 Mae yw Matenedd, yn fwy o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r ffordd ymdweud yma, ac rwy'n gwybod i'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r labdol yn ymdweud y papur. Yn y bryd, mae gennym eu rhaid o'r cyfnod, rwy'n gweithio'n gweithio i'r ffordd o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r llwyth sefydlu o'r cyfnod o'r rhom yn Lleymau. Dwi'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod yn ymdweud yw gy contribution ac yn ysbryd yn olygu ddim yn ffond o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod, ond mae gennym I gyrraedd o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r rhom ac yn cyflodd o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod o'r rhom yn ymgyrch o'r unig o'r Pwysg 올�sydd Cymru Cymroegau, a sy'n dwy ar y rhom ymgyrch mawr cwrs y afgau Rhan y Dan i, ac o'r cyfnod o'r cyfnod ö brifnod o'r Lleymau ac y dyfodol ymlaen yw'r Cyfrifolau Augustau yn y systemau a GD 260. Y cwynig o'r Fleta Anticorau was very different, ac so, I will not be dealing with that. Yn y tŷ-typi that I will be considering, I will tass at his comments in his Girmania on how the inhabitants of Central Europe beyond the Leymes understood and used Roman coins, so very much the colonial perspective you were talking about, and secondly what coinage left the empire and the mechanisms by which it did so. Yn y past, y dyfodol o'r cwynig o'r Fleta Anticorau yn y Gwynig o'r Barbarachau, yw'r cyfrifol o'r Cwynig o'r Hordd, yn ysgolio cyfrifol o'r Cyfrifol. Yn y tŷ-typi, mae'r Cyfrifol o'r Cyfrifol yn ysgolio cyfrifol o'r Cyfrifol o'r Cyfrifol o'r Cyfrifol o'r region. Yn y tŷ-typi, mae'n gweithio y cyfrifol o'r Larchaeth Cwynig o'r Cyfrifol hwn lle roedd gennym nhw, a blaen o pobl nifer o niIl o resmydau maen i gyntaf Palacemerbyd Dan i iechyd yn ystod ciw Roedd yn Ewrthweith i Mergy unsafe. Brannodd yn arca i dda ar yr uwrddysgcyn Llar States yn ddefnyddiadol yn oed点 mau yn Fwrdd instant���. So ddrちn siaraduc yn rhes operation yr arl diverse ym Oxpenistekio sydd buddych chi'n tynnu Those who inhabited areas closer to the frontier used gold and silver for commerce. They recognized different kinds of Roman coins. The interiors, on the other hand, who lived further away, relied on barter rather than coins for their transactions, and finally, the Gaumani preferred silver to gold as it was better for everyday, small-scale transactions. Before we start looking at his claims perhaps it's useful to take a quick look at the Augustine coinage system. is the basis of the coin finds we'll be looking at. The system had a wide range of denominations in four metals. On the left you have the aureus in gold. Second from the left the denarius in silver. Then you have the cistercius and the topondius which are made of brass and will have actually looked golden. And finally the ass. Yes, it doesn't like the font. Everything slipped over. Okay, great. The ass which has made a copper and will have read actually like the Euro coinage today. Now, if we look at all the single finds in the German Barbaricum, in other words without the hordes, then it is clear that just as Tacitus says there is indeed a strong preference for silver, here the blue column representing the denarii. But what about the claim that there was a difference in coin use across the Barbaricum? We can check this by looking at the coin finds from two areas, one close to the lemes representing the proximi and that is Turingen here at the bottom and one more distant area representing the interiores in my case Mecklenburg-Forpomann on the Baltic coast. And here you can see the range of denominations of the coin finds from the late 1st to the mid-3rd century AD in these two areas. Now, while there are some differences particularly in the level of cisterci, these differences are in fact relatively small. The spectrum of denominations among the single finds is significant as it tells us something about how coins were being used. In a market economy based on the use of coins we should expect large numbers of smaller denomination coins as they are more suitable for small everyday transactions. The diagrams you see here are an indication that in this sense there was little difference in the use of coins in the two areas. At risk of oversimplification, the evidence suggests that in neither area were coins actually being used for small scale transactions. This impression is further strengthened when the figures for the Barbaricum are compared with the figures for the Roman provinces along the Rhine. Here I have compared Mecklenburg-Forpomann on the right with the area immediately to the south of the lower Rhine in the province of Germania Inferior which was the subject of a study by Joris Otz. What is immediately apparent is that at 75% on the Baltic coast the proportion of Denari, the blue line, is significantly higher than in the Roman province. And the figure is particularly revealing when we compare it with different contexts within the province. Low denomination coins are more common in the province into towns, less common in smaller towns and even less common in rural settlements and villas. Clearly the smaller denominations were being more widely used and therefore more frequently lost in towns than in the countryside. What this then tells us is that in the Barbaricum, the intensity of the use of small denominations was even lower than it was in rural areas of the Northwestern provinces. This was in no means, by no means a monetarised economy in any sense of the phrase that we might understand it today. Clearly when the coins left the Roman Empire, their use was being transformed and they were being used in a very different way in their new environment. The coin finds from the bog deposit of Ilorub-Ordal in Denmark provide us with an insight into this transformation and show us how coins were now being used outside the empire. Here in the third century AD, the equipment of a defeated Germanic warband was offered to the gods and deposited in the bog by the victors. This equipment included a number of denarii which were generally found in groups that had probably been contained in small purses and here you can see two examples. However, it would seem that only a relatively small number of members of the defeated warband actually had coins with them, indicating that they were available above all to higher status individuals. We should also note that in the Barbaricam, denarii were used extensively as a store of wealth as is reflected in the huge number of denarii's hordes that are known from northwest Germany and here are a map of denarii's hordes from the area. Furthermore, the hordes reveal that such denarii were remained in use for a very long time. Still being present in large numbers in hordes of the fourth century, that is more than a century after they had disappeared from circulation within the empire, here for example in the Lennonish horde from the mid to late fourth century AD. The most extreme example of this longevity is provided by the grave of the Frankish king Sildrish who was buried in Tournai in Belgium in AD 481 or 482. The coins themselves have no longer survived but according to the original records, alongside a number of fifth century Roman coins were some 200 silver coins of which 41 denarii and one late Roman siliqua were identified. That the denarii survived so long and in such numbers indicates that they were not circulating intensively but that exchanges were infrequent. This is what is to be expected of the kind of high status exchange that is suggested by the coins from Elorob Ardal. If they've been passing more frequently from hand to hand in everyday transactions then we would expect them to be subjected to more intensive loss and so to disappear from circulation more quickly which they do not do. The transformation in the function of the coins when they left an empire also saw them being used increasingly as a jewellery. Gold coins are often pierced in order to be worn as personal adornments. Interestingly, silver coins were not used in this way during the Roman Iron Age. Later it's a different story. Suggesting that the two metals were circulating in different spheres. Silver as an object of material value, gold more as a prestige good and a marker of status. A bit of an oversimplication but I think you get it. We should also note that when gold coins are pierced then they are almost always pierced so the emperor's head is correctly oriented. This raises interesting questions of Germanic identity and what exactly Giamani who wore such adornments were trying to express but unfortunately I can't go into that in any detail today. In brief, we can state that it was not as a medium for market exchange and a monetised economy that the Giamani employed Roman coins. Upon crossing the limes their function was significantly transformed. They were no longer the general purpose money of the empire that could be used across a wide range of transactions and functions from the marketplace and tavern to the purchase of the imperial throne. In the barbaricum their role was more restricted. Silver was now used primarily as a means of storing and transferring wealth within a specific milieu. Silver coins will have been used mainly in high status exchange for example diplomatic payments, tributes, daris, et cetera. Gold coin, gold could also be used as a visible badge of status. As such coins became an integral part of the power structures of Germanic society and will have played a significant role in maintaining and transforming them. Now the role of coins within these power structures is closely related to the second point I would like to consider. The question of why and when Denari left the empire. The long standing view was that the influx was a commercial or economic phenomenon with Denari leaving mainly as a result of trade. However more recently scholars such as Alexander Burscher and Michel Ertrich have focused on the role of Rome's external politics and in particular on diplomatic payments and subsidies. They see the coins as conscious payments made by Rome to secure the allegiance of Germanic groupings and thus ensure the security of the northern frontier. Early work on the subject was based mainly on the Horde evidence. The Horde indicate a significant influx of Denari into the Barbaricum during the second century AD that ended suddenly at the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus in the early one nineties. This break was generally interpreted as an action of a significant reduction in fineness of the Denarius that took place early in the reign of Septimius Severus who reduced the silver content from 66 to 46%. It is suggested that the Gemani with their love of silver rejected the less fine coins accepting only older, better quality Denari. On this interpretation, the break in the outflow of Denari was initiated by the Gemani who was seen as the active agents. However, if we look not at the hordes but the single finds then a very different picture emerges and the situation is even more complicated. Taking the single finds globally across the German Barbaricum, the break in the outflow of Denari at the end of the second century while still apparent is by no means as marked as it is for the hordes. There is the same reduction from Marcus Aurelius to that, to Commodus. However, there is no reduction from the reign of Commodus to that of Septimius Severus. The reduction in the fineness of the Denari seems to have had no effect on the single finds. If we then look at the single finds not at a global but at a regional level, then differences become apparent. For example, in Lower Saxony, that is, northwest Germany, there is a dramatic drop in the number of Denari from the reign up to into the reign of Commodus and thereafter. However, sorry. An interest in the then a significant rise in AD 222. In Turingon, on the other hand, the drop comes later and the end of the reign at the end of the reign of Commodus and is less extreme. So in Turingon, things carry on more smoothly. Quite clearly, there is no monocosal explanation for the drop in the number of Denari leaving the empire. Above all, it cannot be simply the result of the inhabitants of the northern barbaricum rejecting Denari with a lower silver content after the reduction in fineness under Septimius Severus. Nor can there have been a blanket reduction in the level of payments to all of the Gamani. The situation was more complex. Returning now to the role of Roman diplomacy in subsidies, and we heard about this this morning. Hans Ulrich Foss will be drawing attention tomorrow in a paper that following the Marcomannic Wars of the late second century, there was a significant realignment of Roman-Germanic alliances. And I would like to suggest that this realignment had significant effects on the direction in intensity of the flow of coinage and that Turingon played an important role in this realignment. Not only did Denari continue to flow into the area in large numbers, at this time we can also see the development of a significant centre of power there that is expressed in the rich burials of, for example, the Hass-Leven-Loyner group, as seen here in the burials from Dean Stett and Gomann. Evidence for how this realignment worked is probably to be seen in the recently discovered battlefield site at Hartzhorn. It was a great surprise when metal detectors started finding early third century Roman military equipment some 150 kilometres north of the limes. The small numbers of coins among the finds indicate that the battlefield in all likelihood is related to the campaigns of Maximino's threats. Clearly, the Roman army was operating much further from the limes than had previously been realised. Such an entertaining will only have been possible with the support of allied groupings along the supply routes and in the rear of the area in which the Roman army was operating. Turingon will have played an important role here and reflects the success of the Roman policy of concentrating the payment of subsidies in the form of coin in the area. So, summing up some of my main points briefly, coins were an important tool of Rome's external politics entering the Barbaricum primarily as payments to secure alliances. Here, Rome was the active agent. But once the coins left the empire, they were transformed and the Gomani used them very differently. Germanic agency led to them becoming an important part of the power structures of indigenous society. As for Tacitus and his colonial view, to some extent he was right, the Gomani did prefer silver and Rome exported mainly silver coin. This silver did have an economic function, but it was in a very different way to the function of silver within the empire. We can also observe a difference in the way different metals were used and gold could be adapted to other non-economic functions. Thank you very much.