 If robust institutions can't constrain El Salvador's political majority, it could end up as another Latin American dictatorship. Lucky voters in El Salvador's recent election were greeted at the polling booths with free pupusas, the country's best-known dish. These delicious stuffed corn tortillas handed out courtesy of the federal government and its incumbent president, Naib Bukele, are a fitting metaphor for what's happened in the nation's politics. Bukele, who won re-election in a landslide, declared that the entire opposition had been pulverized. El Salvador, which is about the size of New Jersey, is the smallest country in Central America. But Bukele has one of the largest public personas of any current political leader. He's a sharp and quick-witted communicator with a huge social media following. He's overseen a staggering decline in crime and violence in El Salvador in just two years. In the process, he seized control of the federal judiciary and clamped down on press freedoms. Bukele's defenders point to his overwhelming popular support, claiming that he has a broad mandate to do what's necessary to fix the troubled nation. But Latin America's recent history should be a warning. The region's recent slide towards authoritarianism underscores the long-term cost of allowing political majorities to undermine the rule of law. But is Bukele a dictator? To troll his critics, he's owned the term, adding the modifier world's coolest. The backward hat-wearing president first gained international attention in September 2021, when he announced that El Salvador would be the first country in the world to adopt Bitcoin as legal tender. And he's planning to build Bitcoin City. With inspiration from Alexander the Great, where the government will use geothermal energy from nearby volcanoes to mine the cryptocurrency, Bitcoin use hasn't taken off in El Salvador, which has been on the dollar standard since 2001. What has won the support of his fellow countrymen is his broad attack on El Salvador's violent criminal gangs. In just two years, he transformed the murder capital of the world into a nation with the lowest homicide rates in the region. By imposing a state of emergency in the spring of 2022, Bukele was able to detain about 75,000 alleged gang members, or about 1.7% of the population. And he proudly shares videos of inmates on social media. No longer the murder capital, El Salvador now has the world's highest incarceration rate. Bukele has been accused of human rights abuses. He limited freedom and suspended constitutional guarantees. Suspected criminals were arrested without a judicial order or access to a lawyer. Arrest quotas were handed out and thousands were wrongfully detained. There are reports of more than 250 people being placed in a single prison cell, and inmates are often denied food for extended periods. There are even allegations of torture. In 2020, Bukele stormed the legislative assembly with armed troops after lawmakers didn't approve his security loan proposal. The Constitution prohibited him from running for a second term, so Bukele replaced Supreme Court justices with loyalists who paved the way for his reelection. The editors of the news outlet, El Faro, were forced to flee the country after enduring state-sponsored harassment and surveillance for their critical coverage. But Bukele remains incredibly popular thanks to the dramatic improvement in public safety. According to a recent poll, he has the support of 70 to 90% of the country. Some say his broad mandate and the crime decline justify the state of emergency and his right to override term limits. It's the will of the people! Isn't that the essence of democracy? But successful democracies constrain the popular will. Subverting constitutional limits to achieve even worthy goals can lead to a catastrophe. Hugo Chavez seized direct control over every component of Venezuela's state apparatus after he was elected president in 1998. Including the judicial system, national assembly, and the military. He too enjoyed broad popular support. In 2009, Chavez amended the Constitution through a referendum, allowing him to remain in office indefinitely. Chavez died of cancer in 2013, but Venezuelans are now hopelessly trying to dislodge his successor, Nicolás Maluro, who cheats in elections and is currently under investigation by the International Criminal Court for Crimes Against Humanity. In 2014, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega pushed through a constitutional reform, allowing his indefinite re-election. As with Chavez, Ortega was extremely popular at the time. Today, both Venezuela and Nicaragua are effectively dictatorships. Bukele brushes aside claims that he is forming a single-party state or that he'll stay in office indefinitely. There is an understandable tendency to overlook rule-bending for expedience and deeply troubled nations. But if robust institutions don't constrain El Salvador's political majority, it could end up as yet another Latin American dictatorship. The corn tortillas were delicious and voters were happy. But a president running for re-election, sponsoring food at the ballot box, might be considered an attempt to influence how people vote, which is illegal. Beware the short-term allure of capuzas at the polling booth.