 don't see it was not possible to recommend the removal of the existing breach in its county boundary by the Sligo Roscommon constituency to have done so would have resulted in a variance of more than 12% which the Commission considered too high. John McIntyre, editor of the Treconal Tribune. Look, there's a lot to digest breakdown here, but first and foremost, it is still, I find it extremely annoying. It's a balls, as we might say if we weren't on the radio, that a slither of Donagol, South Donagol is not going to be part of the rest of the county. Unfortunately, and the reality here is that we were just that of the population about just over 167,000, two of two, three cities would have to be much closer to that 175, 176. We weren't going to get there, but there's a bigger problem than that in that there's party team divisions in North Roscommon in the Sligo-Litrum constituency to make up the numbers. So Sligo-Litrum would be losing that Donagol vote entirely, because we were to make up those six seats. We were to get those areas north of Ballantrave, Ballishan and Bondour and back. That, if we were having this conversation yesterday, we may be calling it exactly as it is today. Anybody I talked to in the last week and there's a big, big interest in it, mainly because people are very opposed to the idea of extra seats, but most people didn't see any real change. They saw changes predominantly around Dublin, but like for Donagol, the five-seater is one that we're going to have to live with for the foreseeable future. We've had it now in 2016, 2020 and now probably next year or the year after it. And it will work. Like the ratio per TD is going to be 31,500 people. It was slightly over 32,000, so there's some minor variations in the south of the county going towards Sligo-Litrum. Yeah, we have this one TD for every 30,000 and Britain it's one for every 90,000. So obviously they were going to stick to their guns on that. That wasn't up for negotiation, I presume. It wasn't up for negotiation because it can't be under the current 1937 constitutional decision of Eamon de Valera to enshrine it in the constitution back in the day of when there was no communication whatsoever. There was hardly any travel to Dublin. The fact that it's enshrined in the constitution is between 20 and 30,000 was a minor variation either side of that. It's something that should have been changed long ago. There should have been a referendum on that. Willie O'Dee was talking about that rather belatedly last night. Michael McGrath is disagreeing with that. So we're going to have another 14 TDs come the next time. That would be utterly ridiculous. The numbers in the UK with their increased population, there's 119,000 people per MP and there's a plan there, it was upset about by Brexit. There's a plan there to reduce that by 50 because with modern communications and all of that kind of thing, 174 TDs, it leaves at 29,573 or 593 per TD, probably the lowest in the EU, but we have to live with what we have there. I think the main parties will all be breathing a slight sleight of relief here that the county is not split up again because the split would leave some rare breaches because the population base is very much towards, letter Kenny and towards, and it's shown and away from the south west. You could see areas up and determined, Kilmer Crane and almost across the Laker bridge into Rothgill, probably in up to Cranford along Moray Bay. You could see areas around Fintown coming down into Glen Swilley and Church Hill, but we haven't to worry about that this morning. All we have to worry about is that we're just in this situation where as we were previously, and as I say, the main parties from the way I look at it, Sinn Fein will be happy about it because it leaves them on track with their plan to get three seats here. It's much more difficult to get two seats in a three-seater than it is to get three seats in a five-seater if you know what I mean. Morning, Brendan. Good morning, John. Brendan Burns also with us. We'll come to you in a second. I'll tell you what, we're going to talk about what the makeup of our constituency might be post-election. There was national speculation that Donegal could be reunited, so to speak, and north and south to three-seater constituencies. I didn't get that sense on the ground. Brendan, are you surprised that the status quo has been maintained? No, not one bit. The maths always indicated if you were worth your weight in salt and doing analysis of the figures in the population of Donegal, and particularly when the commission made it known, as they did, that they weren't going to go to the upper extent of number of seats. They made it clear that they were not going to go to 181, and once it went below 178 seats, Donegal hadn't a hope of being reunited because we were well short on maths, and the only way we could be reunited into two-three-seaters would be by taking in possibly up to a quarter or half the population in litrum, and no commission would count into that. All right, okay, so John McAteer, what will be the makeup? Well, we'll go through party by party, I suppose. And then, of course, we have the 100% redress party, which certainly throws a spanner in the work for some, potentially. So, Sinn Fein got it wrong in the past. They went for three seats. It wasn't successful, and they barely scraped two. Things have changed significantly since then. Can they return three TDs in Donegal? And if so, how? The incumbents, we'd imagine, they return. But where does the third candidate come from? Who is it? It could easily be Gary Doherty again in the Van Valle, up in Europe, area, and it could be Noel Jordan. It'll be in and around those two candidates, I would imagine. Given that they have a block of 45% of the vote, they're 34. Does Gary Doherty have the profile for it, John? And Gary's a fine gentleman, as is Noel, as is everyone in this county, pretty much. But strategically, that's what failed the last time. Does he have enough co-support there as a starting point? If he sees a wee bit north in the county, in my opinion? Yeah, well, he's in the Van Valle, Sturnauer area. He would be well enough based. I think the last time he ran was just a bit premature. Sinn Fein had never voted for two or three prior to that. And it was a learning experience for them to convince their voters that there was a second and a third vote there. And it actually did backfire on them. Things have moved on quite a bit for them since then. They didn't have 45% at that point. Fein, Valle, and Finnegear were both much, much stronger. There is a sentiment running in all the opinion polls, as Brendan points out there, on the day that you weren't done low. There's a sentiment running in the opinion polls in favour of Sinn Fein and its ongoing and its increasing. Probably the reason for that there is that the three-party coalition has not seemed to be serving the people to any great extent. It's just sort of a steady as she goes. We have loads of money. It's not evident on the ground. It's not evident in childcare. It's not evident in the health system. It's not evident. The price of fuel is going up five, six or seven cents per litre this weekend. We have a different dynamic politically in Donegal, and it probably is going to transcend itself nationally as well, because nobody would be watching these results more closely than Shinners this morning. They'd have been worried about North Kerry there. Pat Daly would be hoping to bring in a second seat. I don't think he's going to seat Danny Healy-Rey, but there are high hopes of a second seat there. Likewise, across those Dublin constituencies, there would be high hopes there of extra seats. Yeah, for sure. There's a few interesting elements in that that we'd get to. But in terms of a Sinn Fein third candidate, if she can be persuaded and I don't know what the situation is at the moment, I mean, the logic that for me, if I were saying to them, you need to get Cora Harvey on that ticket. And that's no disrespect to Noel or Gary, but there's an awful lot of boxes being ticked there. And a great speaker, a very strong, I would say a very, very strong candidate that I would see if they wanted to be successful, the person that they probably need to get in there. What do you think, Brendan Byrne? Well, there's a few factors that are going to ultimately decide for Sinn Fein. One, they're going to have to do some polling to see how strong the Micah candidate is impacting on them. And once they've weathered that storm, they'll decide strategically where they're putting the candidate. And I would have to agree a three candidate strategy with Cora Harvey as the new addition to that would be by far the strongest Sinn Fein ticket because of her location. There's also the gender balance. It's very difficult for any party in a five seater now to run three male or three female candidates for that matter. So there has to be gender balance there. But in terms of Cora Harvey and I served with her on the council, she's a formidable candidate. She's very well located near the Twin Towns. And the other thing is in a five seater, the influence of the Finn Valley area once you have the right candidate is going to be significant because there's population growth there. And of course, no Jordan wouldn't have the benefit of anything south of Lahi Balantra effectively as well too. He's from Mount Charles, which you know, the natural, the natural, his natural hinter would be perhaps more southerly than westerly or northwesterly. John, what do you think of Park, Pierce, Cora and listen if Park were to struggle in the show? Yeah, it could be the ideal ticket. Now, Cora Harvey has remained very much as you know, Brent, outside of politics at every turn of the road ever since she stood down. Where she goes now, what her career prospects are. These are all issues that you'll have to consider her family. We're assuming here that if you're going to run three candidates, one of them at least will have to be a female on the gender balancing. And you can't avoid that. If it's not going to be Cora Harvey, probably it would have to be, well, I don't know how they would try to get around the regulations by running three of the one gender. I would see a female candidate. All right, for Sinn Féin. And I don't think Marie Therese, I'm not sure, I'm not sure if she would be, I mean, she'd be very good. I'm not sure she'd be interested. I don't know. I don't know Marie Therese personally about that. But just probably probably probably been seen, been, been based and unload living much too close to Pierce. It would have to be up and that's turn our area are south of the gap more up towards Donegal Town, more into your area, Brendan. All right, Brendan, Finafore, what do they do? Because they are in a dilemma in terms of, I suppose really how to get Charlie McConnel back in really, rather than any aspirations beyond that. Tactically, how do they go about doing so? Well, as you know, I can no longer speak for Finafore, but I would imagine Finafore. Now you're even, you can speak even more freely now. I would imagine Finafore are considering this morning what exactly are they going to do, but obviously now it's quite clear that they're going to have to run two candidates, one in the Old Southwest and Charlie in the Northeast. So the question you're really asking me is who is the candidate that's going to come out of the Southwest? And I think the candidates that would be looking at that position are of course Michael Nocton, who's very much south in the constituency. You have Antony Molloy, who's Ardra Glenty's based, and you cannot rule out Pat the Cope Galler, who's probably the most busy of all. Yes, but the person, if it were me, that would be most least in favour of Pat the Cope running would be, if I were he, Charlie McConnelog. Yes, well, I would have to say Charlie would probably be the best man to answer that. But the reality is, and I thought myself when I was director of elections in 2011, if you get the strategy wrong, and that was when Mary Cotland lost her seat, the strategy itself does more damage to you than the change in the swing within the electorate. So Finafore are critical crossroads here, where they need to do some hard thinking about what strategy they're going to put in place. Charlie alone as a single candidate won't work. Charlie plus a weaker candidate will not work. Two strong candidates, Charlie plus another, may well not work either. So I believe you're going to have, depending on what Fingale do, depending on what Sinn Fein are going to do, you're going to have to put two strong candidates in that have good name recognition, good geographical location. The minister, McConnelog, is taking his granted as being a candidate. So the choice is in the south, do you put Pat the Cope Gallagher, do you put Anthony Malloy or Michael Noctis? But you put in Pat the Cope Gallagher, if you want your best chance to win a seat, he's seen by many still as a TD, even though he's not elected. If you've tracked people, they'll say he's the busiest TD in the county. But that would perhaps put him as the number one candidate ahead of Charlie McConnelog with everything that's going on, knowing in terms of popularity potentially, will he outpole Charlie McConnelog? Well, popularity in itself won't win a seat for you. It helps to win a seat definitely. But if you look at the last general election, much to everyone's surprise, the whole west of Donegal voted in a greater ratio for peer starry and rather than splitting the vote evenly between Pat and Pierce, and that's what left Pat the Cope out. If that were to happen again, then you would have a repeat of what occurred in 2020. So even though Pat is a very strong candidate and he's flat out working in the entire constituency and knows and appreciates that, there's risks either way. But I suppose if you're asking me a direct question and you always do, eventually is fine, we're going to repeat that. Who's the stronger candidate? Of course it is because like a seven and a half thousand votes sitting there. Where else would you get it? Fianna Farr could count themselves very lucky to have a candidate. Is it going to be an age issue here? Or is he going to come up against that? Why should he? Like if you're sitting on seven and a half thousand votes and they're not going to be utilised, like Brendan, you will know that a big percentage of that seven and a half thousand votes are very personal votes for Pat the Cope, probably about four thousand of them. Are you going to jettison that? Right, you're not going to jettison that in favour of running Michael Norton or Anthony Malloy. They're both councillors, but they're probably not as well positioned or as well known as Pat the Cope. Anthony Malloy definitely from football. Michael Norton, those of us in the media know Michael pretty well, he's a good communicator and he's all of that. But has he that strength to get up anywhere close to five, six thousand? I don't think so. I don't think any other councillor is. Again, he is very south Donegal and maybe if the county had been reunited, his chances might have been more favourable. So John, how do, like what is the strategy here? Is the strategy if you're Fianna Fall to get Charlie McConnelog back in or to get a Fianna Fall person back in? And in both of those scenarios, how do you do it? The strategy, first of all, is to hold that seat. If they lose at Donegal, they'd be in the worst position in the way in 2011. It's just going to be as simple as that. They can't afford to lose Donegal. Let it be McConnelog or Pat the Cope, they just simply have to get one seat because they are running at a very low ebb across the polls. Nothing exciting is happening to them. That's going to increase that anytime soon. But at the end of the day, McConnelog should be a strong contender. They're in a position of having a seat. It's very, very hard to unseat a sitting TD, especially a minister. And let's look at it like this year. Charlie McConnelog has been firing money around every peer in Harbour and Slipway and Donegal. I see it down at Port Salon. They're going to flat out the spender and a half, a million and a half euro there, and up around Greencastle. There's massive amounts of money being spent on the Marine. And now, whether he's in favour of what the farmers are not, it doesn't look good from that farmers' opinion poll a couple of weeks ago. He might fare better with Donegal, but that's going to be offset by the Meike controversy. He's been seen as being far too ineffective on Meike, and that's not a personal attack on him or anything like that. It's just a reality talk to anybody that has a Meike issue. They're not going to vote McConnelog. So the question is, who are they going to vote for? Is there going to be a Meike candidate in there? There's going to be any inroads? Right, well, we're going to talk about that, because I do have to take a break, and hopefully both of you can stay with me. So does McConnelog, is Charlie McConnelog re-elected, John? No, not yet. Unless something drastically changes, does Charlie McConnelog re-elected? I would have to say, in Charlie's defence, he's a formidable campaigner. Now I know he's at his lowest ebb, because he had the Meike debacle, and it's the farmers' issues, but he's a formidable campaigner. Who would have predicted in 2011 that he would have taken a seat against the tide? Well, no one did actually. No one was predicting a seat at all for Finafall. So I certainly wouldn't write Charlie McConnelog off, and I think he needs to certainly focus on the constituency. I think he needs to focus on what he does well. He's a very good people's person, so he needs to get on the doorstep, and he needs to get out there. Blake, you know, Brandon, as a senior minister, you're aware of the constituency so much. Europe is calling. National politics is calling. The Cabinet is calling. Every other constituency in the country that has a farming vote is calling, so it's not that easy. Joe McHugh learned that the last time he just barely scripted. Well, so Parry McLaughlin almost lost that too, because he might not like this and not but there was a sense that he was, you know, to sort of focus on what was happening in Dublin or elsewhere. So you have to be really careful with that stuff. That was 2016 when he lost a seat. He was more switched in the last time as I say, it's been a big learning curve for Sinn Féin, and it's going to be a learning curve for everybody again because Féin, Fáil and Finagéil will have to hold those seats. Thomas Pringham will be a fairly certain. Well, you John, I have to take a break. We're going to go to Finagéil, the Viking Canada independence. How are your horses there? Get a cup of coffee in you. We'll be back in a minute, say what you want to, Brandon. We'll be back with you in just a couple of minutes. All right, you're very welcome back to the 9 till noon show. A caller says, get Pat the Colt back. He's still done so much for us, and other Councillor Gary Daherty has done huge work for his community. He may do it more quietly than others, but he's always available and always helping to solve issues locally. I've absolutely no doubt of that, but it's about you have a big county to sort of resonate with. Brandon, the one thing if I was trying to come up with a strategy, a party, if they were inclined to ask, which they weren't and hopefully don't, would be Finagéil. What do Finagéil do? Because they've arguably got it wrong in the last election. Joe McHugh, I think, is even with the defective concrete issue, I think he remains relatively popular, but he's not for running again. So, Brandon, what do Finagéil do? Take a hard reality check and sit down with Joe McHugh. I think if they have any fighting chance of retaining the seat in Donninggall, it's with Joe McHugh. The transformation in Joe McHugh and John McHugh mentioned it from the time he was minister to present is phenomenal, and he's connected extremely well with the electorate. So, Finagéil needs to take a reality check there and sit down with Joe and have that conversation with him, because I still believe Joe McHugh is their only hope of retaining the seat in a five-seater Donninggall. It's very hard to see any other pathway back that doesn't include Joe McHugh and John McHugh here. It's impossible, but then again Joe McHugh has kept stating and re-stating that he's gone from politics. He's outside the parliamentary party. It's easily been popular when you're on everybody's side. If he's inside the parliamentary party, he's got to organise meetings. Finagéil isn't this array across Donninggall from what I'm learning from talking to their grassroots. Finagéil is probably not much better, except this is the difference here. Finagéil has 12 strong councillors who hold and bind the organisation together. That's not happening in Finagéil. Finagéil needs a new beginning. They need new candidates. If it was Joe McHugh, can you, could he be, could he be certain of holding that seat? Remember that as a senior minister the last time he struggled, you know, a way down there on half a quota, and that probably hasn't changed. The make of vote is probably not going to go to McHugh, because he was there during the period of McHugh, and he was there back in the government until last year. So, like, it's very easy been popular, as I say, Brendan, when you're, say, foot bliss and fancy free, you haven't got a parliamentary party meetings. You haven't got to constituency meetings. In fact, you're outside of constituency meetings. And I mean, as a consequence of Joe McHugh's decision to remain out of the party, the probability here is that Finagéil has also lost ground and it has definitely lost votes. And I mean... But if you were in the party, we have seen it in the past and in this county where you can successfully ride two horses, you know, where you can be within the party and be, you know, be popular locally. And then you're sort of a kind of a different person on the national stand. When you're heading to an election, say, it's a year away or whatever it's going to be, you have to be very active and very proactive on the ground. And that can only come to your top representatives getting out and meeting the grassroots. That's not happening in Finagéil. It probably isn't happening in Finagéil to any great extent, because the grassroots don't matter anymore. You know, we've been chucking it in there as to what impact the 100% redress party might have. Ali Farron is PRO of the 100% redress party. Are you going to allow me, Ali, to speculate about the general election? So you're going to say to me that we'll see how the council elections go first? Well, we're going to... As I said to you one other time, we're going to walk first. So we're concentrating on getting a party set up primarily at the moment. And we're far from there. But we're working on being ready for the county council elections next June. So that's a lot to do yet. We can get councillors in place first. Of course. And I'll ask you about your targets in that regard in a moment. But would you have preferred to have seen two, three seaters? That might have been better in terms of returning a candidate in a general election? Or can you see it also doable in this five-seater setup? I think it might be more doable for us than a five-seater. But numbers, it can change very, very fast. We hope to be very, very strong in coming out of any shown and letter Kenny for the general election if we run a candidate. And like there's most of North Stonygall is affected, Mulford and all is affected badly by defective concrete blocks. So look, we should be able to chance it's a democratic country and where we should be entitled to run or run, you know, have a party that can speak for the people that's affected by this. So do you see any sitting councillors switching to your party or any conversations going in that regard? Not as of yet. Okay, but it's not being ruled out. We're not going to speculate on names. We'll have to wait and see. Look, there's so much to do and so much to build on first. And when we're ready to go, then we can talk. And let's be fair, nobody's going to jump ship at this stage until we have a form in Dublin and like we know things don't get happened too fast in Dublin. So a simple rubber stamp in Dublin is taking nearly two months. Yeah. And let me ask you, is there a target for council seats? And I know it's really early days and I don't sort of want to and if the answers no, the answers no. But I mean, do you look at sort of Milford letter Kenny in the show and say, well, could we do one one each two weeks? I don't know. Is there a? Yeah, yes, we're talking about running people in each of them areas, but getting the right candidate that's suitable for us, that is, you know, is what we that ties into our way of thinking. And our party's ethos will be our, you know, there's lots of good strong people out there that probably haven't even thought about running yet this candidate as a candidate. And we want to be speaking to them in the near future. But we're not just right ready yet. And that's the only problem. We're not ready yet. No, and that is perfectly fine. And that is why I do appreciate you. You're coming on with us, Ali, and talk about it. As you say, it's very early doors and waiting for that stamp. But I think these will be players in the next election. Thanks, Ali, for your time. So how big a role and of course, I understand Ali's focus being on the locals, but let's jump forward to the general election. John McAteer, how big of a role do you think a 100% redress party candidate will have in this election? Difficult to know that one there because like, it's the most adversarial constituency in the whole of Ireland, you know, every, every party and everybody within that party, they're fighting separate campaigns. It doesn't matter what else is going on in every other constituency. Donegall will be very heartily contested. Sinn Féin shouldn't be bitten for three seats. Fina Fall will be thinking of holding on to one and hope on the outside to get a second one. Thomas Springer will be a favourite with me. He has a solid base of 5,000, 6,000 votes there. Popular man there since 2011 through 2016 and 2020. So he has a lot of credibility built up there. Fina Gale probably is in a more difficult position than any of the other party. So that's going to add a lot of intensity. They have just one councillor and then he's shown, isn't it, in Johnny McGinnis. Jim McCavanus and Larry Kenny, Martin Harley is in stern horror. And beyond that, they don't have an awful lot going for them. So as we talked earlier on there, they don't have a figurehead leading them in the constituency since Joe McHugh doesn't have the party whip and he doesn't have to go to party meetings and he doesn't have to get out organising. So who's going to do it? I know that they have an area organiser based up and probably outside the county. I don't know to what extent that's playing into improving their lot. I'm just not seeing Fina Gale getting out of that. Can't believe this hour's going in so quick. Brendan, what role do you think a 100% redress party candidate might have? And will their message resonate the further they move sort of, you know, south and west of Letter Kenny? No, it won't once you go through the gap unless they can mount a considerable campaign and you can't underestimate that the would because it is a very motive issue. But if you're talking about a Mikey candidate, you must look at where the impact of a Mikey candidate is going to be. And that's, of course, going to be on Charlie McConnel Oak. It's going to be on Patrick McLaughlin. So therefore the whole third seat for Sinn Féin possibly is in jeopardy because of Mikey. The only Fina fall seat may be in jeopardy because of Mikey. So that kind of addresses the issue that we should be looking at. And we talked about it earlier, the strategies of all the parties and the strategic decision that take where they put the candidates, it's the party that makes the mistake that's going to lose the seat. And this is going to be a highly strategised election. So the party that's best organised on the ground will by default or other get the bonus. And of course, then to John McIntyre, there's going to be other strong candidates. Mary T. Sweeney has aimed to backing her. She's going to be running in the elections, I am sure. And her message will resonate with an all hot of people. Yes, yes, yes, high profile. But there's probably going to be a farmers candidate from what we're gathering as well, up on the show. We talked there about, you can look at this and sectionalise it to come out of any shown that Kenny and Mulford, you're going to need the guts of 7000 votes, because they make a campaign is going to dissipate the size of the gap and long before that. But it's not beyond the bounds of reality that that can be achieved, but it's going to be achieved at a big cost there, both fishing feint and to Fianna Fahl. I'm not too sure exactly to what extent the making campaigners have put a strategy in place, because you wouldn't have to organise in every single area if you're going to get votes. That is a big ask. But they are the most impressive in terms of, I think that's going to be very important for them is social media and their reach on that and how they can organise in that way and how they strategise it, because you know what, it could be a protest vote for some as well. But you know, like at the same time, make is a huge following, it's a huge campaign, because it's an independent, free-spirited organisation that doesn't have a political base. But once you politicise an issue, then you could see splits developing there, because not everybody that has a mic in their home is going to be a make-it candidate, or is not just going to be a make-it-voter. That's a big, big issue. Councillor Jack Moray of Sinn Féin, your reaction to the Electoral Commission, do you think it makes sense to retain Donegal as a five-seater? No, I think it's a very disappointing decision. I think Donegal, since partition, I think has been the forgotten county in favour of the Eastern seaboard, and particularly Dublin, and the population of the Dall is weighted on its favour. I think we could have done with an extra voice in the Dall. For Donegal, I think we should have taken back in the likes of Bodyshan and Bondorn, completed the county-bound race, divided into two, three-seaters. I don't think they brought that extra voice for the county when it's needed more than ever. You're talking about the effect of block crisis, like if we had that extra voice in favour of Donegal fighting in Dublin, I think it would make that struggle a bit easier. I think it's an opportunity missed today, particularly for those who wasn't Donegal in the north-west. All right, I wish I had more time, Jack, but unfortunately I don't. Thanks very much for that comment. Both of you, finally and briefly, Thomas Pringle, you'd be confident of him retaining his seat? Yeah, quite confident. I would say, from this insight, I would say it as Sinn Fein battling for three Thomas Pringle. It's hard to say that anybody's a chef bet, because I know it's the thing. Thomas Pringle would be in there, as always. He's the most transfer-friendly candidate. Right, so three Sinn Fein, one independent. Where does the last seat go? You'd have to toss a coin on that one. Well, no, you don't have a coin. You've got your head, John. I would call that profane of all, actually. Pat the Cope Galahar or Charlie McConnelogue? If Pat the Cope's running, I'd call that for the Cope. Okay, Brendan, would you say three Sinn Fein? Yeah, I see three Sinn Fein and three candidates then for the remaining two seats. If you look at 2016 and 2020, and you can't go and ignore the facts of that, Thomas Pringle survived on both those elections with a sizeable transfer from Sinn Fein. If Sinn Fein run three candidates, which they are going to, where does that transfer that he has lived on in 2016? It elected him 2020. It got him over the line again. If Sinn Fein tightened their vote, they'll take the three seats, and the other two seats will be between Thomas Pringle, a Sinn Geil candidate and a Sinn Fein candidate. With possibly a Sinn Fein organised themselves, they could, by default, possibly have two in the run. Brendan Burns, thank you very much indeed. I just kicked him out then off the back of that and I wasn't joking. John McAdu, thank you.