 Super. Thank you very much. Those were two presentations that are excellent to follow because I think there's just so much resonance between all of the work that we're doing. We're going to have to keep on talking for a long time. Thinking about delivering housing for all, of course, the thing that occupies my mind is that cities are built the way they're financed. That's not a new statement. I also borrowed that from someone long ago. That is early as 1984, but we keep on forgetting this and we forget it especially in relation to housing. Oftentimes in the African context, that's the last thing that gets thought of is how do you actually pay for it? And just looking at these images which were taken by unequal scenes, a really interesting website. And you can see the difference in the different environments between where you've got mortgage financing on the one side and explicitly construction finance and then clear registered title. And then we have informal housing conditions. Oftentimes there's some level of government subsidy that might have been in that space. Household savings and labor. And then often what it is that's causing that is inaccessible title. But to split that into two pieces is also not sufficient. So what I want to start with is really to take a look at some of the pictures of what do cities look like right now across this continent and what are the things that they're telling us. We're going to look at ways in which housing developments themselves are beginning to show how we're not looking at a value chain. And I'd like to split up the value chain into its pieces so that it can explicitly respond to households. Okay. Many people here would know about Columbia and Gola. But there's another development called Vision City in Rwanda. And then there is a development that we saw promised yesterday called Lagar, which is here. And I think what's common across all of these and I'm well I'm guessing forward on Lagar. But that we've got poor targeting. So a focus on delivering scale, massive, beautiful development. Someone talked this morning about the romantics of the big plan. And they're focusing on households on a housing vision that doesn't match the reality of affordability. But what it also doesn't match is in fact the reality of the financing structures in that society. So in Angola, the nation of Angola did not have enough mortgages in its existing mortgage system to actually finance or to match the units that were being delivered here. In addition to that what ends up happening is that the target, this development here, the units went for about $190,000 down to I guess the lowest priced unit was $120,000. Because people couldn't actually afford that and access mortgages for that, they had to slash the prices. And what that then said to investors was that delivering so-called affordable housing is in fact an enterprise that will not realize the returns that are expected. The same happened in Rwanda. This here and that's about what we're seeing is these are older units, but there has been an element where houses are allocated to low income households. And then in addition, there is a consequence of those allocations that households are subletting. And they're making a choice, they're moving away so that they can earn an income from the rental of these units. That's a logical decision in many instances by those households, but it's not achieving the kinds of development expectations that the government has had. I was in Abhijan about a month ago. And this is a development in Cote d'Ivoire. They've made a promise of delivering 150,000 units, affordable housing units. And this is a development of 34,000. And it's sitting stalled at the moment, or many of it is stalled. How do I do this? There we go. Good. And partly that's because these 34,000 units in this development were allocated across a series of developers who were unable to access the construction finance they needed to finish their projects because they don't have the capacity as businesses to receive that money. So they're not big enough. And the capacity of developers to deliver large scale developments is actually very limited across many of most countries across this continent. And the expectation, however, for scale is such that pushes them to a point where you do get abandoned developments because they can't finish the projects. A fund, the Pan-African Housing Fund, was set up to fund affordable housing developments and they were unable to amass enough projects to actually use the money that they have in their fund because they can't find developers to receive their money. And then we have, I think, the point Jose that you made is that there's a lot of, both of you made, is that there's a lot of existing housing. And in fact, rental is dominant. So this is a picture of Abhijan. And 54% of urban households in Cote d'Ivoire are renting 78% in Abhijan itself. And many of them, in fact, the housing conditions that people are in in those units are poor. So access to services, access to water and sanitation is limited. And we spend so much time thinking about new build and we're not thinking about refurbishment and the kinds of financing structures that would improve the quality of this kind of housing. And then my last point is that in the meantime, people are making a plan. They are actually trying to get on with it. So this is a woman in Johannesburg in an area called Slovoville, which is just outside Soweto or in the edge of Soweto. And having received this plot of land and that pink house through the government subsidized housing program, she dragged the container on it and ran a small business from that, which raised an income that she could use to service a loan to build backyard rental. You can see that in the back there, that cement structure. What's so interesting is that South African policymakers for the longest time thought backyard rental was informal. And yet there are so many examples of households actively of their own accord and often despite policy, building good quality rental housing, because they're responding to a need. You can see a mine in the far background there, which is the source of her demand for rental accommodation. So what does that begin to tell us about a value chain? And when we think about a value chain and the delivery of housing, we like to group it all together because that's easier. So that first example in Colombo was trying to get it all together in one bit. So this is stylized. It's different from one housing process to the other. But this is our housing delivery value chain. And I'd like to suggest that each and every one of those links in the chain is a finance moment itself and doesn't have to be grouped together. It's easier to group it together, but it's more expensive to do that as well. And so what we need to start looking at then is what are the finance instruments that can service the different finance moments along the value chain. And some of those may well group things together. A mortgage will group together a whole bunch of those. And in fact, the mortgage is only possible actually if there's construction finance proceeding that. And those two go together. But if not, it might be a micro loan that enables access to land or access to title and then extension of a room. The difficulty is that all of those finance instruments need money themselves and they rely on funding instruments in capital markets and investors. And the problem that we face as we try to promote housing for all is that we've got all of the turquoise actors at the top looking at that value chain at the bottom and trying to understand where they fit. And if they see an inconsistency in any one of those bubbles they're going to rather go to a shopping mall or a casino or a road or something else. And they're not going to do housing because housing can be messy. And a critical thing I think for planners and for governments and for development practitioners, in addition to the parties in this map here is to create confidence in each one of those links along that chain so that the people in the turquoise space, oh my goodness, will be able to respond to the opportunities along the value chain. So quickly to just look at what those might be. There are some really interesting examples across the continent and I have them listed and we can talk about them later but to summarize, fascinating land readjustment strategy that's being employed in Maputo in Mozambique. We're taking an informal settlement that's located in the inner city and for each plot where households have rights to that land, in fact dividing that plot into building two houses on top of the land and using the development of the two houses, the supply of the land to enable the existing household to have a formal dwelling and another dwelling put on top. Some blockchain registration approaches which are being explored in Ghana to accelerate the title process. In terms of bulk infrastructures and very interesting public-private partnerships those are dangerous and scary but old mutual working with CABS which is a mortgage lender within Zimbabwe able to support the delivery of infrastructure that normally is the job of a municipality a municipality that doesn't have the capacity to do that. In terms of house construction itself, a fascinating mobile platform to connect and enable scale builders and I want to jump to that quickly just to show that I think that's probably the most interesting one in terms of our context here and to feedback into what we've been talking in the previous two inputs. Then a recognition of the fact that housing consumers in fact are housing suppliers themselves and the trust for urban housing finance tough in South Africa providing commercial mortgage finance which is based on not the affordability of the borrower but their future income stream to provide rental accommodation on a small scale basis and they do I think Jose what you were alluding to massive small so they've delivered now or they financed the delivery of 33,000 units in the past 15 years which is more than any other development in South Africa that's gone large scale and they've managed to achieve that by funding landlords who each have maybe three to 30, 50 units each. Then we have maintenance and improvements is also addressed by that sales and transfer looking at underwriting for informal incomes in Nigeria and some interesting programs to really recognize to get lenders to grapple with the fact that the majority of their customers whether they're going to be for mortgages or for other kinds of finance are coming with incomes they don't understand right now so to develop uniform underwriting standards to make it possible for lenders to lend to people who have different kinds of incomes in our evolving labor market and lastly home-based enterprises and backyard rental really creates an opportunity to diversify the urban infrastructure and what has in many cases I'm looking forward to seeing that happen in Addis to create not residential dormitories but vibrant economies where residents are also entrepreneurs and I guess I will stop there. Thank you. Just a quick question. One very interesting thing in the South African context is there's a complete disjuncture between where people live and where people are living and you spoke now about all the difficulties in financing new housing if you were to sort of think about how do you merge those two dimensions which are at least in the South African context and I think in many other contexts and not being successfully merged together do you think this could perhaps create a different logic in terms of how do you get people able to participate in some of these systems some of these new systems that you say are emerging and be able to maybe incrementally afford a different kind of dwelling? Absolutely, absolutely. I mean I think that if we look at some of the established the existing townships, low income areas within South Africa we work in an area called Kailicha which is on the edge of Cape Town that's already a functioning area people have been living there for a very long time and you're right the majority for the longest time that was a residential dormitory travelling into the city of Cape Town as that area, as governance in that area improves streets are paved, services are delivered rubbish is collected and so on and people start to invest in their housing and are able to do that in such a way where they can extend by putting in a shop or providing rental accommodation and in fact there's an explosion of quality rental accommodation the thing that's been missing is that value chain at the bottom often times it's the finance that glues it together and if a household can't afford that big piece of finance if they can only afford a micro loan the value chain itself doesn't function well for them and so finding ways to connect the value chain together and I think that's the one example I wanted to raise the platform is called iBuild it is a technological platform but it doesn't need a smartphone and what it does is it connects builders to people who are looking to improve their properties to lenders who want to invest explicitly in housing by creating almost a micro ecosystem it creates the opportunity for residents in Kailita who are not yet employed, formerly employed to build economic activity on their properties and that then creates a suburb that's functioning and that doesn't need to travel into the city of Cape Town on a daily basis because there is a local economy that's operating in that space In a moment we're going to move to three other case studies in three other parts of the world but just to play devil's advocate for a moment with these three presentations it seems to me that what I'm hearing and maybe it's a fault also of the urban age and the way we've just organized these two panels after the other, there is a profound disconnect between let's call it planning vision for the city as a whole and housing I mean that's what I keep on hearing and the only examples we get are from Mexico City where it failed so in many ways what are we actually bringing to the table and I think I know that Singapore obviously is the prime example of how to get it right but I think we might want to reflect on that in those cases one of the points you made very interesting is that the landscape of the cities that you're studying and are inhabited in this region effectively you said something like form follows money effectively the landscape of investment is what we're ending up with and it ain't a very happy sight that's what we're doing I think if Jean-Louis Misica were here I can't see him or those of us who maybe are admirers of the city of Barcelona or even the Uber capitalist grid of Manhattan could say that there are ways of actually designing and investing in physical form which is privately funded which is ultimately equitable and that can actually deal with all these issues and I'm just parking it there perhaps we can go back to that I think the point that Scott made about the planning regime that recognizes the way Indigenous or the way people get on with it actually and that supports that so that's important to enable their activity but what's equally as important from that kind of an approach is that to create the confidence of the money so that the money can trust that that's going to be a good process and will be well governed and will be able to do this and engage in the way in which people are improving and developing and they may well even be going up we see that there's a variety of urban forms but the investor at the very top so far removed from what's happening on the ground needs to trust that that's going to be a good strategy and if they can start to feel that and recognize that they may then move away from those massive investments that they can go with in other places I would say I think that there is definitely the idea is not to romanticize self-building because it takes too much out of households to do that the idea is to sort of say I think that planning needs to intervene at different stages in some Indian cities you see households that after a generation of slow improvement are actually able and happy to enter into mortgage-based vertical housing and I think the question is to say where are your wages and if you treat housing as a wage question there are cities in India where I would be fully ready for vertical upgrading because the employment pattern and the wages of those households have done so typically after about 10 years of upgradation so actually it's not that planning has not engaged with informal settlements it has but it has done it without saying it's doing it we give water to informal settlements we give electricity and drainage we give slow improvements but we do it at a discretionary way not as policy and not as rights and I think that is unfair to residents and citizens because then you are not getting services as a right you get them because of a political negotiation endlessly with the state if we call that our planning process I think that in a generation you will have a different economic market that is able to take land-based planning but my only point is we are not there yet and pretending that we are is disingenuous to our planning practice we hear more from Joseph and Taibat I'm sure that issue in a moment but I think it would be good now to move on to the sort of second set of presentations effectively on mass housing models and given that a few of us were able to experience through the visits yesterday some of the projects and in fact Jose showed in photographs there's nothing nowhere better to start but with Addis Ababa then we'll move to Singapore and the Karachi experience