 Actually, in the field, some farmers started just to use just a portion of their land activating based on From farmers point of view, that is north of China. And if that is the case, I don't think you can change it. And second point, what distance? Mechanite? Sheet? How does she? Okay. Mechanite? Yes sir? Now, I was wondering whether when you calculate the typical cause, whether you consider mechanisms and substitutions of mechanisms, because that may be used as a typical cause. We cannot use a plan for a very specific cause. So in the last one decade, the mechanism has taken that may be used as a typical cause, and that can be considered as a COVID. It's not a question, it's actually a comment. I find this a fascinating study case, particularly when it's contrasted with what's happening in, say, Bangladesh and Tamil Nadu and other places. And it's like land reform is considered a positive in here, and places like Bangladesh and Tamil Nadu, there wasn't land reform, but things have gone further in terms of development. And it's interesting that people have hung on to their lands when the labour operator, who's really the actual farmer. I would say the other farmer in the system out here, because they're doing a lot of the work, they have actually not been able to undergo a process of taking on ownership of the land. Now if we contrast that to Bangladesh over the last 50 years, we have seen that poorer households have actually taken up farming, have expanded their rice base with time, and the larger households have actually disinvested in land. And that way farming has remained very much more strongly an owner operated system by active farmers who are still doing the operations themselves. And they've actually expanded their base by renting in land and the tenancy laws, tenancy practices have changed without government intervention, but they've actually changed around the economy. So it's like, I'm concerned about the Philippine situation in terms of how you've got this special type of labourer who's only getting 10% of the harvest, or 20% of the harvest. It's quite exploitative of the labourers, not enabling them to actually step out with their own development. I just find this very, very fascinating. Yeah, that kind of voluntary transaction for efficient farming is actually the ideal situation. I think the problem is if government regulates that kind of voluntary transaction, that is a source of income efficiency. So I say a lot of hand on top, but we have a time limitation. Okay, so we take one question, Bruce, and you, Susan, and lots of four questions. We hope we can finish it in five minutes. So everybody, simple, more brief. Thank you for a very informative presentation. I noted that lack of land consolidation may be a constraint to ownership of mechanization. But if indeed there is a strong demand for mechanization, what is it that prevents the emergence of the market for services? Because mechanization services has in other places, like ownership and renting out of tractors. Yeah, I think when hand tractor is introduced, the rental market for the hand tractor is quite active. I think similar happening in the combined handsets among the miners. I'd like to address the issue of the low profitability in the wet season. What your data show is some increase in input use in the wet season, but not an increase in yield. There is a tendency to inefficient input use without addressing the risks in the wet season. In the dry season, the yields are going up and going up more than some of the inputs. There's really a case to be made in the Philippines for redistribution of inputs between the wet season and the dry season. I think this could be one of the very important added implications for policy that can come out of the loop. It is very nice to hear from you once again, K. This is a real pleasure. Just a quick question. You mentioned that the wet season rice yield and more of it is stagnated. Wet season rice yield per farm and also decrease of it. The wet season rice yield at almost at 6 tons, which is fairly high. I was just wondering, what does that tell to the Philippine government in terms of trying to achieve a higher level of subspecies? I would say 100%, but there are some serious problems there. In terms of the things to be done, what would you suggest based on this study? If you say it's very big, then we can't reserve it. You can just have it done. The point I think is the same. For the sustainability of the grain revolution, the issue we have to think about at this time is this. My suggestion is also to the government. If the farmers get any orders, do you think they will give up rice farming? That's my question too. I have to say sorry because we have already 10 minutes more. If you have some questions, you can discuss with K. But here I have to close because everybody has their own job. I would like to thank K to give us the great lessons to hear. Here we have our subjectifications to indicate our appreciation from our third seminar community. Thank you. Remember for the video on the way out, there's a merry end next door. If you want to play the game of rice, pick up the sheet on your way out.