 Book 1, Chapter 4, Part 4 of History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Ben Wilford. History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 1 by Henry Charles Lee. Book 1, Chapter 4, Establishment of the Inquisition, Part 4. Trocamotus, commissioned of 1485, contained the important power of appointing and dismissing inquisitors, but the confirmation of 1486 bore the significant exception that all those appointed by the Pope were exempted from removal by him, indicating that in the interval he had attempted to exercise the power and that the resistance to it had enlisted Pope's support. In fact, at the Conference of Seville held in 1484 by Trocamotus, there were present the two inquisitors of each of four existing tribunals. From Seville, we find Juan D. San Martín, one of the original appointees of 1479, but his colleague Miguel de Morello has disappeared and is replaced by Juan Ruiz de Media, who had been merely a cesser, while but a single one, Pedro Martínez de Barrio of the Seven Commissioned by Sixtus IV in 1482, appears as representing the other tribunals. The rest are all new men, doubtless appointees of Trocamotus. There was evidently a bitter quarrel on foot between Trocamotus and the original Papal nominees, who held that their powers delegated directly from the Pope rendered him independent of him and, as usual, the Holy See inclined to one side or to the other in the most exasperating manner as the opposing interests brought influence to bear. Complaints against Trocamotus were sufficiently numerous and serious to oblige him thrice to send Frey Alonso Velaja to the Papal Court to justify him. He seems to have removed Miguel de Morello, who vindicated himself in Rome, for a brief of Innocence VIII, February 23, 1487, appoints him Inquisitor of Seville in complete disregard of the faculty's gratitude to Trocamotus. On a motu proprio of November 26, 1487, suspends both him and Juan D. San Martín and commissions Trocamotus to appoint their successors. Again, a brief of January 7, 1488 appoints Juan Inquisitor of Seville, while subsequent briefs of the same year are addressed to him concerning the business of his office as though he were discharging his duties independently of Trocamotus. But his death in 1489 removed him from the scene. The quarrel evidently continued and at one time Frey Miguel enjoyed a momentary triumph. For a Papal letter of September 26, 1491 commissions him as Inquisitor General of Castile and Aragon, thus placing him on an equality with Trocamotus himself. It would be impossible now to determine what part the sovereigns may have had in these changes and to what extent the post disregarded the authority conferred on them of appointment and removal. There was a constant struggle on the one hand to render the Spanish Holy Office national and independent and on the other to keep it subject to Papal control. Finally, the opposition to Trocamotus became so strong that Alexander VI in 1494 kindly alleging his great age and infirmities commissioned Martin Ponce de Leon, Archbishop of Messina, but resident in Spain, Inago Monrique, Bishop of Cordova, Francisco Sanchez de la Fuentes, Bishop of Avila, Alonso Suárez de Fuentesos, Bishop of Montenegro and successively of Lugo and Han as Inquisitor General with the same powers as Trocamotus, each was independent and could act by himself and could even terminate cases commenced by another. It is quite probable that to spare his feelings he was allowed to name his colleagues as delicates of his powers, for in some instructions issued in 1494 by Martín of Messina and Francisco of Avila, they described themselves as Inquisitor General and all the Spanish rims sub-delegated by the Inquisitor General Trocamotta. He evidently still retained his preeminence and was active to the last, for we have letters from Ferdinand to him in the first half of 1498 concerning the current affairs of the Inquisition in which the Bishop of Lugo declined to interfere with him. The instructions of Avila in 1498 were issued in his name as Inquisitor General and the assertion that he resigned two years before his death, September 16, 1498, is evidently incorrect. In some respects, however, the Bishop of Avila had special functions which distinguished him from his colleagues, for he was appointed by Alexander VI, November 4, 1494, Judge of Appeals in All Matters of Faith and March 30, 1495, he received special faculties to degrade eclavistics condemned by the Inquisitions or to appoint other bishops for that function. So long as they were in orders clerics were exempt from secular jurisdiction and it was necessary to degrade them before they could be delivered to the civil authorities for burning. Under the cannons, this had to be done by their own bishops who were not always in hand for the purpose and who apparently, when present, sometimes refused or delayed to perform the office, which was a serious impediment to the business of the Inquisition as many Judaizing conversals were found among the clerics. This multi-form headship of the Inquisition continued for some years until the various incumbents successfully died or resigned. Inigo Manrique was the first to disappear, dying in 1496 and had no successor. In 1498 followed the Bishop of Vila, who had been transferred to Cordova in 1496 in the same year as we had seen Trocamotta died, and this time the vacancy was filled by the appointment as his successor of Diego de Zay, then Bishop of Han, subsequently in 1500 of Palencia and in 1505 Archbishop of Seville, who was commissioned November 24, 1498 for the Castile, Leon and Granada, and on September 1, 1499 for all the Spanish kingdoms. In 1500 died Martin Archbishop of Messina, apparently a defaulter, for on October 26 of the same year Ferdinand orders his auditor of the confiscations to pass to the accounts of Luiz de Riva Martin, receiver of Cadiz, 18,000 Marverides, due by the Archbishop for wheat, hay, etc., which he forgives to their heirs. From this time forward, de Zay is recognized as the sole inquisitor general and direct successor of Trocamotta, but for into south, Bishop of Han, remained in office for as late as January 13, 1503, and order for the payment of salaries is signed by de Zay and contains the names of the Bishop of Han, as also inquisitor general. He relinquished the position in 1504, and de Zay remained as sole chief of the inquisition until in 1507 he was forced to resign as we shall see hereafter. At the time of his retirement, the kingdom of Castile and Aragon had been separated by the death of Isabella, November 26, 1504. Ferdinand's experience with his son-in-law, Philip I, and his hope of issue from his marriage in March 1506 with Germain de Foy, in which case the kingdoms would have remained separate, warned him of the danger of having his ancestral dominions spiritually subordinated to a Castilian subject. Before de Zay's resignation, therefore he applied to Julius II to commission one in Guerrera, Bishop of Viche, with the powers for Aragon, which de Zay was exercising. Julius seems to have made some difficulty about this, for a letter of Ferdinand from Naples, February 6, 1507, to his ambassador at Rome, Francisco de Rojas, instructs him to explain that since he had abandoned the title of King of Castile, the jurisdiction was separated and it was necessary and convenient that there should be an inquisition for each kingdom. He prevailed and the appointment of Cardinal's Siemeness for Castile and of Bishop in Guerrera for Aragon were issued respectively on June 6 and 5, 1507. During the lifetime of the Siemeness, the inquisitions remained disunited, but in 1518, after his death, Charles V caused his former tutor, Cardinal Adrian Eutratic, Bishop of Tortosa, who in 1516 had been made inquisitor general of Aragon to be commissioned also of Castile, after which there was no further division. During the interval, Ferdinand had acquired Navarra and had annexed it to the crown of Castile so that the whole of the peninsula, with the exception of Portugal, was united under one organization. Among other powers granted to Torcamada was that of modifying the rules of the inquisition to adapt them to the requirements of Spain. The importance of this concession, it would be difficult to exaggerate as it rendered the institution virtually self-governing. Thus the Spanish impositions acquired a character of its own, distinguish it from were among tribunals of the periods in other lands. The man who fashioned it knew perfectly what they wanted and in their hands it assumed the shape in which it dominated the conscience of every man and was an object of terror to the whole population. In the exercise of this power, Torcamada assembled the inquisitors in Seville, November 29, 1484, where, in conjunction with his colleagues of the Suprema, a series of regulations were agreed upon, known as the Instructions de Sevilla, to which in December of the same year, in January 1485, he added further rules issued in his own name under the authority of the sovereigns. In 1488, another assembly was held, under the supervision of Ferdinand and Isabella, which issued this Instructions de Velota did. In 1498 came the Instructions de Avila, the last in which Torcamada took part, designed principally to check the abuses which were rapidly developing and, for the same purpose, a brief addition was made at Seville in 1500 by Diego de Zay. All of these became known in the tribunals as the Instructions Antiquas. As the institution became thoroughly organized under the control of the Suprema, consultation with the subordinate inquisitors was no longer requisite and regulations were promulgated by adding in Cartus Accordadas. It was difficult, however, to keep the inquisitor strictly in line and variations of practice sprang up which, in 1561, the inquisitor general, Fernando Valdez, endeavored to check by issuing the Instructions Navas subsequent regulations were required from time to time, forming a considerable and somewhat intricate body of jurisprudence, which we shall have to consider hereafter. At present, it is sufficient to indicate how the inquisition became an autonomous body in the Imperium in Imperio, framing its own laws and subject only to the rarely exercised authority of the Holy See and the more or less hesitating control of the crown. At the same time, all the resources of the state were placed at its disposal. When an inquisitor came to assume his functions, the officials took an oath to assist him, to exterminate all whom he might designate as heretics, and to observe and compel the observance of all the decretals. Add Oberlinum, ex-communicomus, ute officium inquisitonus, and ute inquisitonus negocium. The popular legislations of the 13th century, which made the state wholly subservient to the Holy Office and rendered incapable of official position any one suspect in the faith or who favoured heretics. Besides this, all the population was assembled to listen to a sermon by the inquisitor, after which all was required to swear on the cross and the gospels to help the Holy Office and not to impede it in any manner or of any pretext. It is no wonder that, as this pretentious institution spread its wings of terror over the land, all who felt themselves liable to its animaid version were disposed to seek safety and flight, no matter at what sacrifice. That number succeeded in this is shown by the statistics of the early Otto's Defec, in which the living victims are far outnumbered by the effigies of the absent. Thus since the Eau d'Azriel, during the first two years, 52 obscenate heretics were burnt and 220 absentees were condemned. In Barcelona, where the Inquisitions was not established until 1487, their first Otto Defec, celebrated January 25, 1488, showed a list of four living victims to 12 effigies of fugitives. In a subsequent one of May 23, the proportions were 3 to 42, in one of February 9, 1489, 3 to 39, in one of March 24, 1490, there were 2 to 159, and in another of June 10, 1491, there were 3 to 139. If the object had simply been to purify the land of heresy and apostasy, this would have been accomplished as well by expatriation as by burning or reconciling. But such was not the policy which governed the sovereigns, and edits were issued forbidding all of the Jewish lineage from leaving Spain and imposing a fine of 500 florens on shipmasters conveying them away. This was not, as it might seem to us, wanton cruelty, although it was harsh, in as much as it assumed guilt on mere suspicion. To say nothing of the confiscations, which were defrauded of the portable property carried away by the fugitives, we must bear in mind that, through the orthodox of the period, heresy was a positive crime, nay, the greatest of crimes, punishable as such by laws enforced for centuries, and the heretic was to be prevented from escaping its penalties as much as a murderer or a thief. The royal edicts were supplemented by the inquisition, and it is an illustration of the extension of its jurisdiction over all matters relating directly or indirectly to the faith that, November 8th, 1499, the Archbishop Martin of Messina issued an order which was published throughout the realm and was confirmed by Diego de Sey, January 15th, 1502, to the effect that no ship captain or merchant should transport across seas any new Christian, whether Jewish or Moorish, without a royal license, upon pain of confiscation, of excommunication, and of being held as a fatour and protector of heretics. To render this effective, two days later, Archbishop Martin ordered that suitable persons should be sent to all the seaports to arrest all new Christians desiring to cross the sea, and bring them to the inquisition so that justice could be done to them, all expenses being defrayed out of the confiscations. These provisions were not allowed to be dead letter, though we are apt to hear of them, rather in cases where, for special reasons, the penalties were remitted. Thus, July 24th, 1499, Ferdinand writes to the inquisitioners of Barcelona that a ship of Charles de Saint Clement, a merchant of their city, had brought from Alexandria to Augustus, certain persons who had fled from Spain. Even this transportation between foreign ports came within the purview of the law, for Ferdinand explains that action in this case would be to his disservice. Therefore, if complaint is lies with them, they are to refer it to him or to the inquisitor general for instructions. Again, on November 8th, 1500, the king orders the release of their caraval and other property of Diego de la Mesquita, of Seville, which has been seized because he had carried some new Christians to Naples. The reason for the release being the services of Diego in the war with Naples and those which he is rendering elsewhere. A letter from Ferdinand to the king of Portugal, November 7th, 1500, decides that recently some new Christians had been arrested in Malaga, where they were embarking under pretext of going to Rome for the jubilee. On examination by the inquisition at Seville, they admitted that they were Jews, but said that they had been forced in Portugal to turn Christian. As this brought them under inquisitorial jurisdiction, the inquisitors were sending to Portugal for evidence and the king was asked to protect the envoys and give them facilities for the purpose. The same termination was manifested to recapture when possible for those who had succeeded in affecting their flight. In 1496, Miser Martín, inquisitor of Malorca, heard of some who were in Brugia, a sea port of Africa, he forthwith dispatched the notary, Dupé de Vergara, thither to seize him, but the misbehaving moors just regarded his safe conduct and threw him and his party into a dungeon where they languished for three years. He at length was ransomed and in recompense of his losses and suffering, Ferdinand ordered, March 31st, 1499, to pay him 250 gold ducats without requiring of him any itemized statement of his injuries. It shows how strong an impression had already been made by the resolute character of the sovereigns and how violent was antagonism generally entertained for the conversos that so novel an absolute attireny could be imposed on the lately turbulent population of Castile without resistance, and that so powerful a class as that against which persecution was directed should have submitted without an effort save the abortive plots that surveil and trolledo. The indications that had reached us of opposition to the arbitrary acts of the inquisition in making a risk or confiscations are singularly few. In the records of the town council of Xeres de la Fontera under date of August 28th 1482, there is an entry reciting that there had come to the town a man carrying a wand and calling himself an Al-Ghazal of the inquisition. He had seized Gunkalo Kaka and carried him off without showing his authority to the local officials, which was characterized as an atrocious proceeding and the town ought to take steps with the king, the pope and the inquisition to have it undone. Doubtless the summary acts of the holy office overriding all recognized laws created such feeling in many places as we may gather from the Sedulla of Ferdinand, December 15th, 1484, forbidding the reception of heretics and ordering their surrender on demand of inquisitors, and another of July the 8th, 1487, commanding that any one bearing orders from the inquisitors of Toledo is to be allowed to arrest any person under a penalty of 100,000 Mavarvides for the rich in confiscation for others. But complaints were dangerous for they could be met by threats of punishment for faltership of heresy. Still it required considerable time to accustom the nobles and people to unquestioning submission to a domination so absolute and so foreign to their experience. As late as the year 1500, there are two royal letters to the count of Benal-Ghazar reciting that he had ordered the rest of a girl of Herrera who had uttered scandals against the faith. She was in the hands of his Alcadade, Guterra de Sordomior, who refused to deliver her when the inquisitor sent for her. The second letter, after an interval of 19 days, points out the gravity of the offense and pre-imperatorily orders the surrender of the girl. She proved to be a Jewish prophetess whose trial resulted in bringing to the state large numbers of her unfortunate disciples. There is also an anticipation of resistance in a letter January the 12th, 1501 to the prior of St. John charging him to see that no impediments are placed in the way of the receiver of the inquisition of Han in seizing certain confiscated property at Al-Khazar de Konshuigra. More indicative of popular repugnance is a letter of October the 4th, 1502 to the royal officials of a place not specified, reciting that the people are endeavoring to have Mosin Salador Ceres, Lieutenant of the Vicar, removed because he had spoken well of the inquisition and had been charged by the inquisitors with certain duties to perform. They are not to allow this to be done and are to see that he is not ill-treated. In 1509, Ferdinand had occasion to remonstrate with the Duke of Alva, in the case of Alonso de Han, a resident of Korea, because when he was arrested an agent of the Duke had seized certain cows and sold them, and when he was condemned and his property confiscated, Alva had forbidden anyone to purchase anything without his permission. Ferdinand charges him to allow the sale to proceed freely and to account for the cows, pointing out that he had granted to him a third of the net proceeds of all confiscations in his estates. This grant of a third of the confiscations was made to other great nobles and doubtless tended to reconcile them to the operations of the inquisition, in this general acquiescence. It is somewhat remarkable that, as late as 1520, when Charles V ordered Merida to prepare accommodations for a tribunal, the city remonstrated. Everything there was quiet and peaceful, it said, and it feared a tumult, if the Holy Office was established there. While if merely a visit was made for an inquest, it would lend willing aid, cardinal Adrian harkened to the warning in Charles' absence in a letter of November 27th, 1520 ordered his inquisitors to settle somewhere else. At the same time it was inevitable that power so irresponsible would be frequently and greatly abused, and it is interesting to observe that when no resistance was made, Ferdinand was, as a general rule, prompt to intervene in favor of their press. Thus, January 28th, 1498, he rise to the inquisitor's general, that recently some officials of the inquisition of Valencia went to the barony of Syrah to arrest some women who were more stressed and, as they were not recognized, they were resisted by the Moors, whereupon their inquisitors proceeded to seize all the Moors of Syrah, who chanced to come to Valencia, so that this place was becoming depopulated. He therefore orders the inquisitor's general to intimate to their subordinates that they must find some other method whereby the innocent shall not suffer for the fault of the individuals, and, not content with this, he wrote directly to the inquisitor of Valencia, instructing him to proceed with much moderation. In another case where opposition had been provoked, he writes, January 18th, 1499, we have your letter on our much displeased with a maltreatment which you report of the inquisitor and his officials. It will be attended to duly, but often you yourself are the cause of it, for if each of you would attend to his duties quietly and carefully, and injure no one, you would be held in good esteem. Look at this in the future, for it will displease us much if you do what you ought not with little foundation. At the same time, he charges the inquisitor not to make arrests without good cause. For in such things, besides the charge on your conscience, the Holy Office is much defiant in its official despise. So in a letter of August of 151500 to the inquisitor of Sir Agusa, he tells them that he has received a copy of an edict which they had issued at Colitellid. It is so sharp that if it is enforced, no one can be safe. They must consider such things carefully or consult him. In the present case, they will obey the instructions sent by the inquisitor generals and must always bear in mind that the only object of the inquisition is the salvation of the souls. Again, when the inquisitors of Barcelona imperilously placed the town of Perpinin under interdict in a quarrel arising out of a sensual or a ground rent on Corsella, Ferdinand writes to them, March 5, 1501, that the town is poor and must be gently treated, especially as it is on the frontier and he sends a special envoy to arrange the matter. The wearing delays, which were one of the most terrible engines of the oppression by the inquisition, were especially distasteful to him. January 28, 1498, he writes to an inquisitor about the case of Anton Ruiz of Torreo, who had been in prison for five months without trial for some remarks made by him to another person about the confiscation of the property of J. M. D. Sant'Angel. Though application had been made repeatedly to have the case dispatched, Ferdinand orders that it be considered at once. The prisoner is either to be discharged on bail or proper punishment is to be inflicted. So, January 16, 1501, he reminds inquisitors that he has written to them several times to conclude the case between the heirs of Mosein, Peria, and the sons of Anton Ruiz and deliver sentence. The case has been concluded for some time, but the sentence is withheld. It must be rendered at once, or the case must be either delegated to a competent person or to be sent to the supreme. At the same time, whenever there was semblance of opposition to an injustice on the part of the secular authorities, he was prompt to repress it. The action of the inquisition of Valencia in confiscating the property of a certain Valenzola, excited so much feeling that the governor, the auditor general, the royal council, and the hurratists met to protest against it, and in so doing said some things unpleasing to the inquisitors, who thereupon complained to Ferdinand. He wrote to the offenders, March 21st, 1499, rebuking them severely. It was none of their business. If the inquisitors committed an injustice to the appeal in the inquisitor general, who would rectify it, their duty was to aid the inquisition, and he ordered them to do so in future and not create scandal. He was more considerate when the frontier town of Perpignan was concerned, for in 1513, when the deputy receiver of confiscations provoked antagonism by the vigor of his proceedings, and the councils complained that he had publicly insulted Franco Miller, one of their number, Ferdinand ordered the inquisitor of Barcelona to investigate the matter at once, and to inflict due punishment. His whole correspondence shows the untiring interest which he felt in the institution, not merely as a financial or political instrument, but as a means of defending and advancing the faith. He was sincerely bigoted, and when he had witnessed an auto-defeat in Vallada Dulled, he wrote September the 30th, 1509, to the inquisitor Juan Alonzo de Navia, to express the great pleasure which he had given him as a means of advancing the honor and glory of God and the exaltation of the holy Catholic faith. Inquisitors were in the habit of sending him reports of the autos celebrated by them, to which he would reply in terms of high satisfaction, urging them to increase zeal. On one occasion, in 1512, and on another in 1513, he was so much pleased that he made a present to the inquisitor of 200 duquets, and ordered 15 duquets to be given to the messenger. End of Book 1, Chapter 4, Part 4, recording by Ben Wilford. Book 1, Chapter 4, Part 5 of History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 1, by Henry Charles Lee. Book 1, Chapter 4, Establishment of the Inquisition, Part 5. A quarter of a century elapsed before there was in the Castilian kingdoms any serious resistance to the Inquisition. The trouble which then occurred was provoked by the excesses of an inquisitor named Lucero at Córdoba, which were brought to light only by the relaxation of Ferdinand's turn rule during the brief reign of Philip of Austria and the subsequent interregnum. As this supports us, the only opportunity of obtaining an insight view of what was possible under the usually impenetrable mantle of secrecy, characteristic of inquisitorial procedure, it is worthy of investigation in some detail. Córdoba was somewhat unfortunate in its inquisitors, whether more or less so than other communities, it would now be impossible to say. Lucero's predecessor was Dr. Giral, Dean of Wodix, who was transferred from there to Avila in 1499. Falling under suspicion for irregularities, a papal brief was procured commissioning the Archbishop of Toledo to investigate him, and it is not worthy that, although the inquisitor general had full power of appointment, punishment, and dismissal, papal intervention was deemed necessary in this case. The results showed the ample opportunities offered by the position for irregular gains and for oppression and injustice. He had received 150,000 Maraveddes by selling to penitents exemptions from wearing the San Benito or penitential garment. A large amount was secured in various ways from the receiver of confiscations, who was evidently an accomplice, and who of course received his share of the spoils. Filfering from sequestrated property yielded something, including 93 pearls of great value. Through his servants, he gathered rewards or percentages offered, as we shall see, for discovering concealed confiscated property. He pocketed the fines which he imposed on reconciled penitents and was therefore interested in aggravating them. He negotiated for the converses of Cordova, an agreement under which they compounded with 2,200,000 Maraveddes for confiscations to which they might become liable, and for these he received from them nearly 100,000, to which he added 50,000 paying enabling two of the contributors to cheat their fellows by escaping payment of their assessments to the common fund. When transferred to Avila, his field of operations was less productive, but he made what he could by extorting money from the kindred of his prisoners, and he did not this day to take ten ducats and an ass from unofficial of the prison for some offense committed. As the royal fisks suffered from his practices, he was arrested and tried, but unfortunately the documents at hand do not inform us as to the result. His successor at Cordova, Diego Rodriguez Lucero, was a criminal of larger views and bolder type, who presents himself to us as the incarnation of the evils resultant from the virtually irresponsible powers lodged in the tribunals. Our first glimpse of him is in 1495 when he figures as inquisitor of Ceres and the recipient from Ferdinand and Isabella of a cannery in Cadiz. This shows that he had already gained the favor of the sovereigns, which increased after his promotion to Cordova, September 7, 1499, where, by the methods which we shall presently see, his discoveries of apostate judicers were very impressive. A royal letter of December 11, 1500, Cordially thanked him for the ample details of a recent dispatch relating how he was every day an earthing new heretics. He was urged to spare no effort for their punishment, especially of those who had relapsed and to report at once everything that he did. His zeal scarce required the stimulation and his lawless methods are indicated by a letter of February 12, 1501 of Ferdinand and Isabella to their son-in-law Manuel of Portugal. Expatiating on the numerous heretics recently discovered in Cordova, of whom two heresy arcs, Alfonso Fernandez Herrero and Fernando de Cordova, had escaped to Portugal. Wither Lucero had dispatched his algoazil to bring them back without waiting to obtain royal letters. This was an unwarrantable act and when the algoazil seized the fugitives, Manuel refused license to extradite them until he should have an opportunity of seeing the evidence against them. Ferdinand and Isabella declare that this would be a grievous impediment to the holy office and the service to God and the affectionately in treatment well to surrender the accused for the honor of God and also to protect from all treatment the officials who had aided in their capture. We may not uncharitably assume that a portion at least of the favor shown to Lucero may have been due to the pecuniary resource of his activity. By this time the confiscations which at first had contributed largely to the royal treasury were considerably diminished and at some places were scarce differing the expenses of the tribunals. To this, Cordova was now an exception that its productiveness was rapidly growing is manifest from a letter of Ferdinand March 12, 1501 to the receiver Andrés de Medina stating that he learns that there is much to be done in authorizing the appointment of two assistants at salaries of 10,000 Maravedis and on January 12 and 13, 1503 orders were drawn on Cordova for 500,000 Maravedis to defray inquisitorial salaries elsewhere. On the same date we have another illustration of Lucero's activity in the sudden arrest of four of the official public scriveners. As they were the depositaries of the papers of their clients the sequestration of all their effects produced enormous complications to relieve wage Ferdinand ordered all private documents to be sorted out and put in the hands of another scrivener Luis de Mesa. This shows how the operations of the inquisition might at any moment affect the interests of any man and it illustrates another of the profits of persecution for when this delinquents should be burnt or disabled from holding public office there will be four vacancies to be eagerly contended for by those who had money or favor for their acquisition. As early as 1501 there is evidence of hostility between Lucero and the Cordova authorities. When the receiver of confiscations accompanied by Diego de Barrio Nuevo, scrivener of sequestrations, was holding a public auction of confiscated property to Algozil Mayor of the city, Gonzalo de Mayorga, ordered a town crier Juan Sanchez, who was crying the auction, to come with him in order to make certain proclamations. The scrivener interposed and refused to let Sanchez go. Hot words passed in which Mayorga insulted the inquisition and finally strapped the scrivener with his wand of office after which the Alcalde Mayor of the city Diego Ruiz de Zarate carried him off to prison. The inviolability of the officials of the inquisition was vindicated by a royal sentence of September 6, in which Mayorga, in addition to derby try penance to be imposed on him by Lucero, was deprived of his office for life, was disabled from filling any public position whatever, and was banished perpetually from Cordova and its district, which he was to leave within eight days after notification. Zarate was more mercifully treated and escaped with six months suspension from office. This severity to civic officials of high position was a warning to all men that Lucero was not to be trifled with. The unwavering support that he received from Ferdinand is largely explicable by the complicity of Juan Ruiz de Casena, a corrupt and mercenary official whom we shall frequently meet hereafter. He was Ferdinand Secretary in Inquisitorial Affairs conducting all his correspondence in such matters and was also Secretary to the Suprema, and thus was able in great degree to control his master's action, rendering his participation in the villainies on foot essential to their success. How these were worked is displayed in a single case which happens to be described in a memorial from the city of Cordova to Queen Juana. The Archdeacon of Castro Juan Muñoz was a youth of 17, the son of an old Christian mother and a converso Hidalgo. His benefits was worth 300,000 merevedes a year and he was a fair subject of spoliation for which a plot was organized in 1505. His parents were involved in his ruin. All three were arrested and convicted and he was penanced so as to disable him from holding preferment. The spoils were divided between Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal for whom bulls had been procured in advance, Morales the Royal Treasurer, Rosero and Coscena. The Governor and Chapter of Cordova gave the Archdeaconry to Diego Vello, Chaplain of the Bishop, but the Holy Sea conveniently refused confirmation and bestowed it on Morales. Rosero obtained a canonry in Seville and some benefits in Cuenca, while Coscena received property estimated at four million merevedes, doubtless and exaggerated figure representing the aggregate of his gains from complicity throughout Rosero's career. It was probably in 1501 that the combination was formed which emboldened Rosero to extend his operations. Arresting and condemning nobles and gentlemen and church dignitaries, many of them old Christians have unblemished reputation and limpused the sangre. It was easy by abuse and threats or by torture if necessary to procure from the accused whatever evidence was necessary to convict that only themselves but whosoever it was desired to ruin. A great fear fell upon the whole population for no one could tell where the next blow might fall as the circle of denunciation spread through all ranks. Apologies from that time to this have endeavored to extenuate these proceedings by suggesting that those compromised endeavored to secure allies by incorporating in their confessions men of rank and influence, but in view of Rosero's methods and the extent of his operations such an explanation is wholly inadequate to overthrow the damning mass of evidence against him. His views expanded beyond the narrow bounds of Cordova and he horrified the land by gathering evidence of a vast conspiracy ramifying throughout Spain for the purpose of subverting Christianity and replacing it with Judaism which required for its suppression the most comprehensive and pitiless measures. In memorials to Queen Juana the authorities, ecclesiastic and secular of Cordova described how he had certain of his prisoners assiduously instructed in Jewish prayers and rites so that they could be accurate in the testimony in which by menaces or torture he forced them to bear against old Christians of undoubted orthodoxy. In this way he proved that there were 25 prophetesas who were engaged in traversing the land to convert it to Judaism although many of those designated had never in their lives been outside of the city gates. Accompanying them were 50 distinguished personages including ecclesiastics and pictures of note. Of course these stories lost nothing in passing from mouth to mouth it was popularly said that some of these prophetesses in their unholy errand traveled as drunken bacanties and others were transported on goats by the powers of hell. A single instance which happens to have reached us illustrates the savage thoroughness with which he protected the fate from this assault. A certain bachelor member was convicted as an apostate judizer who had disseminated his doctrines by preaching. Lists were gathered from witnesses of those who had attended his sermons and these to the number of 107 were burnt alive in a single auto-defeat. The inquisitorial prisons were filled with the unfortunate's under accusation as many as 400 being thus incarcerated and large numbers were carried to Toro where at the time inquisitor general Deza resided with the Suprema. The reign of terror thus established was by no means confined to Cordova. Its effects are energetically described by the Capitan Gonzalo de Avorra in the letter of July 16, 1507 to the royal secretary Almazan. After premising that he had represented the Ferdinand with that monarch's assent that there were three things requisite for the good of the kingdom to conduct the inquisition righteously without weakening it to wage war with the Moors and to relieve the burdens of the people. He proceeds to contrast this with what had been done. As for the inquisition, he says the method adopted was to place so much confidence in the Archbishop of Seville and in Lucero and Juan de la Fuente that they were able to defame the whole kingdom to destroy without God or justice a great part of it slaying and rubbing and violating maids and wives to the greatest honour of the Christian religion. As for what concerns myself I repeat what I have already written to you that the damages which the wicked officials of the inquisition have brought in my land are so many and so great that no reasonable person on hearing of them would not grieve. When a horde of rapacious officials clothed in ritual inviolability was let loose upon a defenseless population such violence and rapin were inevitable incidents and the motive of this was explained by the Bishop of Cordova and all the authorities of the city in a petition to the Pope to be the greed of the inquisitors for the confiscations which they habitually embezzled. It was probably in 1505 after the death of Isabella November 16, 1504 that the people of Cordova first ventured to complain to Deza. He offered to send the Archdeacon Turquemada who with representatives of the chapter in the magistrates should make an impartial investigation but when the city accepted the proposition he withdrew it a deputation consisting of three church dignitaries was then sent to him asking for the arrest and prosecution of Lucero. He replied that if they would draw up accusations in legal form he would act as would best tend to God's service and if necessary would appoint judges to whom they could not object. This was a manifestation for the evidence was under the seal of the inquisition and Deza alone could order an investigation. Apparently realizing that it was useless to appeal to Ferdinand whose ears were closed by Cossena their next recourse was to Isabella's daughter and successor Queen Juana then in Flanders with her husband Philip of Austria. Philip was eager to exercise an act of sovereignty in the kingdom which Ferdinand was governing in the name of his daughter and on September 30, 1505 Asedola bearing the signatures of Philip and Juana was addressed to Deza alleging their desire to be present and participate in the action of the inquisition and meanwhile suspending it until their approaching arrival in Castile under penalty of punishment and seizure of temporalities for disobedience at the same time protesting that their desire was to favor and not to injure the holy office. Although a circular letter to all the grandees announced this resolution and commanded them to enforce it no attention was paid to it. Don Diego de Guevara Philip's envoy in fact wrote to him the following June that his action had produced a bad impression for the people were hostile to the conversos and there was talk of massacres like that of Lisbon. The next step of the opponents of Placero was to recuse Deza as judge and to interject and appeal to the holy sea leading to an active contest in Rome between Ferdinand and his son-in-law. A letter of the former April 22, 1506 to one the Loaiza agent of the inquisition in Rome described the attempt as an audacious and indecent effort to destroy the inquisition which was more necessary than ever. Loaiza was told that he could render no greater service to God and to the kingdom by defeating it. Minute instructions were given as to the influences that he must bring to bear and he was reminded that holy lead permits the use of craft and cunning to perform the work of God. The extreme anxiety betrayed in the letter indicates that there was much more involved than the mere defense of Lucero and Deza. It was with Philip and Juana that he was wrestling and the stake was the crown of Castile. On the other hand, Philip, doubtless won by the gold of the conversos, had fairly espoused their cause and was laboring to obtain for them a favorable decision from the Pope. His ambassador, Philip Earth of Utrecht, under date of June 28th, reported that he had urged Julius II not to reject the appeal of the Maranos but the politic pontiff replied that he must reserve his decision until Ferdinand and Philip had met. Undeterred by the mutterings of the rising storm, Lucero, about his time, saw Imicepela's death a chance to strike at a higher quarry than he had hitherto ventured to aim at. The Geronimoe Tarnando de Talavera had won her affectionate veneration as her confessor and on the conquest of Granada in 1492, she had made him Archbishop of the province founded there. He had a Jewish strain in his blood as was the case in so many Spanish families. He was in his 80th year. He was reverenced as the pattern and exemplar of all Christian virtues and he devoted himself unsparingly to the welfare of his flock, spending his revenues in charity and seeking by persuasion an example to win over to the faith his Moorish subjects. Yet he was not without enemies for he had been the active agent in the reclamation by Ferdinand de Isabella in 1480 of royal revenues to the amount of 30 millions of Maravedes alienated by Henry IV to purchase the submission of rebellious nobles and although a quarter of a century had passed, it is said that the vengeful spirit thus aroused was still eager to encompass his ruin. Whatever may have been Lucero's motive, inquisitorial methods afforded abundant facilities for its accomplishment. He selected a woman whom he had tortured on the charge of being a Jewish prophetess and maintaining a synagogue in her house. He threatened her with further torture unless she should testify to what she had seen in a room in Talavera's palace and on her replying that she did not know, he instructed her that an assembly was held divided into three classes. In the first was the archbishop with the bishops of Almeria, Hyen, and others. In the second, the dean and the provisor of Granada, the treasurer, the al-Qaeda, and other officials. In the third, the prophetess, the sister and mrs. of Talavera, Donia Maria de Peñalosa, and others. They agreed to traverse the kingdom, preaching and prophesying the advent of Elias and the Messiah in concert with the prophets who were in the house of Fernan Alvarez of Toledo, where they were crowned with golden crowns. All these was Julie's form too by the witness, as dictated to her by the fiscal, and formed a basis for the prosecution of Talavera and his family, darless supported by ample corroborative evidence, readily obtainable in the same manner. The occurrence of the name of the bishop of Hyen suggests a further political intrigue. He was Alfonso Suarez de Fuentesas, the former colleague of DEZA, as inquisitor general, and was no doubt known as inclining to the Flemish party, as he subsequently accepted from Philip the presidency of the Royal Council. Impenetrable secrecy was one of the most cherished principles of inquisitorial procedure, but Lucero probably decided to prepare the public for the impending blow and whispers concerning it began to circulate. Peter Martyr of Angera, who was attached to the royal court, wrote on January 3, 1506 to the Count of Tendilla, governor of Granada, that Lucero, by means of witnesses under torture, had succeeded in imputing Judaism to the archbishop and his whole family and household. As there was no one more holy than Talavera, he found it difficult to believe that anyone could be found to fabricate such a charge. The attack commenced by arresting in the most public and offensive manner, Talavera's nephew, the dean and officials of his church, during divine service and in his presence, evidently with the purpose of discrediting him. The arrest followed of his sister, his nieces, and his servants, and we can readily conceive the means by which even his kindred were compelled to give evidence incriminating him, as we gathered from a letter of Ferdinand, June 9, 1506, to his ambassador at Rome, Francisco de Rojas, in which he says that the testimony against Talavera is that of his sisters and kindred and servants. Before he could be arrested and prosecuted, however, special authorization from the Holy See was requisite, for, by a decree of Boniface, the Eight, incositors had no direct jurisdiction over bishops. For this, Ferdinand's intervention was necessary, and after some hesitation, he consented to make the application. The incorpatory evidence given by Talavera's family was sent to Rome. Francisco de Rojas procured the papal commission for his trial and forwarded it, June 3, 1506. Before it was dispatched, however, Ferdinand's position had changed with the arrival in Spain of his daughter, Juana, now queen of Castile, and her husband, Philip of Austria. Eager to throw off Ferdinand's iron rule and to win the favor of the new sovereigns, most of the nobles had flacked to them and with them the conversos who hoped to secure a modification in the rigor of the inquisition. They had been aroused by the sufferings of their brethren in Cordova, whose cause was their own, and they were becoming an element not to be disregarded in the political situation. They had already secured a hearing in the Roman Curia, always ready, as we shall see hereafter, to welcome appellants with money and to sacrifice them after payment received. They had obtained from Julius II commissions transferring from the inquisition cognizance of certain cases, commissions which Ferdinand repeatedly asked the pope to withdraw, and doubtless with success, as they do not appear in the course of events. They had even approached Ferdinand himself while in Vaya de Lid with an offer of 100,000 lucats if he would suspend the inquisition until the arrival of Juana and Philip. This offer, he says, in the letter of June 9, 1506 to Rojas, he spurned, but we may perhaps doubt his disinterestedness when he adds that as Philip has disembarked and is unfamiliar with Spanish affairs, he had secretly ordered Dessa to suspend the operations of all the tribunals, the motive of which evidently was to create the belief that Philip was responsible for it. As for Talavera, he adds, as it would greatly scandalize the new converts of Granada if they thought there were errors of faith in him whom they regarded as so good a Christian, he had concluded to let them at rest for the present and would subsequently send instructions. He evidently had no belief in Lucero's fabricated evidence, a fact to be borne in mind when we consider his attitude in the ultimate developments of the affair. This dispatch, of course, reached Rojas too late to prevent the issuing of the commission to try Talavera, but it explains why the document was suppressed when it arrived. Dessa denied receiving it. It disappeared and Talavera, in his letter of January 23, 1507 to Ferdinand, manifests much anxiety to know what had become of it, evidently dreading that it would be opportunity found when wanted. Please visit LibreBox.org History of the Inquisition of Spain, Volume 1, by Henry Charles Lee Book 1, Chapter 4 Establishment of the Inquisition, Part 6 By the Agreement of Villa Fafila, June 27, 156, Ferdinand bound himself to abandon Castile to Philip and Juana. He departed for Aragon and busied himself with preparations for a voyage to Naples, whether he set sail September 4. Philip assumed the government and disembarrassed himself of his wife by shutting her up as unfit to share in the cares of royalty. He was amenable to the golden arguments of the conversos and Dallas had not forgotten the contempt with which had been treated his order of the previous year to suspend the Inquisition. He therefore naturally was in no haste to revive its functions. Ferdinand's secretary, Al Mazan, writes to Rojas, July 1, that the king and the grandees have imprisoned Juana, and no one is allowed to see her. He has in vain sought to get some prelates to carry letters from her to her father, but no one ventures to do so. The grandees have done this to partition among themselves the royal power, the conversos, to free themselves from the Inquisition, which is now extinct. The people of Cordova made haste to take advantage of the situation. They sent a powerful appeal to Philip and Juana, stating that their previous complaints had been intercepted through Deza's influence and accusing Lucero of the most arbitrary iniquities. They asked that all of the Inquisitorial officials at Cordova and Toro should be removed and the whole affair be committed to the Bishop of Leon. Philip referred the matter to the Commendador Mayor Garcilaso de la Vega and to Andrea de Borgo, Ambassador of Maximilian I, to Flamen, to the great scandal we are told, of all ecclesiastics. The conversos were triumphant and the Inquisition succumbed completely. The Suprema, including Deza himself, hastened to disclaim all responsibility for Lucero's misdeeds in a letter addressed to the chapter of Cordova, in which it said that the accusations brought against him seemed incredible, for even highwaymen, when robbing their victims, spare their lives, while here not only the property, but the lives of the victims were taken and the honour of their descendants to the tenth generation. But after hearing the narrative of the Master of Toro, there could no longer be doubt and to tolerate it would be to approve it. Therefore the chapter was instructed to continue to prevent these iniquities and their majesties would be asked to apply a remedy and to punish their authors. The remedy applied was to compel Deza to subdelegate irrevocably to Diego Ramirez de Guzman, Bishop of Catania and member of the Council of State, power to supersede Lucero and revise his acts, which was confirmed by a papal brief, placing in Guzman's hands all the papers and prisoners in Cordova, Toro and Valladolid. Lucero endeavored to anticipate this by burning all his prisoners so as to get them out of the way, but after the Audo de Fe was announced there came orders from the sovereigns which fortunately prevented the Holocaust. The relief of the sufferers seemed assured, but the situation was radically changed by the sudden death of Philip, September 25th, 156. Father Juana was treated nominally as queen. She exercised no authority. Deza promptly revoked Guzman's commission, of which the papal confirmation seems not to have been received. He took possession of the prisoners at Toro and sent the Archdeacon of Torquemada to Cordova to do the same. But Francisco Osorio, the representative of Guzman, refused to obey. The people of Cordova were in despair. It was in vain that they sent delegations to Deza and petitioned the queen to save them. Deza was immovable and the queen refused to act in this as in everything else. The chapter, every member of which was an old Christian, proud of his Limpiesa, assembled on October 16th to consider the situation. Some of the most prominent dignitaries of the church had already been arrested by Lucero and had been treated by him as Jewish dogs. He had asserted that all the rest and most of the nobles and gentlemen of the city and of other places were apostates who had converted their houses into synagogues. In view of the impending peril, it was unanimously resolved to defend themselves while the citizens at large declared that they would sacrifice life and property rather than to submit longer to such insupportable tyranny. If the eclipse of the royal authority had enabled Deza to restore Lucero to power, it also afforded opportunity for forcible resistance. The grandees of Castile were striving to recover the independence and joy under Henry IV and the condition of Anarchy was approaching rapidly. The two great nobles of Cordova, the Count of Capra, Lord of Bayena, and the Marquis of Priego, Lord of Aguilar, and nephew of the great captain were nothing low to listen to the entreaties of the citizens, especially as the Marquis had been summoned by Lucero to appear for trial. Meetings were held in which formal accusations of Lucero and his promoter Fiscal Juan de Ariola were laid before Padre Frey Francisco de Cuesta, commander of the Covenant of La Merced who seems to have assumed leadership of the movement. He pronounced judgment ordering Lucero and the Fiscal to be arrested and their property to be confiscated. Under the lead of Cabra and Priego, the citizens arose to execute the judgment. On November 9th they broke into the Alcazar where the Inquisition held its seat. They seized the Fiscal and some of the subordinates and liberated the prisoners whose recital of their wrongs excited still more the popular indignation, but no blood was shed and Lucero saved himself by flight. The whole proceeding appears to have been orderly. A commission of ecclesiastics and laymen was appointed to which the condominium friends of the prisoners gave security that they should be forthcoming for trial as soon as there should be a king in the land to administer justice. This engagement was duly kept and their temporary liberation under bail was justified on the ground that many of them had been incarcerated for six or seven years and that all were in danger of perishing by starvation, for they were penniless, their property having been confiscated, and Deza having ordered the receiver of confiscations not to provide for them. When the news of this uprising reached Deza, he promptly, November 18th, commissioned his nephew, Pedro Juarez de Deza, Archbishop-Elect of the Indies, to prosecute and punish all concerned, while by his orders the Tribunal of Toledo intercepted Aaron through into prison Dr. Alonso de Toro, sent by the city to present its case to the Queen. Other envoys, however, bore instructions to ask for the removal of Deza and the prosecution of Lucero and his officials, coupled with the intimation that steps had been taken to convoke all the cities of Andalusia and Castile to devise measures of protection against the intolerable tyranny of the Inquisition. This plan seems to have been abandoned, but early in January 1577, the Bishop of Córdoba, Juan de Deza, in conjunction with the clerical and secular authorities sent a solemn appeal to the Pope, asking him to appoint Archbishop Zymenes and the Bishop of Catania, or of Málaga, with full power to investigate and to act. And this they accompanied, January 10th, with a petition to Ferdinand, who was still in Naples, to support their request to the Pope. Deza, however, continued to command Ferdinand's unwavering support and the result was seen. The prompt and uncompromising action of Julius II. He wrote to Deza and the Jews, pretending to be Christians, who had dared to rise against the Inquisition, must be exterminated, rude and branched. No labor was to be spared to suppress this pestilence before it should spread, to hunt up all who have participated in it and to exercise the utmost severity in punishing them without appeal for their crimes. Thus stimulated and encouraged, Lucero resumed his activity and liberated prisoners were surrendered to him. Peter Martyr writes from the court, March 7th, 157, to Archbishop that his sister and his nephew, the Dean of Granada, Francisco Herrera, who had doubtless been released in the rising of November 9th, had been thrown in prison in Córdoba. Talvera himself, moreover, was put on trial before the papal nuncio, Giovanni Rufo, and assessors duly commissioned by the Pope, showing that Ferdinand's group was asked to scandalize the people of Granada, had vanished in the fierce resolve, to vindicate Lucero, and that the missing papal brief had been duly found. Peter Martyr describes his earnest efforts to convince the judges of Talvera's holy life and spotless character, to which they reply that all this might be true, but their business was to ascertain the secrets of his heart. By the time the evidence was sent to Rome, however, his conviction was no longer desired. The testimony was pronounced to be worthless and Pasqua de la Fuente, Bishop of Burgos, who was in attendance on the Curia, was an earnest witness in his favor. The papal sentence was acquittal, and this apparently carried with it the exoneration of his kindred, but it came too late. On May 21st Peter Martyr, exultingly, writes to him that the Dean and his sister with their mother and the rest of his innocent household had been set free, but already he had gone to a higher tribunal. On Ascension Day, May 13th, he had walked bare-headed and barefooted in the procession through the streets of Granada, when a violent fever set in and carried him off the next day. He had accumulated no treasure, having spent all his revenues on the poor. He left no provision for his family, and the Bishop of Malaga, charitably gave to his sister, a house in Granada to shelter her old age. His reputation for sanctity is seen in the accounts which at once were circulated, with universal credence of the miracles wrought by him in curing the sick. The reaction in favor of the Inquisition, led by Ferdinand and Hulia II, had evidently been short-lived, for the political situation dominated everything, and King and Pope found it advisable to yield. Juan was keeping herself secluded with the corpse of her husband, and was refusing to govern. The rival factions of the two grandfathers of Charles V, Maximilian I and Ferdinand, each striving for the regency during his minority, were both desirous of the support of the conversos, and thus the question of the Cordovan prisoners, attained national importance, as one on which all parties took sides. Zimenez, the Duke of Alva, and the Constable of Castile, the heads of Ferdinand's party, held a conference at Capia, and listened to the complaints against Stesa, for which they promised to find a remedy. The friends of the prisoners, however, seemed more inclined towards the faction of Maximilian. They offered money to defray the expenses of troops to be sent to Spain to resist Ferdinand's return, and it was currently rumored that four thousand members gathered in a Flemish port ready to embark. It is not easy to penetrate the secret intrigues culminating in the settlement which gave the regency to Ferdinand, but Zimenez, who represented him, took advantage of the situation, with his usual skill, to further his own ambition, which was to gain the Cardinal's hat and Deza's position as Inquisitor General. For the former of these, Ferdinand had made application as early as November 8th, 1505, and had repeated the request October 30th, 1506. It was granted in secret consistency, January 4th, 1507, and was published May 17th. For the latter, the complaints of the conversos afforded substantial reasons. We have seen that Cordoba had petitioned the Pope to commission Zimenez as its judge, and his appointment would help to pacify the troubles. Ferdinand at length recognized that Deza's sacrifice was inevitable, and the way was made easy for him, as he was allowed to resign. On May 18th, Ferdinand writes to Zimenez from Naples that he had received Deza's resignation and had taken the necessary steps to secure for him the succession. He has two requests to make, that he shall foster piety and religion by appointing only the best men, and that he shall exercise the utmost care, that nothing shall be allowed to impair Deza's dignity. The commission as Inquisitor General was duly issued on June 5th, 1507. The hatred excited by Lucero had been too widespread, and the friends of the prisoners were too powerful to be satisfied with the mere substitution of Zimenez for Deza, and there was evidently an understanding that the matter was not to be dropped. As early as May 1st, Peter Martyr writes that it is reported that the imprisoned witnesses, corrupted by Lucero, are to be released, and that he will expiate with due punishment his unprecedented crimes. Some such promise was probably necessary for the pacification of the land, but the delay in its performance is significant of protection of the Fountainhead of Justice. It assumes at first the shape of an action brought by the Chapter and City of Cordova before the Pope, charging Lucero with the evil rot by his sub-warning, some witnesses and compelling others, by punishment, to testify that the plaintiffs were heretics. Julius II commissioned Frey Francisco de Mallorca as Apostolic Judge to try the case, and on October 17th, 1507, he decreed that Lucero be imprisoned and held to answer at long. Nothing further was done, however, and the impatient citizens addressed a memorial to Queen Juana, asking her to send someone to inform himself about it and report to her. The action of the Apostolic Judge seems to have been regarded as a mere formality. The months passed away, and it was not until May 18th, 1508, that the Suprema took independent cognizance of the matter. Winzy Menes and his colleagues, except Aguirre, all voted that Lucero should be arrested. Peter Martyr intimates more, than once, that numbers of the Suprema were suspected of complicity with Lucero and assures us that the Council did not act without thorough investigation of numerous witnesses and interminable masses of documents, revealing an incredible accumulation of impossible and fantastic accusations contrived to bring infamy on all Spain. It was apparently the first time that an inquisitor had been thus publicly put on trial for official malfeasance, and the opportunity was improved to render the spectacle a solemn one. Fitted not only to satisfy the national interest felt in the case, but to magnify the office of the accused by the scale of the machinery employed to deal with him. Lucero was carried in chains to Burgos, where the court was in residence, and was confined in the castle under strict guard. Zimenez assembled a Congregacion Catolica, composed of twenty-one members besides himself, including a large portion of the Royal Council, the Inquisitor General of Aragon, and other inquisitors, several bishops, and various other dignitaries, in short, an imposing representation of the piety and learning of the land. After numerous sessions presided over by Zimenez, sentence was rendered July 9th, 1508, and was published August 1st at Viadolid, where the court had removed, in presence of Ferdinand and his magnates, and a great concourse assembled to lend salinity to this restoration of the honor of Castile and Andalusia, which had been so deeply compromised by the pretended revelations extorted by Lucero. This weighty verdict declared that there were no grounds for the asserted existence of synagogues, the preaching of sermons, and the assemblies of missionaries of Judaism, or for the prosecution of those accused. The witnesses, or rather prisoners, were discharged and everything relating to these fictitious crimes was ordered to be expunged from the records. To complete the vindication of the memory of the victims, Ferdinand ordered the rebuilding of the houses which had been torn down under the provisions of the canon law, requiring the destruction of the convendicals of heresy. By implication, the acquittal of the prisoners convicted Lucero, but all of this was merely preliminary to his trial. Ferdinand's hand had been forced. He had been obliged to yield to public opinion, but his resolve was inflexible to undo as far as he could the results reached by Zumenes. In October he visited Cordoba, where he rewarded some officials of the tribunal by grants out of the confiscated estates, which should have been restored when the proceedings were annulled. It is true that the judge of confiscations, Licenciano Semancas, was suspended, but in November of 1509 he was ordered to resume his functions and to act as he had formally done. We happen to know that in 1513 the house of the unfortunate Bachelet Membreque was still in possession of the inquisition. There was no relief for those who had suffered, when the new inquisitor, Diego Lopez de Cortegano, Archdekin of Seville, revoked Lucero's sentence on the Licenciado Daza, who had been penanced and his property confiscated. The purchasers who had bought it complained to Ferdinand and he expressed his wrath by promptly dismissing the inquisitor and ordering all the papers in the case to be sent to the Suprema for review and action. The vacancy thus created was not easy to fill. For when in September of 1509 Ferdinand offered the place to Alonso de Mariana, he declined, saying that it would kill him, but he agreed to take the tribunal of Toledo and it was not until February 1510 that the Licenciado Mondragón was transferred from Vio de Lid to take Cortegano's place. In fact, the interests involved in the confiscations were too many and too powerful for the victims to obtain justice. Martin Alonso Conchina had been condemned by Lucero to reconciliation and confiscation when the pressure was removed. He revoked his confession as having been exhorted by threats and fear, whereupon the confiscated property was placed in sequestration awaiting the result. Unluckily for him, one of the items, a ground rent of 9,000 mirrors a year, had been given, in April 1506, to the Imprincipal Secretary, Calsena, with the result that one of the new inquisitors, André Sanchez de Torquemada, promptly arrested Conchina, tried him again, convicted him, and sentenced him to perpetual imprisonment, so that the confiscation, held good in the ground rent, with all the mirrors, was confirmed to Calsena by a royal seduba of December 23, 1509. There seems to have still been some obstacle to this reaction in the Episcopal Ordinary, Francisco de Sumancas, Archdeacon of Córdoba, for in February 1510 Ferdinand wrote to the bishop that, without letting it be known that the order came from the king, he must be replaced with someone, zealous for the furtherance of justice. And a month later, this command was peremptorily repeated. It is true that the extravagant wickedness of Lucero was scarce to be dreaded, but with the tribunal reconstructed under such auspices, the people of Córdoba could not hope for justice tempered with mercy, and its productive activity is evidenced by the large drafts made in 1510 on its receiver of confiscations. We may assume that Zeman has looked on this with disfavor, for in a letter to Ferdinand, after his return from the expedition, to Oran in 1509, he supplicates that the decision of the congregation be maintained, for he has never infringed it, and never intends to do so. As for the author of the evil Lucero himself, he was sent in chains to Burgos with some of his accomplices. Zemenis, as inquisitor general, had full power, as we have seen, to dismiss and punish them, but for some occult reason, a papal commission for their trial was applied for. This caused delay under which Ferdinand chafed, for he wrote, September 30th, 1509, to his ambassador, complaining that it caused great inconvenience and ordering him to urge the pope to issue it at once, so that it could be sent by the first courier. When it came and empowered the Suprema to try the case, and Ferdinand, who warmly espoused Lucero's cause, expressed his feelings unequivocally in a letter of April 7th, 1510. The prisoners say that they have been long in prison, and those who informed against them have gone to Portugal, or other parts, and others have been burnt or penanced as heretics, showing clearly that they testified falsely, and they supplicate me to provide that their trial be by inquisitorial and not by accusitorial process, so that they shall not be exposed to greater infamy than hitherto by dead or perjured witnesses, especially as the law provides that the trial be summary, and directed only to reach the truth. There is great compassion for their long imprisonment and suffering, wherefore I beg and charge you to look well into the matter, and treat it conscientiously, and with diligence for its speedy termination, with which I shall be well pleased. In spite of this urgency the trial dragged on, much delay being caused by the difficulty of finding an advocate willing to undertake Lucero's defense. The Suprema selected the Bachiller de la Torre, but he declined to serve, and Ferdinand, on May 16th, expressed his fear that no one would assume the duty. July 19th he writes that Lucero complains that he still has no counsel, and suggests that if none of the lawyers of the royal court can be trusted, Dr. Juan de Orlunia, of Viadolid, be called in, and he sees be paid by the inquisition. The suggestion was adopted, and on August 20th, Ferdinand wrote personally to Orlunia, ordering him to take charge of the defense, and see that Lucero suffered no wrong. And at the same time he wrote to the University of Viadolid to give Orlunia the requisite leave of absence. Under this royal pressure, and considering that the adverse witnesses had been largely burnt or frightened in the flight, it is perhaps rather credible to the Suprema that it ventured to dismiss Lucero without inflicting further punishment on him. He retired to the civil cannery, which he had acquired by the ruin of the Archdeacon of Castro, and there he ended his days in peace. In 1514, Ferdinand manifested his undiminished sympathy by a gift of fifteen thousand mirrors to Juan Carrasco, the former portero of the tribunal of Cordova, to indemnify him for losses and sufferings, which he claimed to have endured in the rising of 156. Yet before we utterly condemn him for his share in this nefarious business, we should make allowance for the influence of Lucero's accomplice, his secretary, Casena, who was always at hand to poison his mind and draft his letters. To the same, a line of session may doubtless also be attributed, in order of Charles V and 1519, requiring the Cordovan authorities to bestow the first vacant Scribnership on Diego Marino, who had Lucero's notary. This is the story of the Inquisition of Spain, volume one, by Henry Charles Lee, book one, chapter four, Establishment of the Inquisition, part seven, that Lucero was an exceptional monster may well be admitted, but when such wickedness could be safely perpetrated for years and only be exposed and ended through the accidental intervention of Philip and Juana, it may safely be assumed that the temptations of secrecy and irresponsibility rendered rightful abuses, if not universal, at least frequent. The brief reign of Philip led other sorely vexed communities to appeal to the sovereigns for relief, and some of their memorials have been preserved. One from Hayen relates that the tribunal of that city procured from Lucero a useful witness, whom for five years he had kept in the prison of Cordova to swear to what was wanted. His name was Diego de Aljesiras, and if the petitioners are to be believed, he was in addition to being a perjurer, a drunkard, a gambler, a forger, and a clipper of coins. This worthy was brought to Hayen and performed his functions so satisfactorily that the wealthiest conversors were soon imprisoned. Two hundred wretches crowded the filthy jail, and it was requisite to forbid the rest of the conversors from leaving the city without a license. With Diego's assistance and the free use of torture on both accused and witnesses, it was not difficult to obtain whatever evidence was desired. The notary of the tribunal, Antonio de Barsena, was especially successful in this. On one occasion, on one occasion, he locked a young girl of fifteen in a room, stripped her naked, and scourged her until she consented to bear testimony against her mother. A prisoner was carried in a chair to the out of de Fe, with his feet burnt to the bone. He and his wife were burnt alive, and then two of their slaves were imprisoned and forced to give such evidence as was necessary to justify the execution. The cells in which the unfortunates were confined in heavy chains were narrow, dark, humid, filthy, and overrun with vermin, while their sequestrated property was squandered by the officials so that they nearly starved in prison while their helpless children starved outside. Granting that there may be exaggeration in this, the solid substratum of truth is clear from the fact that the petitioners only asked that the tribunal be placed under the control of the Bishop of Hyen, that Bishop being Alfonso Suarez de Fuentesas, one of Turquemada's inquisitors, who had reasoned to be a colleague of Teza. He had not been a merciful judge as many of his sentences attest, yet the miserable conversors of Hyen were ready to fly to him for relief. A memorial from Marjona, a considerable town near Hyen, illustrates a different face of the subject. It relates that a certain alvaro de escalera of that place conspired with other evil men to report to the inquisitors of Hyen that there were numerous heretics in Marjona, so that when confiscations came to be sold, they could buy the property cheap. In due time, an inquisitor came with the notary Barsena. No term of grace was given, but the edict of faith was published, frightening the inhabitants with its pluminations unless they testified against their neighbors. Then a Dominican preached a fiery sermon to the effect that all conversors were really Jews, whom it was the duty of Christians to destroy. The inquisitors then sent for the slaves of the conversors, promising them liberty if they would testify against their masters and assuring them of secrecy. The notary followed by traversing the town with his friends, proclaiming that there was a fine of ten reales on all who would not come forward with testimony, and the exaction of the fine from a number had a quickening influence on the memories of others. Then a house-to-house canvas was made for evidence. The women were told that it was impossible that they should not know the Jewish tendencies of their neighbors. They could give what evidence they pleased for their names would not be divulged. They were not obliged to prove it, for the accused had to disprove it. Those who would not talk were threatened that they would be carried to Hayen and made to accuse their neighbors, and in fact, a number were taken and compelled to give evidence in prison. Then the inquisitors departed with accumulated testimony. There was peace in Arjona for three months, and the conversors recovered from their fright. Suddenly one night, they arrived the notary, the receiver, and some officials. They quietly aroused the Rajidoris and Alcaudes and made them collect a force of armed men who were stationed to guard the walls and gates. When morning came, the work of arresting the suspects was commenced. Their property was sequestrated, their houses locked, and their children were turned into the street while the officials carried off their prisoners who were thrust into the already crowded jail of Hayen. The confiscations were auctioned off, and those who had plotted their raid had ample opportunity of speculating in bargains. Still other methods are detailed in the memorial from Yerena, the seat of one of the older tribunals with jurisdiction over Extremadura. It stated that for many years, the inquisition there had found little or nothing to do, until there came a new judge, the Licenciado Bravo. He was a native of Prejnal, a town of the province, where he had bitter lawsuits and active enmities. He had had two months' training under Lucero at Cordova, and he came armed with ample evidence gathered there. On his arrival, without waiting for formalities or further testimony, he made a large number of arrests and sent to Badahos where he seized 40 more and brought them to Yerena. They were mostly men of wealth whose fortunes were attractive objects of spoliation, and Bravo took care of his kindred by appointing them to positions in which they could appropriate much of the sequestrated property. The treatment of the prisoners was most brutal, and when his colleague, inquisitor Villart, who was not fully devoid of compassion, was overheard demonstrating with him and saying that the death of the captives would be on their souls, Bravo told him to hold his peace, for he who had placed him there desired that they should all die off, one by one. The petitioners were quite willing to be remitted to the tribunal of Seville, or to have judges who would punish the guilty and discharge the innocent. But they earnestly begged by the Passion of Christ that they should not be left to the mercy of inquisitor general Deza. Orders, they said, had been given to him to mitigate in some degree the suffering of the people of Hyen, which he suppressed and replaced with instructions to execute justice. What this meant, we may gather from a last despairing appeal by the friends of the prisoners of Hyen to Queen Juana. A junta of lawyers, they said, had been assembled, as coupled of immense proportions was under construction. Their only hope was in her, and they entreated her to order that no out-of-the-pew be held until impartial persons should ascertain the truth as to the miserable captives. Juana was in no condition to respond to this agonized prayer, and we may safely assume that greed and cruelty claimed their victims. These glimpses into the methods of the tribunals elucidate the statements of the capitana Bora, as to the desolation spread over the land by the inquisition. It would seem that these fearful abuses were creating a general feeling of hostility to the institution and its officials. For Perdenan deemed it necessary to issue a proclamation, January 1915, calling upon all officials, gentlemen and good citizens to furnish inquisitors and their subordinates with lodgings and supplies at current prices, and not to maltreat or assail them under penalty of 50,000 maravedis and punishment at the royal discretion. A month later, February 22, we find him writing to the constable of Castile that inquisitors are to visit the districts of Burgos and Calahora, and he asks the constable to give orders that they may not be impeded. Somewhat similar instructions he gave in March to the provisor and corregidor of Cuenca, when the inquisitors of Cartagena were preparing to visit that portion of their district, as though the special interpositions of the royal power were requisite to ensure their comfort and safety in the discharge of the regular duties. Even these were sometimes ineffectual as was experienced in 1515 by the inquisitor Paradinas of Cartagena, who while riding on his mule in the streets of Murcia, was set upon, stabbed, and would have been killed but for assistance while the assassins escaped, calling forth from Perdenan the most emphatic orders for their arrest and trial. Yet, however rudely the inquisition may have been shaken, it was too firmly rooted in the convictions of the period and too energetically supported by Perdenan to be either destroyed or essentially reformed. When he died, January 23, 1516, his testament, executed the day previous, laid strenuous injunctions on his grandson and successor, Charles V. As all other virtues are nothing without faith, by which and in which we are saved, we command the said illustrious prince, our grandson, to be always zealous in defending and exalting the Catholic faith and that he aid, defend, and favor the church of God and labor with all his strength to destroy and extirpate heresy from our kingdoms and lordships, selecting and appointing throughout them ministers, God fearing and of good conscience, who were conducting inquisition justly and properly for the service of God and the exaltation of the Catholic faith and who will also have great zeal for the destruction of the sect of Mahomet. With his death, during the absence of his successor, the governing power was lodged in the hands of Inquisitor General Ximenez. From the papal brief of August 18, 1509, alluded to above, we may infer that he had already endeavored to effect a partial reform by dismissing some of the more obnoxious inquisitors and he now made use of his authority to strike at those who had hitherto been beyond his reach. Aguirre was one of these and another was the mercenary Calcena, concerning whom he wrote to Charles, December 1516, that it was necessary that they should in future have nothing to do with the inquisition in view of their foul excesses. Another removal of which we chance to have cognizance was that of Juan Ortiz de Zarate, the secretary of the Suprema. Whatever were the failings of the inflexible Ximenez, pecuniary corruption was abhorrent to him and during the short term of his supremacy in Castile, we may feel assured that he showed no mercy to those who sought to coin into money the blood of the conversals. With his death, however, came a speedy return to the bad old ways, Adrián of Neutrecht, though well-intentioned, was weak and confiding. When appointed inquisitor general of Aragon, he had made Calcena, February 12, 1517, secretary of that Suprema and, after the death of Ximenez, we find Calcena acting in 1518 as royal secretary of the Reunited Inquisition, a position which he shared with Hugo de Uries, Lord of Ayerbe, another appointee of Adrián's, who long retained that position under Charles V. Aguirre had the same good fortune, having been appointed by Adrián to membership in the Suprema of Aragon and resuming his position in the Reunited Inquisition after the death of Ximenez. His name occurs as signed to documents as late as 1546, and he seems to be the senior member. Ferdinand's dying exhortation to his grandson was needed. Charles V, a youth of 17, was as clean in the hands of the potter, surrounded by grasping blemish favorites, whose sole object, as far as concerned Spain, was to sell their influence to the highest bidder. During the interval before his coming to take possession of his new dominions, he fluctuated in accordance with the pressure, which happened momentarily to be strongest. The Spaniards who came to his court gave fearful accounts of the Inquisition, which they said was ruining Spain, and we are told that his counselors were mostly conversors who had obtained their positions by purchase. In his prologue to his subsequent abortive project of reform, Charles says that while in Flanders, he received many complaints about the Inquisition, which he submitted to famous men of learning and to colleges and universities, and his proposed action was in accordance with their advice. Ximenez was alive to the danger, and it was doubtless by his impulsion that the Council of Castile wrote to Charles that the peace of the kingdom and the maintenance of his authority depended on his support of the Inquisition. Amora Droit maneuver was the advantage which he took of the death, June 1, 1516, of Bishop Mercader, Inquisitor General of Aragon. It would probably not have been difficult for him to have reunited the Inquisitions of the two crowns under his own headship, but he took the more politic course of urging Charles to nominate his old tutor, Adrienne of Utrecht, then in Spain, as his representative, and to secure for him the succession to Mercader's Sea of Tortosa. Charles willingly followed the advice. July 30, he replied that in accordance with it, he had written to Rome for the commission. November 14, Pope Leo commissioned Adrienne as Inquisitor General of Aragon, and we shall see hereafter how complete was the ascendancy which he exercised over Charles in favor of the Holy Office. Meanwhile, Charles continued to vacillate. At one time, he proposed to banish from his court all those of Jewish blood, and sent a list of names in cipher with instructions to report their genealogies, to which the Suprema of Aragon replied, October 27, 1516, with part of the information, promising to furnish the rest and expressing great gratification at his promises of aid and support in all things. Then there came a rumor that he proposed to abolish the suppression of the names of witnesses, which was one of the crowning atrocities of Inquisitorial procedure. For this, there must have been some foundation for, March 11, 1517, Ximenez sent to his secretari Ayala a commission as Procurator of the Inquisition, a Charles court, with full power to resist any attempt to restrict or impede it, and he followed this March 17, with the letter to Charles, more vigorous than courtly, telling him that such a measure would be the destruction of the Inquisition and would cover his name with infamy. Ferdinand Anisabella, when in straits for money during the war with Granada, had refused 1,200,000 do-cuts for such a concession, and Ferdinand had subsequently rejected an offer of 400,000. It can readily be imagined that, in spite of the character of Ximenez, the death of Ferdinand and the uncertainties to the views of the distant sovereign had sensibly diminished the awe felt for the Inquisition. There is an indication of this in a complaint made by the Suprema in September 1517, that when it moved with a court from place to place, the alcaldes of the palace refused to furnish mules and wagons to transport its books and papers and personnel, or at most only did so after all the other departments of the government had been supplied. There is significance also in a tumult occurring in Oriuela in 1517, when the inquisitors of Cartagena made a visitation there, obliging the licenciado Salvatiera to invoke the royal intervention. The conversos, though decimated and impoverished, still had money and influence, and the abuses which Ximenez had not been able to eradicate, still excited hostility. When Charles, after his arrival in Spain in September 1517, held his first courtesat via the Lid in 1518, the deputies petitioned him to take such order that justice should be done by the Inquisition, so that the wicked alone should be punished and the innocent not suffer, that the cannons and the common law should be observed, that the inquisitors should be of gentle blood of good conscience and repute, and of the age required by law, and finally, that the Episcopal ordinaries should be judges in conformity with justice. Although drawn in general terms, this formal complaint indicates that the people felt the Holy Office to be an engine of oppression for the furtherance of the private ends of the officials to the disregard of law and justice. Charles made reply that he would consult, learn it, and simply man, with whose advice he would so provide that injustice should cease, and meanwhile, he would receive memorials as the abuses and projects of reform. The deputies made haste to give him ample information as to the tribulations of his subjects and the injury resulting to his dominions, and the outcome of the consultations of his advisors was a series of instructions to the officials of the Inquisition, which, if carried into effect, would have deprived the Holy Office of much of its efficiency for persecution, as well as its capacity for injustice. Peter Martyr tells us that the new Christians, to procure this, gave to the High Chancellor, Jean-Louis Sauvage, who was a thoroughly corrupt man, ten thousand do-cuts in hand, with a promise of ten thousand more when it should go into effect, but that fortunately for the Inquisition, he fell sick towards the end of May and died early in July. The instructions had been finally engrossed and lacked only the signatures. They were drawn in the names of Charles in Juana, and were addressed not only to the officials of the Inquisition, but to those of the state and secular justice, but nothing more was heard of them, for the new Chancellor, Mercurino di Gatinara, was a man of different stamp, and Charles as yet was swayed by the influences surrounding him. The elaborate project is therefore of no interest, except as an acknowledgement in its provisions for procedure, of the iniquity of the Inquisitorial process as we shall see it here after, and in its prohibitory classes, that existing abuses exaggerated in every way the capacity for evil of the system is practiced. Thus, it prohibited that the salaries of the Inquisitors should be dependent on the confiscations and fines which they pronounced, or that grants should be made to them from confiscated property or benefices of those whom they condemned, or that sequestrated property should be granted away before the condemnation of its owners. That Inquisitors and officials abusing their positions should be merely transferred to other places instead of being duly punished. That those who complained of the tribunals should be arrested and maltreated. That those who appealed to the Suprema should be maltreated. That Inquisitors should give information to those seeking grants, as to the property of prisoners still under trial. That prisoners under trial should be devoured from hearing mass and receiving the sacraments. That those condemned to perpetual prison should be allowed to die of starvation. The general tenure of these provisions indicate clearly what a tremendous stimulus to persecution and injustice was confiscation as a punishment of heresy. How the whole business of the Inquisition was degraded from its ostensible purpose of purifying the faith into a vile system of spoliation and how those engaging it were inevitably initiated by the tempting opportunity of filthy gains. Although Charles, on the death of his Chancellor, dropped the proposed reform, he seems to have recognized the existence of these evils. When his Inquisitor general Cardinal Adrian was elevated to the papacy in 1522, he sent from Flanders his chamberlain, La Shoe, to congratulate him before he should leave Spain, and among the envoys' instructions was the suggestion that he should be careful in his appointments and provide proper means to prevent the Inquisition from punishing the innocent and its officials from thinking more about the property of the condemned than the salvation of their souls. A pious fish but perfectly futile so long as the methods of the institution were unchanged and its expenses were to be met and its officials enriched by fines and confiscations. The sufferers had long recognized this and offers had more than once been vainly made to Ferdinand to compound for the royal right of confiscation, offers of which we know no details. With the failure of the comprehensive scheme of reform, this plan was revived and before Charles left Spain, May 21, 1520, to assume the title of king of the Romans, a formal proposition was made to him to the effect that if justice should be secured in the Inquisition by appointing judges free from suspicion who should observe the law so that the innocent might live secure and the wicked be punished and the papal ordinances be obeyed, there were persons who would dare to serve him as follows. Considering that greed is the parent of all evils, that it is the law of the partidas that the property of those having catholic children should not be confiscated and further that the royal treasure he derived very little profit from the confiscations as they were all consumed in the salaries and costs of the judges and receivers who enriched themselves, his majesty could well benefit himself by a composition and sale of all his rights therein for himself in his descendants forever, obtaining from the pope a bull prohibiting confiscations and pecuniary penances and fines. If these were done, the parties pledged themselves to provide rent sufficient with those at Ferdinand had assigned towards that purpose to defray all the salaries and costs of the Inquisition on a basis to be defined by Charles. Moreover, they would pay him 400,000 ducats, 100,000 before his departure and the balance in three equal annual payments at the fair of Antwerp in May. Or if he preferred not to do this in perpetuity, he could limit the term for which 200,000 ducats would be paid in similar four installments. For the collection of the sum to meet these engagements, there must be letters and provisions such as the Catholic King gave for the compositions of Andalusia and it must be committed in Castile to the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal de Croix, and in Aragon to the Archbishop of Saragossa, Alfonso de Aragon, from whose decisions there was to be no appeal. But to furnish the necessary personal security for the fulfillment of this offer, it was significantly added that it would be necessary for the King and Cardinal Adrian to give safe conducts to the parties, protecting them from prosecution by the Inquisition, and this must be issued in the current month of October so that there might be time to raise the money. It is scarce necessary to say that this proposition was unsuccessful. Charles was honored the influence of Cardinal Adrian and Adrian was controlled by his colleagues. It was asking too much of Inquisitors that they should agree to allow themselves to be restricted to the impartial administration of the cruel laws against heresy to be content with salaries and forgo the opportunities of speculation. It was also in vain that the Cortes of Coruña in 1520 repeated the request of those of Valladolid for a reforming procedure. Charles sailed for Flanders, leaving his subjects exposed to all the evils under which they had grown so long. There were two locational abolition self-resistance for in 1520 when the Tribunal of Cuenca arrested the deputy Corajidor. It caverized serious troubles and Inquisitor Mariano of Valladolid was dispatched thither with his servants and familiars to restore peace, a task which occupied him for five months. End of Book 1, Chapter 4, Part 7, Recording by Shena Ser, Fresno, California.