 ar y cyfnod yma yn y cyfnod o'r cyfnod. Rwy sydd wedi'u meddwl yn ymgyrchol y Britwyr cyfnod yn gweithio'r lawu internaisiais yma i Brexith. Yn ymgyrch yw'r cyfnod, mae'r meddwl yn cyfnod yn cyfnod o'r cyfnod oherwydd y Britwyr cyfnod yn gyfnod ymgyrchol ymgyrchol ymgyrchol, ac yn ymgyrchol, mae'r cyfnod yn cyfnod ymgyrchol ymgyrchol ymgyrchol yn gweithio'r Llywodraeth a'r Ymgyrchol. Yn ymgyrch yw'r cyfnod ymgyrchol y Britwyr cyfnod yn gweithio'r lawu internaisiais ymgyrchol ymgyrchol a'r Ymgyrchol dech yn Gweithio'r Llywodraeth. Yn ymgyrch yw'r cyfnod ymgyrchol ymgyrchol ymgyrchol, mae'r meddwl yn gyfnod. Yn ymgyrch yw'r cyfnod ymgyrchol a'r ymgyrchol, mae'r meddwl yn cyfnod i'r ffag, those such as the fact that far worse acts than dangerous driving regularly take place at US foreign bases in Japan or South Korea. Or the fact that USAF Creuarton has for many years been routinely involved in the killing of civilians on a daily basis. Why do the civilian staff of this base have different ethnic community? Why has the British government exempted this site from international humanitarian law to facilitate its abuse of civilians in far-form places around the world? Mae'r FFN yno, ac mae'r FFN yn cael ei ddadig iawn. Y Dynes Cymru a'r FFN yn cychwyn i'r ystyried ddau'r cyfaleid yma, rydyn ni'n gweithio i ddisigio ar y cyfaleid yn ddoch yn ffair ac i'r tyfio'r cyfaleid. Y rhaid i'r ddafodd y byd o USAF Crapham yn ymddir i'r ddau cyfaleid yma sy'n fwyaf o gyfanaeth y Pwg. Y ddweud y Rhwng Sryd yn cael ei ddweud. Ond mae'n ddweud o'r cyfaleid. unig iawn i'r llyfr yn y Llywodraeth ymddianydd yng Nghymru bydd o'r llyfr yn y gwybod bryd yn y gweithio'r ffans. Y rheswer y byd yw'r cyfeirio yma sy'n gweithio ddod o'r Llywodraeth Fyllgrifennu a Leennas, a'i ddweud y Llywodraeth Llywodraeth yn y cwmан i'r llyfr yn y Llywodraeth Fyllgrifennu Cymru. Felly, o gyfnodd y Llywodraeth Fyllgrifennu a Llywodraeth, Many different operations can be managed by military and intelligence staff anywhere across the world. As the sharp end of military operations now routinely involves the use of armed drones, network-centric warfare is designed to allow a few people to run a global, covert, low-intensity, lethal military campaign using few personal resources. Once the communications hardware is in place it can be used to carry out unawful acts at any time with little control or oversight by the nation hosting that installation. The German government recently sought to restrict the use of American bases for drone warfare as required by international law. Our government will not even acknowledge that such operations are supported from here. From the outside what is most easily seen are the radomes, the large grey balls housed in satellite dishes. Though highly visible they are not the largest part of the site's communications capacity. Crowdness is part of a global system of fibre optic cables that spans the globe, shifting data, telemetry and voice communications from the continental USA to Europe and then on to the Middle East and North Africa. From the hill opposite the base you get a view down onto the site. Near the centre is a large tower. This connects to the nearby USAF Barthlet St John which operates short-grade radio equipment and possibly connects to yet more national data trunks. At the foot of the tower is a group of low buildings. The east form the communications centre managing the flow of data in and out of the site and hosting the racks of computer service required to run that. More significant though is the large windowless building to the east protected with its high security enclosure. This is the operations centre where US military and intelligence staff run the operations of the site and help support for our missions. That could be anything from running CIA surveillance on Chancellor Merkel's mobile phone, to JSOC launching drone strikes in North Africa, to US cyber command hacking computer networks. One of the more significant cables that runs on Crowton links directly to the US military's Camp Le Monier in Djibouti. This is a site from which US forces launch drone strikes in Yemen and across North Africa and which coordinates to many small lilypad bases across the Sahara region that undertake counter-terrorism operations. The course of opposition to US drone attacks is getting louder and louder in Yemen. The Yemeni parliament has banned drone attacks in a symbolic vote. Anger has been on the rise of the US drone attacks in Yemen. The country has seen several protests against deadly raids by the unmanned aerial vehicles. Washington has stepped up its drone operations in Yemen in recent months. The attacks have killed many people. The US says it's targeting al-Qaeda-linked militants, but many Yemenis call this a violation of their sovereignty. The American drone strikes have killed large numbers of people in other Muslim countries, including Pakistan. The United Nations has condemned the US for using its drones for what the world body calls targeted killings. To date, the operations run from Camp Le Monier in its lilypad sites have routinely broken international humanitarian law and the laws of war. Camp Le Monier also has a significant involvement supporting Saudi-led forces bombing Yemen just across the Red Sea from Djibouti in the process creating one of the world's worst humanitarian crises today. The war that began in 2015 has killed tens of thousands of people and created the world's most urgent humanitarian emergency. But there's another war being waged in Yemen, overshadowed by the strife in the country. The US has been conducting drone strikes in Yemen for the last 16 years. There are 127 strikes in 2017 alone. The so-called signature strikes have aimed to suppress members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. But the campaign has killed scores of civilians targeting houses, schools, hospitals, markets, and even wedding processions. In an examination of drone strikes this year, the APN Bureau of Investigative Journalism found that at least 30 of those killed were not al-Qaeda members. That's around a third of people killed in drone strikes so far this year. The US started its drone warfare in Yemen in 2002 and it has drawn widespread criticism for hitting targets and regions without a proven source associating them with militants. As many as 1,700 people have been killed and thousands have been wounded since the first reported strike. But the drone deaths have fallen off the radar since the US-backed Saudi-led military coalition started its bombing raids against the Iran-backed Houthi rebels. There are no reports of the precise number of civilian deaths due to the difficulty in confirming the identities of those killed. And the US government does not provide adequate explanations detailing their strikes. This has led to the international community raising concerns about the lack of enforcement of humanitarian laws that call for the safety of civilians. As the site is instrumental in supporting those operations, the staff at USF Crownton are complicit in those acts too. This is British territory. It is not part of the American sovereign state. British law technically applies to all operations here, but by exempting USF Crownton from those laws our own government, and by extension, all of us, are complicit in those actions too. The problem of exceptionalism and the political expediency of breaking international law to suit national ambition is that it can become infectious and that Donald Trump it has become official US foreign policy. With Brexit, that same approach is now seemingly applicable here too. As part of a less publicised overseas operations bill, Britain is proposing to exempt our armed forces from the UN Convention against Torture and the European Convention on Human Rights. Thing is, once we roll back historic protections on killing or torture, what international standards are not open to willing abuse. Not just abroad, but at home too. USAF Crownton is symbolic of the West's exceptionalism in the application of international law. More directly, it is symbolic of the West's willingness to accept killing, maiming and mass suffering of civilians in order to guarantee their own national advantage in global affairs. As our government engages in ever more flagrant breaches of international rules, we have a duty to oppose, and if possible, halt these operations. Crownton Watch exists to support those willing to assist in countering the activities of USAF Crownton. For more information on the site and its activities, see our website.