 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important dishes of the hour, a presentation of the Lawn Jean Witner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Witner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor and analyst, and Mr. Hardy Burt, author and correspondent. Our distinguished guest for this evening is His Excellency Camille Abdul Rahim, Egyptian Ambassador to the United States. Mr. Ambassador, our viewers are tremendously interested in the great political struggle now going on in the Middle East. And you, sir, with your long and distinguished career in the Egyptian diplomatic service, are particularly well qualified to give us some authoritative information. Now, first of all, sir, your country and Britain have just reached an important agreement over that great area called the Sudan. It's about a third the size of the United States. Sir, will you tell our viewers first just what the significance of this agreement is over the Sudan? This agreement on the Sudan is one of the most important events, and one of the perhaps the only happy news that we have received for a long, long time in the Middle East. What does Egypt gain out of the agreement? Well, we gain only solving a long-standing problem. Sudanese have been given the right to self-determination, either to unite with Egypt or to be independent. In other words, in about three or four years from now, the Sudanese, that's almost, that's a third the size of the United States, that great area will choose to be either independent or to become a part of Egypt. Is that correct, sir? Yes, in three years they will have full self-government, and they will be either choose to be independent. Now, has this agreement eased the tensions between the West and Egypt? Has it made Egypt perhaps friendlier to Britain than the United States? I think it has eased the conditions tremendously, and it's only, not only that, but I think it paved the way for a final solution. Well, if the Sudanese do decide after this three-year period to become independent, what does it mean economically in a loss to Egypt? Does it mean some economic loss? Not at all. There is no economic loss at all, except to be only united with the Sudan by the River Nile, which is the life-giver of both countries. Does it mean any loss to the British economically? Because the British get quite a good deal of cotton from the Sudan, I understand. Well, they get the cotton everywhere now from the United States, from Peru, from everywhere, and no more now. There's a great shortage of cotton. We want to sell our cotton, but we find some difficulty. What would be the reaction in Egypt if after this three-year period the Sudanese decided to join up with the British? Well, I really don't know if they're going to do that. I think this is a very academic question, and the British themselves, they do not feel as the Sudanese going to join the Commonwealth. But they have the right to do that if they want to. Well, if they are independent. Well, sir, now that you've gotten over this first hurdle, the Sudanese hurdle, this week you began conversations with the British over that thorny problem of British troops leaving the Suez. And of course, Britain has about 50,000 troops there. Now, your country wants those 50,000 British troops to leave, doesn't it? Surely, because these troops have been in Egypt since 1882, and they came by force, and they still remain there. When do your negotiations start? Well, we're hoping to negotiate very soon, perhaps this week. We hope so. Do you think that the agreement, would you make any predictions as to how it might come out, that the agreement will be that the British should leave the Suez? The agreement on the Suez Canal is negotiated on the same spirit, that we negotiated the Sudanese's question. I have great hopes, and I'm very optimistic of the result. Well, you want the British to leave, and then does Egypt want to take over, assume the sole responsibility for the protection of the Suez area? Of course, we are ready to assume the sole responsibility for the Suez area. We have an army of 100,000. We need some equipment. With this equipment, we could be ready to defend our country. And I can assure you, the country can and defend its territory better than any other foreigners. Do you plan to expand your military power in Egypt? Well, this is limited to our possibilities of budget and so forth, but you know, we are a population of 21 million inhabitants. We could raise up to 1 million soldiers. Well, that brings us to perhaps the most interesting point, sir. Here in America, our policy for a long time has been to expand the military power in the Middle East. The Middle East is a power vacuum. It's an immensely rich area, 60% of the oil reserves of the earth. And we, of course, as we as an American nation, we want to create a powerful military force in the Middle East, and we want it to be Egypt. Now, first of all, sir, you've said that you're a country with 21 million people. You can support an army of a million people, can't you? We can support, but you know, the expenses of a new army is so... You can supply the manpower. We can supply the manpower, and we could, through our budget, also help in deferring the expenses. Sir, do you see any signs that American policy will be to equip your troops with arms if you expand your armed forces? Well, I really can't speak on the American policy, but... I say, do you see any signs that that might happen? Well, if the United States finds it for its interests that will have a strong Egypt, well-equipped, as they have found for its interests to have a strong Turkey, well-equipped in the northeastern... Egypt would like to have that kind of aid, though. Well, we are ready to have this aid, no doubt about it. Well, I believe it's the announced policy of our State Department now that we want to help create such power, as you suggest. And the questions that are in our viewers' minds, I think, are these. First of all, how dependable would a strong Egypt be in the conflict between the West and Russia? Would you be a dependable ally? We have been always dependable during the last two world wars. In the first world war, we rendered great service to our friends, the Western powers. Of course, I suppose... In the last world war, we did the same thing. I don't find anything to the contrary for any future war. Your primary need is airplanes and tanks, I assume. Airplanes and tanks and anti-air defense, because... This is a difficult question to ask you, because you can't answer it that one way that I can see, but do you think that the Egyptians are mechanically... Do they have mechanical abilities to handle this technical equipment, the average Egyptian soldier? The British Suez base is mainly run by Egyptian mechanics. And they have a special capacity in mechanics there, and they can find people there who can do this job very easily. Well, Mr. Ambassador, just looking ahead a little bit. Suppose you have your army of a million, and suppose they're equipped and supplied by the Americans, and maybe you get your training, some of your help in that way. Is there any chance at all of this big armed force being used aggressively against Israel? I don't think there is any chance at all of that sort, because we need the army for our defense, for the defense of our country. And we have no aggressive intentions whatsoever against anybody. And you know that in 1950, there is a joint declaration of France, Britain, and the United States guaranteeing the whole status quo there, and nobody could attack the other. Well, one of the things most Americans are proud of, how Turkey has developed as a military power in that area. We feel that we've gotten more for our money in Turkey than anywhere else, and we feel that the Turkish army divisions are the best ones facing Russia. Now, do you think that an armed Egypt could cooperate with Turkey in that area, or are you an ancient enemy of the Turks? No, we are not ancient enemies. We are tied and allied always with the Turks, and we're ready to cooperate with our friends. We call them our cousins, the Turks, because there's strong relations between Egypt and Turkey for a long history. How are your relations with Russia today in Egypt? Are they better or worse than they were, say, a year or two ago? Well, I think the same relations with all countries. Well, coming back to the Turks, sir, the Turkish plan where they used the dictatorship of Ataturk after the First War, and then they finally evolved into a relatively free nation. Now, do you think you see Egypt evolving somewhat on the Turkish plan? Do you see this dictatorship now and perhaps becoming a free nation in three or four years from now? As a matter of fact, we have now in Egypt started on the way of a real democracy. We have a committee now discussing the principles of a modern constitution for Egypt. And we have now a provisional constitution for Egypt, which is governed. And we hope after this period of transition we will have a full parliament and a modern constitution. Well, sir, now as a final question, Egypt has always been a land of cruel extremes. Great wealth for a few and then perhaps the oldest and poorest peasantry in the world. And you have now begun, I believe, the first land reform in the Middle East. As a final question, sir, will you tell our viewers how that land reform is progressing? Well, this land reform is progressing very quickly. And today, if you go to Egypt, you will find a new look in Egypt. You will find that there is a creating a new middle class of eight million people, higher wages for agricultural laborers, landless peasants are receiving lots from three to five acres, those who lease the land are receiving lower rents. So the result that you will have a higher standard of living for at least eight million people in the country with internal economic conditions and consumers goods and better trade and industry inside the country. Well, thank you, sir, very much for being with us this evening. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Laun Jean Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Hardy Burt. Our distinguished guest was His Excellency Camille Abdul Warahim, Egyptian Ambassador to the United States. A priceless attribute of every Laun Jean watch is the pride of possession which it brings to its possessor. And every owner of a Laun Jean watch knows exactly what I mean. The Laun Jean watch brings you more than the delight of a beautiful possession, more than the unsurpassed timekeeping of a remarkable watch. You have the pleasure of knowing that you own the watch of highest prestige among the finest watches of the world. Laun Jean is the only watch in history to win 10 World's Fair Grand Prizes, 28 gold medals and so many honors for accuracy in fields of precise timing. Truly, when you own a Laun Jean watch, you know that it is, in fact, the world's most honored watch. So, when next you buy a watch, either for yourself or as a gift, remember these facts. And remember, too, that if you pay $71.50 or more for a watch, you're paying the price of a Laun Jean. You should insist on getting a Laun Jean, the world's most honored watch, the world's most honored gift. Premier product of the Laun Jean Wet-Nor watch company since 1866, maker of watches of the highest character. We invite you to join us for the Laun Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important dishes of the hour, broadcast on behalf of Laun Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wet-Nor, distinguished companion to the world's honored Laun Jean. This is Frank Knight, reminding you that Laun Jean and Wet-Nor watches are sold and serviced from coast to coast by more than 4,000 leading jurors who proudly display this emblem, agency for Laun Jean Wet-Nor watches. Wednesday nights, the big fights on the CBS television network.