 러시아, 폴렐라, Juus의 history of the two-story section of the of Russia and Poland, Volume 3, The Obsession of Nicholas II until the present day, by Simón Duvenuf, translated by Israel Freedlander. This Levery Czech's recording is in the public domain. Recording by Essekim, Manich Baisho, Portugal. Chapter 37. External Operation and Internal Consolidation. 2. 3. Third World Black Duma 첫 번째 경선이 이 Chart Barcelonjang과 함께 Territorial Assemblies into class and national curious . The government succeeded in preventing the election of any considerable number of Jewish deputies. The election took place on the severe pressure from the authorities. many dangerous nominees of the left were arbitrarily put under arrest on the frame of political charges , and pending the conclusion 대선을 지지 못했죠. 범죄 조계 상 innovative 부스 These If. 에어 witness. 오는. 에어스타일. 오오오. 오오오. dragons. 이. 도라이. 이머몬. 돼요. 이. 도라이. 러시아. 생전. 윤보. 전원의 대체로서가 아이섀를 통해 조사로서의 과정, 국립의 전원의 정당을 제공했다고 합니다. 이 대체로서의 과정은 국립의 전원이 이 대체로서의 과정, 국립의 전원의 정당을 제공했을 때 이 대체로서의 과정은 국립의 전원의 정당을 일회적 우리의 일회적 사회에 대해 우려를 제공해 주신 이모가 다른 그의 자기를 정치적인 긴급 과도를 지금 위기에 전해서도 작가자들을 구혓에 정치적인 긴급 과도를 정치적인 긴급 과도를 정치적 연결을 정치적인 긴급 과도를 정치적인 긴급 과도를 정치적인 긴급 과도를 공간이 가장 fundamental condition of the inviolability of the person but the majority of the right managed to insert in the bill the following stipulation. No one shall be limited in the right of choosing his place of residence and in moving from place to place except in the cases set forth in the law and accepting the Jews who arrive in localities situated outside the payload settlement 1908. In this wise, the Russian legislators cleverly succeeded in harmonizing the principle of the inviolability of the person with the lifelong imprisonment of millions of people in the huge prison house known as the payload settlement. Their solicitude for the maintenance of this first ghetto was so intense that the reactionary government of Stolipin was often the but of criticism because it did not always show sufficient regard for this holy institution. The fact of the matter was that in May 1907 Stolipin had issued a circular ordering the governors to stop the expulsion from the interior governments of those Jews who had settled there before August 1906 and possessed a family and domestic establishment in those provinces provided they were harmless to the public order and do not allow the dissatisfaction of the Christian population. As a result of this circular several hundred, possibly several thousand Jewish families were saved from expulsion. In consequence, the right brought in an interpolation calling upon the government to explain on what ground it had dealt to ish this charter of privileges to the Jews. The interpolation of course proved effective and the government did its utmost to nullify the exemplative provisions of the circular. The anti-Semitic Duma betrayed the same spirit on another occasion by rejecting in the same year 1908 the bill introduced by the opposition conferring the right of visiting the health results or watering places upon all sufferers without distinction of nationality. Yet these legal discriminations were not the worst feature of the Third Duma. Even more excruciating was the way in which the right wing of the Russian parliament permitted itself to make a sport of Judaism and things Jewish. It almost seemed as if the devotees of autocracy, the members of the extreme right had come to the Russian parliament for the express purpose of showering abuse, not only on the Russian constitution, but also on parliamentary government in general. The hirelings of Nicholas II danced like a horde of savage over the dead body of the emancipation movement, singing hymns in praise of slavery and despotism. Creatures of the street, the reactionary deputies drenched the tribune of the imperial duma with mud and filth and when dealing with the Jews, they resorted to methods similar to those which were invoked among the accomplices upon the streets of the devastated cities. The term Zid and the adjective Zidowski in addition to other scurrilous epithets became the most favored terms of their vocabulary. They inserted formulas and amendments in various bills submitted to the Duma which were deliberately intended to insert the Jews. They called upon the ministry of war to bring in a bill excluding the Jews from the army in view of the fact that the Jewish soldiers had proved an element which corrupts the army in the time of peace and is extremely unreliable in the time of war, 1908. They supported the law barring the Jews from the military academy of medicine on the ground that the Jewish soldiers had carried on a revolutionary propaganda in the army during the Russo-Japanese war, 1910. The Octoberists demanded the exclusion of the Jews from the office of justice of the peace for the reason that their admission was subversive of the principles of Christian state, 1909. The remark made on that occasion by Karolov, a deputy of the opposition, where there is no equality, where there are superior nationalities, there is no room for a constitutional order, was met from the benches of the right with retort, thank God for it, we don't want it. A similar cynical outburst of laughter greeted the warning of Rodichev. Without the abolition of the Jewish disabilities, there is no access to the temple of freedom. The two Jewish Duma deputies did their utmost to get a hearing, but the Black Hundred generally interrupted their speeches by wild and offensive exclamations. In 1910, the Jewish deputy Niserovich succeeded in obtaining the signatures of 166 deputies for a legal draft, abrogating the payload settlement. It was laid before the Duma, but resulted merely in fruitless debates. It was referred to a committee which quietly strangled the bill for new Jewish disabilities. Spurred on by the reactionary Duma, the government went to even greater length in its policy of Jewish discrimination. Premier Stolipin, who was getting constantly nearer to the right, was entirely oblivious of the promise made by him in 1905 to remove immediately all restrictions which are the source of irritation and manifestly obsolete. On the contrary, the ministry presided over by him was systematically engaged in inventing new, grievous disabilities. The Jewish deputy Friedman was fully justified in declaring in a speech delivered in February 1910 that even during the most terrible time which the Jews had to live through on the cliff, no such cruelties and barbarities were practiced as at the present moment. Wholesale expositions of Jews from the cities situated outside the pale of settlement and from the villages within the pale assumed the character of an epidemic. In the spring of 1910, the government decided on sacrificing to the monologue of Jew hatred or whole hektatum by expelling 1200 Jewish families from Kiev, a measure which allows the cry of indignation beyond the confines of Russia. The acts of the government were marked by a refinement of cruelty for even little children in valleys and aged people were pitilessly evicted. Particular enmity was shown in the ejection of Jews who had committed the crime of visiting some resorts outside the city lines. The Senate handed down a decision to the effect that the Jewish soldiers who had participated in the defense of the besieged fortress of Port Arthur during the Japanese war were not entitled to the right of residence which had been granted by a formal degree to the Jewish soldiers who had taken part in the war. The spiritual model of Jewish school children was the function of the black minister of enlightenment with the significant name of Schwartz. The school norm which before the revolution had been applied merely as a government order without legislative sanction was formulated by him into law and ratified by the Tsar in September 1908. Henceforth, all institutions of higher learning in the empire were open to the Jews only in a proportion not exceeding 3% of the total number of students for the capitals, 5% for the educational establishments outside the pale, and 10% for the paleopsettlement. In view of the fact that during the emancipation movement, the influx of Jews to the higher schools had been very great so that their number was now vastly in excess of the established norm. It would have become necessary for the higher schools to bar completely all new candidates until the number of Jewish students had been reduced to the prescribed percentage limits. For a while, the minister recalled from taking this cruel step and permitted for the next few years the admission of Jewish students within the limits of the percentage norm, calculating the letter in relation to the number of the newly admitted Christian students during a given year without regard to the Jewish students admitted previously. Subsequently, however, many educational institutions closed their doors completely to the Jews referring by way of explanation to the completion of the norm by the former pupils. Once more, bands of the matters of learning could be seen winding their ways towards the universities in foreign lands. A year later, in 1909, the percentage restrictions governing the secondary schools were also placed under statute books. The proportion of Jewish admission was fixed between 5% and 15% slightly in excess of the old norm and was extended in its application to private educational institutions with the prerogatives of government schools. This law spelled ruin to many gimnasia and schools of commerce which, though directed by Christians, were almost entirely dependent on Jewish support, 80% of the school population consisting of the Jews. As for the gimnasia maintained by Jews with very few exceptions, they never were able to obtain from the ministry the status of government institutions. The educational hammers, however, went a step further and in March 1911 secured a new case of the Tsar extending the presentation norm to the extents. Henceforward, Jews were to be admitted to the examination for the certificate of maturity or for the completion of a part of the curriculum only in a certain proportion to the number of Christian extents. In point of fact, however, there were no Christian extents since only the Jews who had failed to find admission to the schools were forced to present themselves for examination as extents. In consequence, the enormous number of Jewish children who had been barred from the schools by the percentage norm were deprived of the right to receive a testimonial from a secondary school. This law was passed during a brief interruption in the sessions of the Duma and was never submitted to it. The deputies of the opposition wrote in an interpolation concerning this action, but the black parliament laid the matter on the table and the law which lacked all legal basis went into operation. Suede more and more by the tendencies of reactionary Russian nationalism, Stolipin's government set out to uproot the national cultural institutions of the alien races in Russia. The Poles, the Finns and other nationalities became the victims of this policy. The lack of operation was also applied to Jewish cultural life. In 1910, Stolipin issued a circular impressing Russian officialdom with the idea that the cultural and educational societies of the aliens contributed towards arousing in them narrow national political self consciousness and towards the strengthening of national separatism and that for this reason all the societies of the Ukrainians and Jews which were established for the purpose of fostering a separate national culture should be prohibited. 5. The Spiritual Revival of Russian Jewry This new blow was aimed right at the heart of Judaism. For after the revolution when the political struggle had subsided, the Jewish intelligentsia directed its entire energy into the channel of national cultural endeavors. Profiting by the law of 1906, granting the freedom of assemblies and meetings, they founded everywhere cultural, educational and economic cooperative and credit societies. In 1908, the Jewish Literary Society was established in St. Petersburg which soon counted over 100 branches in the provinces. The same year saw the formation of the Jewish Historical Ethnographic Society which began to publish a quarterly review under the name of Yevreskay Stalina, Jewish Antiquity. The oldest educational organization among the Jews, the Society for the Division of Enlightenment, enlarged its activity and was endeavoring to create a new type of national Jewish school. A multitude of other cultural societies and circles sprang into life with the sanction of the authorities throughout the length and breadth of the veil. Everywhere lectures and conferences were held and heated debates were carried on, centering around national cultural problems. Particularly passionate were the discussions about the position of Hebrew and Yiddish in public life in school and in literature, leading to the alignment of two parties, the Hebraist and the Yiddishist. The lecture, conferences and debates themselves were generally carried on in one of these languages mostly in the Yiddish vernacular. In spite of their grudities, these partisan conflicts were clear indication of the advance of national self-consciousness and of the desire for the upbuilding of a genuine Jewish life upon the concrete foundation of cultural autonomy. Of course, antisemitism could not be expected to sympathize with this inner regeneration of Jewry and as in the time of plague, it directed its blow at the Jewish national organizations. Here and there the blow was effective. In 1911, the Jewish Literary Society with its 120 branches which had displayed an energetic activity in the establishment of libraries and the arrangement of public lectures went out of existence. In general, however, the attacks directed against the Jewish spirit proved much more difficult of realization than the attacks upon Jewish property. The cultural activities continued in their course, defying all external restrictions and persecutions. The literary revival which had started in the 90s and was but temporarily interrupted by the stormy events of the Revolutionary period also came into its own again. The rejuvenation of both the national and popular language, finding its expression in a widely ramified Jewish literature, proceeded along parallel lines. The periodical press in Hebrew, represented by the two dailies, Ha Zephira in Warsaw and Ha Zeman in Vilna and the monthly Ha Shloa in Odessa, found its counterpart in popular policy in Yiddish, reaching hundreds of thousands of readers such as the dailies, friend, the friend, published since in 1993 in St. Petersburg, Haint, today, Moment, and others in Warsaw. In addition, there was the Jewish press in Russian, the Wyglis, Voskot, Raziviet, Yevresky Mir in St. Petersburg, and few other publications. In the domain of higher literary productivity, new forties were being constantly added to the old ones. Besides the great national bard Bialik, there appeared a number of gifted poets. Schnaer, the singer of storm and stress of doubts and negations, the romantically inclined Jacob Cohen, Fichmann, Reisen, David Einhorn, and many other useful as yet scarcely unfolded talents. J.L. Peretz found the rival in Shalom Ash, the portrayal of patriarchal Jewish life in the provincial towns of Poland. The Stettel, the provincial town 1904, and the author of charming sketches from Jewish life as well as a playwright of note whose productions have met with tumultuous applause both on the Jewish and non-Jewish stage. Moshe S. Saiton, Machinic Times, Koth von Nemecho, God of Revenge, Shabbatite Seeway, Ehuz, Blue Blood. His numerous co-workers in English letters have devoted themselves with youthful enthusiasm to the cultivation of this branch of Jewish literature. In Hebrew Fiction, a number of talented writers and a group of novelists who published their works mostly in the Ha-Shi-La-Wa. The successor of Ahad Haam, in the editorship of this periodical, Dr. Josep Klausner occupies a prominent place in Jewish literature as publicist, critic, and partly as historian. If we add to these talents the not inconsiderable number of writers who are domiciled in Galicia, Palestine, Germany, and America and draw their inspiration from the vast Russian-Jewish reservoir, the growth of Jewish literature during the last decade stands forth in bold relief. This progress of inner Jewish life in Russia is truly remarkable. In spite of the catastrophes which had descended upon Russian Jewry during the first decade of the 20th century, the productivity of the Jewish national spirit has gone unchecked, and the national Jewish culture has struck out in all directions. The assimilationist positions which have been generally abandoned are only held by a few loyal devotees of past age. It is true that the process of elemental assimilation which penetrates from the surrounding atmosphere into Judaism through the medium of language, school and literature continues to affect Jewish life with the same force as of old. But there can be no doubt that it is effectively counterbalanced by the centripetal factor of national culture which is becoming more and more powerful. Large as is the number of religious apostates who have deserted Judaism under the effect of external pressure and of moral renegades who have abandoned the national ethical ideals of Judaism in favor of a new fangled decadent aestheticism. It is negligible when compared with the compact mess of Russian Jewry and with the army of intellectuals whose national self-consciousness has been deepened by suffering. As in all previous critical moments in the history of the Jews, the spirit of the nation, defying its new tormentors has grown stronger in the one out body. The Hamans of Russia who have attempted to crush the eternal people have failed as signally as their predecessors in Persia, Syria and Byzantium. End of Section 15, Section 16 of History of the Jews in Russia in Poland, Volume 3 from the Obsession of Nicholas II until the present day by Szymon Dufunov, translated by Israel Friedlander. This Liberty Works recording is in the public domain, recording by A.S.S. Kim, Manicked By Show, Portugal. Russian Jewry since 1911. Being loath to cross the threshold of the present, we shall stop at the year 1911, terminating the first decade of the Thirty Years' War waged by Russian Zardom against Jewry since 1881. The more recent phase of this war are still fresh in our memory. To put the new campaign of Jew hatred in its proper light, it will suffice to point out its most conspicuous landmarks which stand out by their extraordinarily sinister features. In 1911, the organizations of the Black Hundred with the help of their accomplices in the Duma and in the government circles, manufactured the monstrous violence case. The mother of a Russian boy in Kiev, of a family belonging to a band of thieves and the discovery of the body in the neighborhood of Briklin, owned by a Jew provided the antisemite with an opportunity to bring forward. The old charge of mutual murder. In the beginning, the government was somewhat uncertain as to the attitude it should adopt toward the mysterious Kiev murder. But a political occurrence which took place at the time put an end to its fascination. In September 1911, Premier Stolipin was assassinated in a Kiev theater in the presence of the Tsar and dignitaries of state. The assassin, by the name of Bobrov, proved to be the son of a lawyer who was of Jewish extraction, though he had long before turned his back upon his people, a semi-anarchist who at one time had been active as police agent for some mysterious revolutionary purposes. The Jewish extraction of the father of the assassin was enough to produce a paradoxism of theory in the camp of the antisemitic reactionaries who had lost in the presence of Stolipin an exerted patron. In Kiev, preparations were openly made for a Jewish massacre but the government was afraid that the proposed wholesale execution of Jews would muddle the festive solemnity of the Tsar's visit to Kiev. The authorities made it known that the Tsar was not in favour of riots and the Bloody Street program was avoided. In its place, however, a bloodless program extending over two years was arranged in the form of the Baileys case. Minister of Justice Sekolovitov, a former liberal who had become fanatical partisan of the Black Hundred, made up his mind to impart to the trial glaring virtual colouring. The original judicial inquiry having failed to uncover any traces of Jewish complicity, the Minister of Justice ordered a new special inquiry and constantly changed the personnel of the investigating and persecuting officials until he finally secured a bill of indictment in which the whole case was represented as a ritual crime, committed by the Jew Baileys with the participation of undiscovered persons. For two years, the Baileys case provided the pablum for a wild antisemitic campaign which was carried on among the so-called better classes on the streets in the press and in the Imperial Duma. The court trial which took place in Kiev in October 1913 was expected to crown with success the criminal design harbored by the Minister of Justice and the Black Hundred, but the expectation of the government was disappointed. In spite of carefully selected court personnel which consisted of antisemitic judges representing the crime and of sworn jurymen, ignorant peasants and burglars who believed in the ritual murder legend, Baileys was acquitted and the authorities found it impossible to face the guilt upon the Jews. Exhausted by the failure, the government wrecked its vengeance upon the liberal-minded intellectuals and newspaper men who, by their agitation against the hideous rival, had rested their prey from the hands of the Black Hundred. Scores of legal actions were instituted not only against newspaper editors and contributors, but also against the St. Petersburg Bar Association which had adopted a resolution protesting against the method pursued by Shiglovitov in the Baileys trial. The sensational case against the metropolitan lawyers was tried in June 1914, one month before the declaration of the World War and terminated in a verdict of guilty for 25 lawyers on the charge of having agitated against the government. The triennium preceding the World War witnessed the rise of a new danger for Judaism, this time coming from Poland. The extraordinary intensity of the national and religious sentiment of the Poles accentuated by the political oppression which for more than a hundred years had been inflicted upon them, particularly by the hand of the Russian despotism has, during the last decade, been directed against the Jewish people. The economic progress made by the Jews in the two industrial centers of Russian Poland in Warsaw and Utsch gave rise to the boycott agitation. Polish anti-Semite program, the slogan, do not buy from Jews, aiming the cry specifically against the Lithuans, that is, the hundreds of thousands of Russian Jews who in the course of last few decades had been cheaply instrumental in the economic advancement of those two centers. The clock beneath which this agitation was carried on was purely that of Polish nationalism. The Russian Jews were alleged on the one hand to crucify Poland and accused on the other hand of an opposite tendency of asserting themselves as the members of a separate Jewish nationality with the press and a social organization of their own which refuses to be merged in the Polish people. The anti-Semite movement in Poland, which began shortly after the revolution of 1905, assumed extraordinary dimensions in 1910 to 1911 when the boycott became a fierce economic program, reaching its culmination in 1912 during the election campaign to the Fourth Imperial Duma. The Jewish electors also formed the majority and were therefore in a position to send the Jewish deputy to the Duma. Yet out of consideration for the national susceptibilities of the Poles, who insisted on sending as a representative of the Polish capital one of their own, a Christian, the Jews were willing to accept a Polish candidate provided the letter was not on anti-Semite. However, the Polish Election Committee, disregarding the feelings of the Jews, nominated the anti-Semite candidate Kukajewski, the Jews gave their votes to the Polish Socialist nominee Jaghello, who carried the election. This attitude of the Jews allowed the storm of indignation among the higher classes of Polish society. An anti-Jewish campaign marked by extraordinary bitterness was set in motion and in the press and on the streets, the Jews were nicknamed bylysis on echo of the ritual mother legend which had given rise to such hurdles in ancient Catholic Poland. The economic boycott was carried on with incredible fury and in a number of towns and villages, the cowardly enemies of the Jews being afraid of attacking them openly set fire to Jewish houses with the result that in many cases entire families were consumed in the flames. The Furo Polonikus assumed more and more dangerous forms so that at the beginning of the World War in 1914, almost the entire Polish nation from the progressive anti-Semites down to the clerics were up in arms against the Jews. From this armed camp came the defiant war cry. On the banks of the Vistula, there is no room for two nationalities. Thus, sentencing to death the two millions of Polish Jewry who consider themselves a part of the Jews and not of the Polish nation. Out of this soil of national hatred crawled forth the snake of the terrible military libel which during the first year of the war drenched Polish Jewry in rivers of blood. Over the bleeding body of the Jewish people, Polish and Russian anti-Semitism joined hands. Horrors upon horrors were perpetrated before which the ancient annals of Jewish martyrdom fade into insignificance. Nearly 20 centuries have passed since the ancient Judeo-Hellenic diaspora sent forth a handful of men who established the Jewish colony upon the northern Scythian, now Russian shores of the Black Sea. More than a thousand years ago, the Jews of Byzantium from one direction and those of the Arabian caliphates from another went forth to colonize the land of the Scythians. The Jews stood at the cradle of ancient Kyivian Russia which received Christianity from the hands of the Byzantines. The Jews witnessed the birth of Catholic Poland and during the stormy days of the Crusades fled from the west of Europe to this heaven of refuge which was not yet entirely in the hands of the Catholic Church. He has seen Poland in its bloom and decay. He has witnessed the rise of Moscovite Russia tying the fate of one half of his nation to the new Russian empire. Here, the power that dominates history opened up before the Jewish people a black abyss of medievalism in the midst of the blazing light of modern civilization and finally threw it into the flames of the gigantic struggle of nations. What may the world war be expected to bring to the world nation? Full of agitation, the Jew is looking into the future and the question of his ancient prophet is trembling on his lips. Ah, Lord God, wilt thou make a full end of the remnant of Israel? Let the entire past of the Jewish people serve as an answer to this question of people which in the maelstrom of human history has succeeded in conquering two cosmic forces. Time and space. End of section 16. Recording by SSKIM. Manikut Baesho. Portugal. End of history of the Jews in Russia in Poland. Volume 3. From the obsession of Nicholas II until the present day. By Shimon Dufnov. Translated by Israel Friedlander.