 So my name is Abad Ishtaya. My background is in conflict studies. Today I work for an organization called ZIMAM. Our focus is on building the infrastructure and the pipelines for young people to be more actively engaged in politics in general, but also more specifically in local government. This comes from a clear kind of need for young people to be more engaged in politics in the face of an aging leadership in Palestine. I'm here at USIP today discussing political orientation research which I led in Palestine back home. So how this project started is that we're in the business of organizing. And if you want to organize, you've got to know the lay of the land, like who's out there, who you should organize and where they live and so on. And we realized quickly after we started is that we don't really understand that kind of stuff in Palestine. Current research, I would say, provides an overall picture of who supports which political party. So let's say the percentage of people who support Fatah versus percentage of support Hamas and so on. But there are a lot of assumptions there because there hasn't been elections for so long, so you can't really measure that support. You can't validate it. And also there's an assumption that Hamas is different from Fatah. We had a different theory kind of that they're not that different anymore. So we needed to understand more and that's where the idea of the political orientation research project that is a lot more rigorous and a lot more actionable came from. I would say two things here. The first one is that Palestinians don't seem to be too busy thinking about the shape of the outcome. Of course the Palestinians want the conflict to end and want there to be peace. But they don't think too much about one state or two states. And I think that is because they seem to think that they can't really control that outcome. At the same time, there seem to be high opposition to the one state solution in particular. 62% of the population strongly opposed a one state solution versus 42% opposing a two state solution. And it looks like the opposition comes from two places. If a conflict ends today or before it ends it's really hard for people to imagine living with the enemy or the occupier. But the other part seems to be cultural because the more you're opposed to the one state solution, the more socially conservative on the moral foundations one tends to be. So that gives us a bit of nuance as to where the opposition to the one state solution comes from. I think there's a pretty clear conclusion where we saw 40% of Palestinians nearly, 39% of Palestinians, who opposed all political parties and they are actually very politically active at the same time. So they don't believe in traditional political parties but they are further left to the Palestinian average. They are young, 70% of them are under 30 years old. They are pragmatic, so they support a pragmatic solution. And they're also more likely to be peaceful in how to deal with Israel. They supported peaceful, popular resistance as opposed to armed resistance. So this is a big conclusion. But in order for us to kind of operationalize that conclusion, we need to think of peace building and the peace building community through a wider lens, a lens that also includes development. Because maybe I would argue that if you ask people, are you a peace activist? You're going to get a very small percentage saying yes. But then if you actually look at the 40%, they are naturally supporting peace. So you want to tackle the things that they want to engage in. Maybe you want to tackle state building and nation building, which is essential for peace building. Maybe it's economic development and political development, which again is essential for peace building. So if we look at it this way and we look at the research with a complex lens, there are serious conclusions and consequential conclusions that can be drawn for the peace building community and peace building in general.