leaders were abandoned to the pillage of the multitude. The warfare of prosecution against the partisans of Gragas began on the grandest scale as many as 3,000 of them are said to have been strangled in prison, among whom was Quintus Flaacus, 18 years of age who had taken no part in the conflict and was universally lamented on account of his youth and his amiable disposition. On the open space beneath the capital where the altar consecrated by Camillus after the restoration of internal peace, I 382, and other shrines erected on similar occasion to Concord were situated, the small chapels were pulled down and out of the property of the killed or condemned traitors, which was confiscated even to the portions of their wives, a new and splendid temple of Concord with the Basilica belonging to it was erected in Concordance with the decree of the senate by the consul Lucius Epimius. Certainly it was an act in accordance with the spirit of the age to remove the memorials of the old and to inaugurate a new Concord over the remains of the three grandsons of Zama, all of whom first Tiberius Gragas, then Scipio Emilianus and lastly the youngest and the mightiest K.S. Gragas had now been engulfed by the revolution. The memory of the grocchi remained officially proscribed, Cornelia was not allowed to even put on mourning for the death of her last son, but the passionate attachment which very many have felt towards the two mobile brothers and especially towards K.S. during their life was touchingly displayed also after their death. In the almost religious veneration which the multitude, in spite of all precautions of the police, continued to pay to their memory and to the spots where they had fallen. End of section 26 Recording by Chad Jackson Section 27 of The Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2. This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org The Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn Rossiter Johnson and John Rudd Section 27 Caesar conquers Gaul BC 58-50 by Napoleon III, Part 1 In Caesar's military performances the Gallic Wars plays the most important part as shown in his commentaries his soul extends literary work and almost the only authority for this part of Roman history. Cisalpine Gaul, that portion lying on the southern or Italian side of the Alps came partly under the dominion of Rome as early as BC 282 when a Roman colony was founded at Senegalica. This division of Gaul was wholly conquered by BC 191 and in BC 43 having been made a Roman province it became a part of Italy. Transalpine Gaul, that part laying north and northwest of the Alps from Rome comprised in Caesar's day three divisions Aquitaine to the southwest Celtic Gaul in the middle and Belgic Gaul to the northwest. The region was inhabited by various tribes having neither unity of race nor of customs whereby nationality becomes distinguished Towards the close of the second century BC the Romans made their first settlements in Transalpine Gaul in the southeastern part. At the time when Caesar became proconsul in Gaul BC 58 the province was in state of tranquility but fortune seemed determined that he should have great opportunities for the display of his military genius and when Asia had been subdued by Pompeii Quote conferred what remained to be done in Europe upon Caesar and quote The attempt of the Helvetii to leave their homes in the Alps for new dwelling places in Gaul served him as an occasion for war. As they were crossing the Arar now saun he attacked and rooted them later defeated them again and at last drove them back to their own country. The story of the long war with its various campaigns has become familiar to the world's readers through the masterly account of Caesar himself known to every schoolboy who advances to the dignity of classical studies. In the end the country between the Pyrenees and the Rhine was subjugated and for several centuries it remained a Roman province. At the time when the history is taken up in the following narrative by Napoleon III the Great Rebellion BC 52 had sustained a heavy blow in the surrender of Alicia and the capture of the heroic chief and leader of the insurrection Versingetorix whom Caesar exhibited in his triumph at Rome BC 46 and then caused to be put to death. The distinguished author of the article says he wrote For the purpose of proving that when providence raises up such men as Caesar, Charlemagne and Napoleon it is to trace out to peoples the paths they ought to follow to stamp with the seal of their genius a new era and to accomplish in a few years the work of many centuries. The work was prepared wide manual of historical literature Adams was the utmost care a care which extended in some instances to special surveys to ensure perfect accuracy in the descriptions etc. The capture of Alicia and that of Versingetorix in spite of the united efforts of all go naturally gave Caesar hopes of a general submission and he therefore believed that he could leave his army during the winter to rest quietly in its quarters from the hard labours which had lasted without interruption during the whole of the past summer. But the spirit of insurrection was not extinct among the Gauls and convinced by experience that whatever might be their number they could not in a body cope with troops inured to war. They resolved by partial insurrections raised at all points at once to divide the attention and the forces of the Romans as their only chance of resisting them with advantage. Caesar was unwilling to leave them time to realize this new plan but they gave the command of his winter quarters to his costor Mark Antony quitted Bibercty on the day before the calends of January the 25th of December with an escort of Calorie joined the 13th Legion which was in winter quarters among the Bittoriges far from the frontier of the Aldui and called to him the 11th Legion which was the nearest at hand. Having left two cohorts of each Legion to guard the baggage he proceeded towards the fertile country of the Bittoriges a vast territory where the presence of a single Legion was insufficient to put a stop to the preparations for insurrection. His sudden arrival in the midst of men without distrust who were spread over the open country produced the result which he expected. They were surprised before they could enter into the Opidae for Caesar had strictly forbidden everything which might have raised their suspicion especially the application of fire which usually betrays the sudden presence of an enemy. Several thousands of captives were made those who succeeded in escaping sought in vain a refuge among the neighboring nations. Caesar by forced marches came up with them everywhere and obliged each tribe to think of its own safety before that of others. This activity held the populations in their fidelity and through fear engaged the wavering to submit to the conditions of peace. Thus the Bittoriges seeing that Caesar offered them an easy way to recover his protection and that the neighboring states had suffered no other chastisement than that of having to deliver hostages did not hesitate in submitting. The soldiers of the eleventh and thirteenth legions had during the winter supported with rare constancy the fatigues of every difficult marches in intolerable cold. To reward them he promised to give by way of prize money to each soldier and two thousand to each centurion. He then sent them into their winter quarters and returned to Bibergty after an absence of 40 days. While he was there dispensing justice the Bittoriges came to implore his support against the attacks of carnudes. Although it was only 18 days since he returned he marched again at the head of the six and the fourteenth which had been placed on the sun-oil to ensure the supply of provisions. On his approach to carnudes taught by the fate of others abandoned their miserable huts which they had erected on the site of their bergs and opida destroyed in the last campaign and fled in every direction. Caesar, unwilling to expose his soldiers to the rigor of the season established his camp at Gena-boom, Gien and lodged them partly in the huts which had remained understroyed partly in tents under penthouses covered with straw. The cavalry and auxiliary infantry were sent in pursuit of the carnudes who, hunted down everywhere and without shelter, took refuge in the neighboring counties. After having dispersed some rebellious meetings and stifled the germs of an insurrection Caesar believed that the summer would pass without any serious war. He left, therefore, at Gena-boom, the two legions he had with him and gave the command of them to see Tribonius. Nevertheless, he learned by several intimations from the Remi that the Pelovaki and neighboring peoples with Corios and Comius at their head were collecting troops to make an inroad on the territory of Gena-boom who had been placed since the campaign of 1697 under the dependence of the Remi. He considered that he regarded his interest as well as his dignity in protecting allies who had deserved so well of the Republic. He again drew the 11th legion from its winter quarters, sent written orders to Cephabius who was encamped in the country of the Remi to bring to that of the Suissons, the two legions under his command and demanded one of his legions from Labianus, who was a Besançon. Thus without taking any rest himself he shared the fatigues among the legions by turns as far as the position of the winter quarters and the necessities of the war permitted. When this army was assembled he marched against the Pelovaki, established his camp on their territory and sent cavalry in every direction in order to make some prisoners and learn from them the designs of the enemy. The cavalry reported that the immigration was general and that the few inhabitants who were to be seen were not remaining behind in order to apply themselves to agriculture but to act as spies upon the Romans. Caesar by interrogating the prisoners learned that all the Pelovaki able to fight had assembled on one spot and that they had been joined by the Ambiani, the Aulerki, the Salids, the Veloacases and the Atribates. Their camp was in a forest on a height surrounded by marshes, Mont Saint-Marc, in the forest of Campan. Their baggage had been transported to more distant woods. The command was divided among several chiefs but the greater part obeyed Coerros, an account of his well-known hatred of the Romans. Commius had a few days before gone to seek succor from the numerous Germans, who lived in great numbers in the neighboring counties probably those on the banks of the Moes. The Pelovaki resolved with one accord to give Caesar battle if, as reports said, he was advancing with only three legions, for they would not run the risk of having afterward to encounter his entire army. If, on the contrary, the Romans were advancing with more considerable forces, they proposed to keep their positions and confine themselves to intercepting by means of emboscades, the provisions and forage, which were very scarce at that season. This plan, confirmed by many reports, seemed to Caesar full of prudence and altogether contrary to the usual rashness of the barbarians. He took therefore every possible care to dissimulate as to the number of his troops. He had with him the 7th, the 8th and 9th legions composed of old soldiers of Triad Valor and the 11th, which formed of picked young men, who had gone through eight campaigns, deserved his confidence. Although it could not be compared with the others, with regard to bravery and experience involved, in order to deceive the enemy by showing them only three legions, the only number they were willing to fight, he placed the 7th, 8th and 9th in one line, while the baggage, which was not very considerable, was placed behind under the protection of the 11th legion, which closed the march. In his order, which formed almost square, he came unaware inside of the Belovaki. At the unexpected view of the legions, which advanced in order of battle and with a firm step, they lost their courage and, instead of attacking, as they had engaged to do, they confined themselves to drawing themselves up before their camp, without leaving the height. Avoli, deeper than it was separated the two armies. On account of this obstacle and the numerical superiority of the barbarians, Caesar, though he had wished for battle, abandoned the idea of attacking them, and placed his camp opposite that of the goals in a strong position. He caused it to be surrounded with a parapet, 12 feet high, surmounted by accessory works proportioned to the importance of their entrenchment and proceeded by a double force 15 feet wide, with a square bottom. Towers of three stories were constructed from distance to distance, and united together by covering bridges, the exterior parts of which were protected by horrible work. In this manner, the camp was protected not only by a double force, but also by a double row of defenders, some of whom, placed on the bridges, could from this elevated and sheltered position throw their missiles farther and with a better aim, while the others, placed on the wall, nearer to the enemy, were protected by the bridges from the missiles which showered down upon them. The entrances were defended by means of higher towers and were closed with gates. These formidable retrenchments had a double aim, to increase the confidence of the barbarians by making them believe that they were feared, and next to allow the number of the garrison to be reduced with safety when they had to go far for provisions. For some days there were no serious engagements, but slight skirmishes in the marshy plain, which extended between the two camps. The capture, however, of a few fiouragers, did not fail to swell the presumption of the barbarians, which was still more increased by the arrival of Commius, although he had brought only 500 German cavalry. The enemy remained for several days shut up in its impregnable position. Caesar judged that an assault would cost too many lives, and his investment alone seemed to him opportune, but it would require a greater number of troops. He wrote thereupon to Trebonius to send him as soon as possible the 13th Legion, which, under the command of T-60s, was in winter quarters among the biturgies to join it with the 6th and the 14th, which are the first of these Leutnans commanded at Gennabon, and to come himself with three these legions by forced marches. During this time he employed the numerous cavalry of the Remi, the Lingons, and the other allies to protect the foragers and to prevent surprises. But this daily service, as is often the case, ended by being negligently performed. And one day the Remi, pursuing the Belovaki with too much ardor, fell into an ambush gate. In withdrawing they were surrounded by food soldiers in the midst of whom Vertiscus, their chief, met with his death. True to his gollish nature he would not allow his age to exempt him from commanding and mounting on horseback, although he was hardly able to keep his seat. His death and this feeble advantage raised the self-confidence of the barbarians still more, but it rendered the Romans more circumspect. Nevertheless, in one of the skirmishes which were continually taking place within sight of the two camps about the affordable places of the marsh, the German infantry which Caesar had sent for from beyond the Rhine in order to mix them with the cavalry joined in a body boldly crossed the marsh and meeting with little resistance continued the pursuit with such impatuity that fear seized not only the enemy who fought, but even those who were in reserve. Instead of availing themselves of the advantages of the ground all fled in a covertly manner. They did not stop until they were within their camp and some even were not ashamed to fly beyond it. This defeat caused a general discouragement for the Gauls were as easily downed by the last reverse as they were made arrogant by the smallest success. Day after day was passing in this manner when Caesar was informed of the arrival of Cetrebonius and his troops which raised the number of his legions to seven. The chiefs of the Belovaki then feared an investment like that of Alacia and resolved to quit their position. They sent away by night the old men, the infirm, the unarmed men and a part of the baggage which they had kept with them. Scarcely was this confused multitude in motion embarrassed by its own mass and its numerous chariots when daylight surprised it and the troops had to be drawn up in line before the camp to give the column time to move away. Caesar saw no advantage either in giving battle to those who were in position nor on account of the steepness of the hill in pursuing those who were making their retreat. He resolved nevertheless to make two legions advance in order to disturb the enemy retreat. Having observed that the mountain on which the Gauls were established was connected with another height Mont Colette from which it was only separated by a narrow valley. He ordered bridges to be thrown across the marsh. The legions crossed over them and soon attained the summit of the height which was defended on both sides by abrupt declivities. There he collected his troops and advanced in order of battle up to the extremity of the plateau once the engines placed in battery could reach the masses of the enemy with their missiles. The barbarians rendered confident by the advantage of their position were ready to accept battle if the Romans dared to attack the mountain. Besides, they were afraid to withdraw their troops successively as if divided they might have been thrown into disorder. This attitude led Caesar to resolve upon leaving twenty cohorts under arms and on tracing a camp on this spot and retrenching it. When the works were completed the legions were placed before the retrenchments and the cavalry distributed with their horses bridled at the outpost. The Belovaki had recourse to a stratagem in order to effect their retreat. They passed from hand to hand the fussines and the straw on which according to the Gaulish custom they were in the habit of sitting preserving at the same time their order of battle placed them in front of the camp and towards the close of the day on a pre-concerted signal set fire to them. Immediately a vast flame concealed from the Romans the Gaulish troops who fled in haste. Although the fire prevented Caesar from seeing the retreat of the enemy he suspected it. He ordered his legions to advance and sent the cavalry in pursuit but he marched slowly in fear of some stratagem suspecting the barbarians to have formed the design of drawing the Romans to disadvantageous ground. Besides the cavalry did not dare to ride through the smoke and flames and thus the Belovaki were able to pass over a distance of 10 miles and halt in a place strongly fortified by nature, Montganillon where they pitched their camp. In this position they confined themselves to placing cavalry and infantry in frequent emboscades thus inflicting great damage on the Romans when they went to forage. After several encounters of this kind Caesar learned by a prisoner that Correus, chief of the Belovaki with a 6,000 picked infantry and 1,000 horsemen was preparing an emboscade in places where the abundance of corn and forage was likely to attract the Romans. In consequence of this information he sent forward the cavalry which was always employed to protect the foragers and joined with them some light-armed auxiliaries while he himself with a greater number of legions followed them as closely as possible. The enemy had posted themselves in a plane that of Chaucy or Beck of about 1,000 paces in length and the same in breads surrounded on one side by forests and on other by a river which was difficult to pass the Isni. The cavalry becoming acquainted with the designs of the Gauls and the feelings themselves supported advanced resolutely in squadrons toward this plane which was surrounded with embouches on all sides. Correus seeing them arrive in this manner believed the opportunity favourable for the execution of his plan and began by attacking the first squadrons with a few men. The Romans sustained the shock without concentrating themselves in a mass on the same point which, says Hirtius, usually happens in cavalry engagements and leads always to a dangerous confusion. There on the contrary the squadrons remaining separated fought in detached bodies and when one of them advanced its flanks were protected by the others. Correus then ordered the rest of his cavalry to issue from the woods. An obstinate combat began on all sides without any decisive result until the enemy's infantry debouching from the forest in close ranks forced the Roman cavalry to fall back. The lightly armed soldiers who preceded their legions placed themselves between the squadrons and restored the fortune of the combat. After a certain time the troops animated by the approach of the legions and the arrival of Caesar Hirtius, of obtaining alone the honour of the victory, redoubled their efforts and gained the advantage. The enemy, on the other hand, were discouraged and took to flight but were stopped by the very obstacles which they intended to throw in the way of the Romans. A small number nevertheless escaped through the forest and crossed the river. Correus, who remained unshaken under this catastrophe obstinately refused to surrender and fell pierced his wounds. After this success, Caesar hoped that if he continued his march, the enemy in dismay would abandon his camp which was only 8 miles from the field of battle. He therefore crossed the ice knee, though not without great difficulties. End of section 27 Section 28 of The Great Events by famous historians Volume 2 This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org The Great Events by famous historians Volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn, Rossiter Johnson and John Rudd Caesar conquers goal BC 58 to 50 by Napoleon III Part 2 The Belovaki and their allies informed by the fugitives of the death of Correus of the loss of their cavalry and the flower of their infantry and fearing every moment to see the Romans appear convoked by sound of trumpet at general assembly and decided by acclamation to send deputies and hostages to the proconsul. The barbarians implored forgiveness, alleging that this last defeat had ruined their power and that the death of Correus, the instigator of the war, delivered them from oppression for during his life it was not the senate which governed but an ignorant multitude. To their prayer Caesar replied that last year the Belovaki had revolted in concert with the other Gaulish peoples but that they alone had persisted in the revolt. It was very convenient to throw their faults upon those who were dead but how could it be believed that without nothing but the help of a weak populace a man should have had a sufficient influence to raise and sustain a war contrary to the will of the chiefs the decision of the senate and the desire of honest people. However the evil which they had drawn upon themselves was for him a sufficient reparation. The following night the Belovaki and their allies submitted with the exception of Commius who fled to the country from which he had but recently drawn support he had not dared to trust the Romans for the following reason the year before in the absence of Caesar T. Labinius informed that Commius was conspiring and preparing an insurrection thought that without accusing him of bad faith, says her twos he could repress his treason under pretext of an interview he sent C. Volusenos Quadratus with some centurions to kill him but when they were in the presence of the Gaulish chief the centurion who was to strike him missed his blow and only wounded him swords were drawn on both sides and Commius had time to escape the most warlike tribes had been vengished and none of them dreamed of further revolt nevertheless many inhabitants of the newly conquered countries abandoned the towns and the fields in order to withdraw themselves from the Roman Dominion Caesar, in order to put a stop to this emigration distributed his army in different countries he ordered the questor Mark Antony to come to him with the 12th Legion and sent the Leutnant Fabius with 25 cohorts into an opposite part of Gaul to the country situated between Trois and the Vien where it was said that several tribes were in arms and was the Leutnant Caninius Rabilus who commanded with two legions did not appear to be sufficiently strong lastly he ordered T. Labianus to join him in person and to send the 15th Legion which he had under his command into Cisalpine Gaul to protect the colonies of Roman citizens there against the sudden ingroids of the barbarians who the summer before had attacked the Tergistini the inhabitants of Trist as for Caesar he proceeded with four legions to the territory of the Eboronnes to lay it waste as he could not secure Umbriorix who was still wandering at large he thought it advisable to destroy everything by fire and sword persuaded that this cheap would never dare to return to a country upon which he had brought such a terrible calamity the legions and the auxiliaries were charged with the execution of this plan then he sent Labianus with two legions to the country of the Treviri who always wore with the Germans were only kept in obedience by the presence of a Roman army during this time Caninius Rabilus who was first been appointed to go into the country of the Ruteni but who had been detained by petty insurrections in the region situated between the Croix and the Vienne learned that numerous hostile bands were assembling in the country of the Pictones he was informed of this by letters from Duraceus their king who amid the defection of a part of his people had remained invariably faithful to the Romans he started immediately for Limonum Poitiers on the road he learned from prisoners that Duraceus was shut up there and besieged by several thousand men under the orders of Dumnakus, chief of the Andes Rabilus at the head of two weak legions did not dare to measure his strength with the enemy he contended himself with establishing his camp in a strong position at the news of his approach Dumnakus raised the siege and marched to meet the legions but after several days of ruthless attempts to force their camp he returned to attack Limonum meanwhile the Leutnant Caios Fabius occupied in pacifying several other tribes learned from Caninius Rabilus what was going on in the country of the Pictones and marched without delay to the assistance of Duraceus the news of the march of Fabius deprived Dumnakus of all hope of opposing the time the troops shut up in Limonum under a reliving army he abandoned the siege again in great haste not thinking himself safe until he had placed the lawyer between himself and the Romance but he could only pass the river where there was a bridge at Somor before he had joined Rabilus before he had even obtained a sight of the enemy Fabius who came from the north at the time dogged it not from what he heard from the people of the country that Dumnakus in his fear had taken the road which led to that bridge he's therefore marched with his legions proceeded at a short distance by his cavalry the latter surprised the column of Dumnakus on its march dispersed it and returned to the camp late and with booty during the night of the following day Fabius again sent his cavalry forward with orders to delay the march of the enemy so as to give time for the arrival of the infantry the two bodies of cavalry were soon engaged but the enemy thinking he had to contend with only the same troops as the day before drew up his infantry in line so as to support the squadrons when suddenly the Roman legions appeared in order of battle at this site the barbarians were struck with terror the long train of baggage thrown into confusion and the infantry dispersed more than 12,000 men were killed and all the baggage fell into the hands of the Romans only 5,000 fugitives escaped from this route they were received by the Senonan Drapiz the same who in the first revolt of the Gauls had collected a crowd of vanagabons slaves, exiles and robbers to intercept the convoys of the Romans they took the direction of the Narbonis with the Kadurkan Lukterius who had before attempted a similar invasion rebels pursued them with two legions in order to avoid the shame of seeing the province suffering any injury from such a contemptible rebel as for Fabius he led the 25 cohorts against the Carnutes and the other tribes whose forces had already been reduced was the defeat they had suffered from Dumnakus the Carnutes though often beaten had never been completely subdued they gave hostages and the Armoricans followed their example Dumnakus driven out of his own territory went to seek refuge in the remotest part of Gaul Drapiz and Lukterius when they learned that they were pursued by rebels and his two legions had the design of penetrating into the province they halted in the country of the Kadurki and threw themselves into the opidum of Uxcelodonum Puydusol near Varak an exceedingly strong place formerly under the dependence of Lukterius who soon incited the inhabitants to revolt rebels appeared immediately before the town which surrounded on all sides by steep rocks was even without being defended difficult to access to armed men knowing that there was in the opidum so great a quantity of baggage that the besieged could not send it away secretly without being detected and overtaken by the cavalry and even by the infantry he divided his cohorts into three bodies and established three camps on the highest points next he ordered a counter violation to be made on seeing these preparations the besieged remembered the ill fortune of Alicia and feared a similar fate Lukterius who had witnessed the horrors of famine during the investment of that town now took a special care of the provisions during this time the garrison of the opidum attacked the adults of rebelus several times which obliged him to interrupt the work of the counter violation which indeed he had not sufficient forces to defend draps and Lukterius established themselves at a distance of 10 miles from the opidum with the intention of introducing the provisions gradually they shared the duties between them draps remained with part of the troops to protect the camp Lukterius during the night time endeavored to introduce beasts of burden into the town by a narrow and wooded path the noise of their march gave warning to the sentries rebelus informed of what was going on ordered the cohorts to selly from the neighboring redubs and a daybreak fell upon the convoy the escort of which was slaughtered Lukterius having escaped with a small number of his followers was unable to rejoin draps rebelus soon learned from prisoners that the rest of the troops which had left the opidum were with draps at a distance of 12 miles and that by a fortunate chance not one fugitive had taken that direction to carry him news of the last combat the roman general sent in advance all the cavalry and the light german infantry he followed them with one legion without baggage leaving the other as a guard to the three camps when he came near the enemy he learned by his scouts that the barbarians according to their custom of neglecting the heights had placed their camp on the banks of a river probably the Dordon that the Germans and the cavalry had surprised them and that they were already fighting rebelus then advanced rapidly at the head of the legion drawn up in order of battle and took possession of the heights as soon as the end signs appeared the cavalry did double its order the cohorts rushed forward from all sides and the Gauls were taken or killed the booty was immense and drapes fell into the hands of the Romans rebelus after this successful exploit which cost him but a few wounded returned under the walls of oxalodonum fearing no longer any attack from his out he set resolutely to work to continue his circumviolation the day after C. Fabius arrived followed by his troops and shared with him the labors of the siege while the south of Gaul was the scene of serious trouble Caesar left the questor Mark Antony with 15 cohorts in the country of the Belovaki to deprive the Belgaea of all idea of revolt he had proceeded to the neighboring countries with two legions had exacted hostages and restored confidence by his conciliating speeches when he arrived among the carnudes who the year before had been the first revolt he saw that the remembrance of their conduct kept them in great alarm and he resolved to put an end to it by causing his vengeance to fall only upon Gutruatus the instigator of the war this man was brought in and delivered up although Caesar was naturally inclined to be indulgent he could not resist the tumultuous entreaties of his soldiers who made that chief responsible for all the dangers they had ran and for all the miseries they had suffered Gutruatus died under the stripes and was afterwards beheaded it was in the land of the carnudes that Caesar received news by the letters of Rebels of the events which had taken place at Uxal Donom and of the resistance of the besieged although a handful of men shut up in a fortress was not very formidable he judged it necessary to punish their obstinacy for fear that the Gauls should entertain the conviction that it was not strength but constancy which had failed them in resisting the Romans and least this example might encourage the other states which possessed fortresses advantageously situated to recover their independence moreover it was known everywhere among the Gauls that Caesar had only one more summer to hold this command and that after that time they would have nothing more to fear he left there for the Leutnant Quintus Calenus and the head of his two legions with orders to follow him by ordinary marches and with his cavalry hastened by long marches towards Uxal Donom Caesar, arriving unexpectedly before the town found it completely defended at all accessible points he judged that it could not be taken by assault and as it was abundantly provided with provisions conceived the project of depriving the inhabitants of water the mountain was surrounded almost on every side by very low ground but on one side there existed a valley through which a river the tormenti ran as it flowed at the foot of two precipitous mountains the disposition of the localities did not admit of turning it aside and conducting it into lower channels it was difficult for the besieged to come down to it and the Romans rendered the approaches to it still more dangerous they placed posts of archers and slingers and brought engines which commanded all the slopes which gave access to the river the besieged had since forth no other means of procuring water but by carrying it from an abundant spring which arose at the foot of the wall 300 feet from the channel of the torment Caesar resolved to drain this spring and for this purpose he did not hesitate to attempt a laborious undertaking opposite the point where it rose he ordered covered galleries to be pushed forward against the mountain and under protection of these a terrace to be raised labor switch were carried on in the midst of continual fighting and weariness although the besieged from their elevated position fought without danger and wounded many Romans yet the latter did not yield to discouragement but continued the work at the same time they made a subterranean gallery which running from the covered galleries was intended to lead up to the spring this work carried on free from all danger was executed without being perceived by the enemy the terrace attained a height of 60 feet and was surmounted by a tower of 10 stories which without equaling the elevation of the wall a result it was impossible to obtain still commanded the fountain its approaches battered by engines from the top of this tower became inaccessible in consequence of this many men and animals in the place died of thirst the besieged terrified at this mortality filled barrels with pitch grease and shavings and rolled them flaming upon the Roman works making at the same time a celly to prevent them from extinguishing the fire soon it spread to the covered galleries and the terrace which stopped the progress of the inflammable materials notwithstanding the difficult nature of the ground and the increasing danger the Romans still persevered in their struggle the battle took place on a height within sight of the army loud cries were raised on both sides each individual sought to rival his fellow and zeal and the more he was exposed to view the more courageously he faced the missiles and the fire Caesar as he was sustaining great loss determined to feign an assault in order to create a diversion he ordered some cohorts to climb the hill on all sides uttering loud cries this movement terrified the besieged who fearing to be attacked at other points called back to the defense of the wall those who were setting fire to the works then the Romans were unable to extinguish the flames the Gauls, although exhausted by thirst and reduced to a small number seized not to defend themselves vigorously at length the subterranean gallery having reached a source of the spring the supply was turned aside the besieged beholding the fountain suddenly become dry believed in their despair that it was an intervention of the gods and submitting to necessity surrendered Caesar considered that the pacification of Gaul would never be completed if as stronger resistance was encountered in other towns he sought it advisable to spread terror by a severe example so much the more so as the well-known mildness of his temper says Hortius would not allow this necessary rigor to be ascribed to cruelty he ordered that all those who had born arms should have their hands cut off and send them away living examples of the punishment reserved for rebels draps who had been taken prisoner starved himself to death Bacterius who had been arrested by the ever-men Episcanachtus a friend of the Romans was delivered up to Caesar while these events were taking place on the banks of Dordogne Labianus in a cavalry engagement had gained a decisive advantage over part of the Triviti and Germans had taken prisoners or chief and thus subjected people who were always ready to support any insurrection against the Romans the Aedun and Surus fell also into his hands he was a chief distinguished for his courage and birth and the only one of that nation who had not yet laid down his arms from that moment Caesar considered go to be completely pacified he resolved however to go himself to Aquitaine which he had not yet visited and which Publius Crassus had partly conquered arriving there at the head of two legions he obtained the complete submission of that country without difficulty all the tribes sent him hostages he proceeded next to Narbonne with a detachment of cavalry and charged his lotinants to put the army into winter quarters four legions under the orders of Marc Antony Caius Tribonius Publius Vatinius and Q. Tullius were quartered in Belgium two among the Aedui and two among the Turons on the frontier of the Carnutes to hold and check all the countries bordering on the ocean these two lost legions took up their winter quarters on the territory of the Lemovicis not far from the Arverne so that no part of Gaul should be without troops Caesar remained with a short time in the province presiding hastily over the assemblies determining cases of public dispute and rewarding those who had served him well he had had occasion more than anyone to know their sentiments individually because during the general revolt of Gaul the fidelity and succour of the province had aided him in triumphing over it when these affairs were settled he returned to his legions in Belgium and took up his winter quarters at Nemetocena, Arras there he was informed of the last attempts of Comius who, continuing a partisan war at the head of a small number of cavalry intercepted the Roman convoys Marc Antony had charged C. Volusinus Quadratus prefect of the cavalry to pursue him he had accepted the task eagerly in the hope of succeeding the second time better than the first but Comius, taking advantage of the rash ardour with which his enemy had rushed upon him had wounded him seriously and escaped he was discouraged, however and had promised Marc Antony to retire to any spot which should be appointed him on condition that he should never be compelled to appear before a Roman this condition having been accepted he had given hostages Gaul was hereby subjugated death or slavery had carried off its principal citizens of all the chiefs who had fought for its independence only two survived Comius and Umbriorix banished far from their country they died in obscurity end of section 28