 So I'm just trying to, okay, cool. All right, part of, okay, I'm sorry, I ran out of that, thank you so much. And also thank you for checking in with me earlier in real time pretty quickly, I appreciate that. Before I dive in, I wanna just briefly share a little bit about myself and also how I am planning to participate in this conversation in seven parts based on this slide, but also the eight part is more or less conversational and questions and I don't know, pushback, feedback that you all may have. I think this is the first time I'm sharing via slide and bringing in so many different aspects of my work into one in terms of talking about it. I feel like my work and my person reflects all of these things. And so this is a pretty interesting slide. I don't think I ever had a presentation that has so many slides in it, but it's gonna move pretty quickly. Again, my name is Shayna Griffin. I am a feminist activist, independent researcher, apply sociologist, artist and mother. I currently, since I haven't changed my website, but in the last month, I am now currently serving as the interim executive director of Antenna, which is a multi-disciplinary arts and literary organization here in the city of New Orleans. Again, as was noted, I'm the founder of punctuate and the creator of displace, which I'm going to go into next. Again, I'm sorry, this is in seven parts. First part, quick introduction of punctuate and displace. I'm sorry. And then second, displace. We're gonna talk a little bit about New Orleans in terms of where I'm from and also its implications both for this region, but also for the nation. As we think about housing and displacement, confinement rooted in slavery. And then we're gonna talk about reproductive violence and in housing climate and climate implications as relates to housing and policies, what I would say everyday policies of population control. Then we're gonna come back and think about stereotypes that make these things possible and also how they manifest themselves in housing policies, land use, planning and development. All right, y'all ready for this roller coaster? Cool. Yes. So one, punctuate. Punctuate is a newly formed feminist research, art and activist initiative based here in the city foregrounding the embody aesthetics and practices of black feminists thought to address intersecting forms of everyday violence and subjectivity, black women are our families and communities experience. Put differently, punctuate is an insurgent intervention spatializing black feminist practices through research, art, activism and public programming. The mission of punctuate is to disrupt ideological policies and practices of control, punishment and disposability. Again, through engaged research, art, activism and spatial imaginaries that centered epistemologies and practices of black feminists to build socially and economically just communities. I see punctuate as both a vision, a strategy, a practice, it's a goal, an action and a sight of resistance possibilities and imagined futures. Here I want to situate the conversation and this is how I think about my work and also making these connections and thinking about connections that we don't always see. Specifically as it relates to the violence, subjugation and objectification of black women bodies, reproduction and sexuality made possible during a transatlantic slave trade and its contemporary geographic manifestations in land use planning, urban development and housing policies which lie at the root of spatial, social and cultural practices of domination and economies of black dispossession here in the United States. From slave ships, auction blocks, plantation arrangements and black coals to geographies of displacement, containment and disposability in residential segregation, urban renewal, toxic exposure, reproductive legislation, criminalization and cultural control. Black women, our families and communities are daily negotiating and challenging geographic spaces and places that uphold legacies of slavery and social policies designed to make us disappear. The sexual and reproductive lives of black women, particularly low income women, are situated between ideological frameworks that seek to control our sexuality and reproduction as well as discriminatory housing policies and development practices that disproportionately restrict, displace and regulate our movement and life chances, coupled with policies of disgust and blame that uses stereotypes, fear and politically motivated misperceptions to criminalize our families and communities. It is within this site that my work on displace on a displace project, my housing advocacy and climate activism take shape and occupy space serving as a point of disruption, interaction and possibilities. Two, we're regards to the displace project. A displace is a, I'm sorry, what's next here? Okay, displace is a multimedia, feminist and public history project that traces the geographies of black displacement, dislocation, confinement and disposability and land use planning and urban development here in New Orleans. Beginning with the formation of the city in its cartographies of violence and racial slavery and indigenous genocide, displace illustrates historical and contemporary forms of property-led development and a property value of white social identity due policies of divestment, social exclusion and a privatization of public resources. As a project, displace interrogates critical research methods and activism within socially engaged art to raise awareness on the multiple ways the violence of displacement is manifested and explores how housing policies, both federal and local become sites of everyday violence, subjectivity as well as resistance and possibilities. Here, this project acts, and I ask lots of questions. I don't feel like there's always answers, but I think it's always important to move with inquiry. Displace acts, what is our understanding of displacement and displacements within us? Thinking about how displacement takes more than one form. How is displacement related to gentrification or is displacement and gentrification the same thing? They're often used interchangeably and I often rarely in my work reference, I mean, I talk about gentrification but it's not the primary entry point. I'm more inclined to talk about displacement and this gentrification as one example of many. How is displacement connected to climate induced migration and war, disease, economic conditionality policies, environment to racism? What is displacement relationship to art making, to race, to gender? How do we challenge hitting in explicit forms of racial, sexual and reproductive violence and housing policies, land use, planning, urban development? I don't need to go through all of these questions out but just definitely want you all to think deeply about them. This is how I think about displacement all the time and also how do I push the boundaries of what we think we know and what we're trying to work against. Next, we're gonna move into New Orleans. Typically when people think of the city, they think of images like this or this and this, all referencing Hurricane Katrina. Or they think about images like this, the Florida Lee, Amadegra, the food, black and indigenous, black, I'm sorry, black associated pleasure clubs and black masking of Amadegra Indian traditions. Rarely do we think about images like this. Here I am intentionally bringing our attention to this image intentionally want us to think deeply about the role that New Orleans played in becoming a largest slave trade import here in the US and what some historians will refer to as the largest slave trade import in North America. Between the 1918, I would say starting in 1808 up into the Civil War. As many as you know, New Orleans initially was a French colony and then a Spanish and then a French and then a American purchased by America from France in 1803 doubling the size of the country. The Louisiana purchase was so large it comprised what we think of today as comprises 13 states today and two Canadian provinces. New Orleans, and I don't know if I have this map. No, I don't, maybe later. But here I just really want to think about both New Orleans as a site of racialized violence through racial slavery as well as the role that the city played in positioning the United States to become a global economic empire. Starting in 1808 after the country abolished the international slave trade which created greater demand for domestic, the domestic slave trade whereby over 2 million people were bought and sold primarily processed through the city of New Orleans sold in the deep south. Which is why New Orleans was also one of the strategic site of repossession by the Union army to stop the flow and trade of slavery through the Mississippi rid-up river. I'm bringing our attention here as Clyde was in Catherine McKedrick's nose and black geographies, the politics of place and how space is occupied by the colonized, enslaved, incarcerated and the dispossessed. So when I'm thinking about and talking about displacement I'm also asking that we acknowledge and interrogate the historical and contemporary forms in which displacement takes place. And so much of my work I start with slavery and any conversation around displacement for. Here the displaced project started actually through my work around reproductive violence and I was really interested in looking at how reproductive violence manifests itself in housing policies. It doesn't just occur in housing policy and we'll get to that slide while I outline what I found. But here I wanna say strategically look at these correlations. This is a chart that I created several years ago and recently this year I included finally I did it before and lost the file included a column on housing policies. I want us to think deeply, here's my attention here about what you all are looking at. I am intentionally putting side by side US housing policies coupled with our political economy and what is our reproductive policy during these different time periods and how does that look as it relates to housing and also the state response. Let me readjust the view here. Sorry. Here when we think about the US policy period of colonialism we can see the reproductive policy was genocidal and housing policy is centered around settler colonialism and our state response is extermination. When we look at slavery we see similar patterns where we have slavery as the dominant policy period. The reproductive policy is exploitative again about the control of the reproduction of I'm sorry, controlling the reproduction of black bodies for the production of profit and to build empire. The housing policy is centered around plantation arrangements and residential combined compounds. The state's response is paternalistic. Next I wanna really go deep on immigration and legislation and then come to neoliberalism and also maybe the gray society. I'm not gonna discuss all of them but just wanna point out a few things. When we think about immigration legislation this is that time period when we see some of the most racist immigration policies of the United States also during the eugenics era but it's also coupled with the new deal. And most of what we think about housing policies especially contemporary housing policies are all rooted in a new deal era when we think about the Housing Act of 1933 that led to the formation of the home owners loan corporation Housing Act of 1934 with regards to the federal housing administration and the Housing Act of 1937 that led to the creation of the US Housing Authority and also the development of public housing across the country. New Orleans being one of the first pilot cities to utilize funding from the Housing Act of 1937 where President Roosevelt signed off the first application was came from the city of New Orleans because we had a housing authority already set up. I don't wanna get into that story but that's it. But again, thinking about eugenics and the new deal but also coupled with the contradictions of new deal housing policies because this is what we see at the root of racial, residential segregation, exclusion and slump clearance has taken place. The state responses about separatism, separation and exclusion. We also see these contradictions with the gray society during the post civil rights era as well. What a reproductive policy is controlling and in terms of housing this is where we see urban renewal, predatory inclusion taking place. Again, the state responses about reform and to pathologize. We see these similarities also when we think about welfare reform and also neoliberal austerity measures in terms of where we are today. I don't have dates listed on this chart although it is a timeline but I wanna emphasize that during each policy period it doesn't mean that one thing went away and the other came online. It just shows that one thing is becoming more dominant as opposed to the other one's cease to exist. So these things are all happening simultaneously but one is the most dominant if that makes sense in terms of how we're thinking about this. Sorry. Here I wanna bring our attention to a quote. This is from a housing activist in 2007. The housing authority of New Orleans and HUD had to appeal to the city of New Orleans city council to get permits to, they needed permits to approval, I'm sorry, approval from the city council to demolish for me five public housing developments. At the city council hearing Ms. Sharon Jasper former public housing resident and housing advocate states, I am sick and tired of being disrespected. I'm a black woman. If I have to go to jail, if I have to die for what I believe in I will not be treated like a slave. I'm a human being, a United States citizen. Here I want us to bring your attention to this based off the previous slide about reproductive violence and housing policies. In the city, post-Hurricane Katrina, many neighborhoods were participating in a planning process, identifying ways in which higher neighborhoods would be redeveloped or come back online. Public housing residents are, I should say, public housing neighborhoods are residents who lived in public housing neighborhoods were not afforded the same right and opportunity. Here, Ms. Jasper is associating disrespect, she's connecting what it means to be a black woman is tied to being disrespected. She's also referring historical moment where black people did go to jail when they fought for what they believed in. Also challenging this idea that she will not be a slave when in fact her ancestry, collectively our ancestry was tied to being a slave what it means to be capital in this country. She also states I'm a human being, a United States citizen. Here you can see this hierarchy in her comments to show that what it means to be a human is above, I'm sorry, what it means to be a United States citizen is above what it means to be human. You have to be human in this country as a black woman is to be disrespected. And so here is just amusing this quote to show the contradictions of democracy and what does it mean when who's afforded a right to participate in harder neighborhoods are gonna be redeveloped. Unfortunately on this date, on December 20th in 2007, the city council approved the permits requested by HUD and the local housing authority to demolish public housing. Five. So again, when we think about the political economy of reproductive violence and housing policies and how that equates with cartographies of violence and black displacement. This is the map that I thought was I had earlier but this is a map of the city of New Orleans in 1849. You see these red dots. The red dots on the map reflects Google pinpoints. Unlike most places in the south where you had a town center where auction that had auction block where people was bought and sold. In the city of New Orleans, there were several places where people was purchased. I'm sorry, sold and purchased into slavery. Here, if you can see my cursor, I'm gonna point out a few things. Well, we have municipality, one, two, three and four. This is the historic French quarter of the city. You see all of these red dots. Here along this red, yellow smile, you see another cluster of red dots. This is a neighborhood. The Falkberg, what is this? Maroney neighborhood along with Espionade Avenue. And here, you see this larger cluster right here on the left, I guess the left side of this green, red dot being red line. This is what we will refer to today as the central business district. This was the finance district of the city. It is this particular area where you could literally trace the financial capital of the United States through slavery on the city of New Orleans where you could see where people and cotton was bought and sold, cotton that was brought to Liverpool and the UK for the development of industries there, what we know now in terms of thinking about the industrial revolution. So you can see this trajectory from slavery to the industrial revolution in the role that the city played in building this empire. Unlike most places, like I stated, where you had a town center, people was bought and sold in private homes, as slave pens and auction blocks, at hotels, at public schools, at markets, on the street, on the ship, in churches, it didn't matter, it was all about making money. Here, I'm sorry, I should state, this is what I'm referring to this section, it's thinking about cartography, survival, some will go through a few maps. Here, this is a map of the country when you can, this is from the 1900s and this is reflecting the concentration of black residents of the black population of the country, which you can see is primarily rooted in the South. Here, this is a, I have this twice emphasizing, but just again, this is from the US Housing Authority. These are propaganda posters. One is slumbreed crime and other cross-out slums. With the slumbreeding crime, again, going back to the correlation and relationship between reproductive violence and housing policies, this idea that people are reproducing criminals. This other one I find is really interesting with the cross-out slums. It reminds me of the visible hand of capital. You know, like I said, we think about capitalism and the invisible hand of the state, but again, marking out in terms of who has the right to exist or to live in a particular neighborhood. Again, this one reminds me of just a map of, I'm sorry, a poster of disposability, marking out who can come in and who cannot. This is a red-lining map of New Orleans. You know, since the 1970s, the red-line maps have become more accessible to the general public. Most people during the period in which these, the homeowner's long cooperation residential, residential security maps were not known. Very few people saw them. But here you can see this map from 1939 in the city. The vast majority of New Orleans, not one particular neighborhood or certain district, but the vast majority of the city is red-line, even the entire French Quarter. You can also see the yellow, and so you could see 85%, I'm sorry, probably 90% of the city was not deemed worthy of investment. This is a map of the city in terms of their reference proposed for slum clearance and urban redevelopment. And there are a few maps in the city where you actually see this listed on there. And I just wanted to just, I think this map is pretty interesting, especially when we think about development and urban planning and land use use. This is a map of Hurricane Katrina. This was actually done by the New York Times. It's dated September 23rd. You can see that it's a map of where people were displaced to. During this time, over 1.5 million people were displaced from the Gulf Coast area. And you can see the displacement is still primarily concentrated in the south. It almost mirrors the map from the 1900s that I previously showed you all. This is not a map, but a chart of the public housing sites and available units here in the city. Here, I'm using one of, bring your attention to the ways in which displacement takes place as it relates to erasure. You can see here the original names of developments, St. Thomas, now it's called River Gardens. The Iberville Public Housing Development, actually this is a development that I grew up in, was, came online in 1941 and it was constructed as a segregated development for white residents. Its name has changed from Iberville to Bienville. What is interesting I want to bring to your attention is Iberville was a French Canadian colonizer known as the governor of Louisiana and his brother Bienville was the founder of the city of New Orleans. And so when we think about monuments, what does it mean? You don't have to have a statue for the monuments to still exist and reign over a city. Well, you have this development now called Bienville Basin which is a mixed income development now and I'll get to that. But here where you think about the total number of units and all of these developments from historically what they were, what they are today and how many of the current units are available for low income residents. You can see this constant shrinkage and you also can see it begs the questions where are these people living today? Here again, going back to that red line map, I was able to participate in some research and write a report in collaboration with staff at Jane Place Neighborhood Sustainability Development, the first community land trust in the city that I co-founded 13 years ago along with Davida Fanger, a public interest attorney and professor at Loyola Law Clinic, I'm sorry, Loyola Law School. We created these maps based off this report and we document the eviction here in the city and you can see the eviction geography of the city mirrors the redlining geography of the city. And so this legacy is so ingrained where we overlay the redline maps on top of the eviction map. You all see that? I don't see any hazmatting, so I just wanna make sure. Okay, thanks. All right, in six, this is where I'm gonna try to move quick in terms of population control and reproductive violence in terms of how it looks in our everyday life. Here, I don't know, back in 2007, I came up with this concept called population control policies of everyday life. Normally, we think about population control. We think about China in this one child rule, which is no longer the case anymore, but we don't think about ways in which we can control populations through blame, or social neglect, abandonment and divestment, or displacement, or disenfranchisement and assimilation and others. Normally, we often think about population control primarily as it relates to experimentation or sterilization. Here, I'm getting us to see beyond just that narrow frame. I wanna bring our attention here specifically to assimilation as a form of population control. When we think about housing policies, especially with regards to public housing, the goal is always to deconcentrate poverty and push for mixed income development. This idea of mixed income development is fraught and it's also a strategy around assimilation. This idea that we will put poor people to middle-income people, and hopefully someday at some point, these poor income, low-income residents will learn how to become good citizens and adopt middle-class values. This idea is totally on the assimilation strategy. We see assimilation also as it relates to immigration, as also when we think about queer communities where people are expected to behave in these heterosexual ways, sometimes of which are the safety, but also to be seen as real and human and deserving of resources and rights. Population control policies are reinforced through controlling images, stereotypes, fear, scarcity tactics, criminalization, policing, myths. This all sounds like our current president, right? Here, through my research on reproductive violence and population control practices, I see reproductive violence existing within sexual and reproductive health, which is seen clear. I also see it in climate change policies and environmental policies, as well as welfare and also corrections in public safety. But for the purposes of this conversation, I'm focused on housing and land use, and I should say climate, because normally we think about climate, and there are many people who believe that one of the strategies, if not the only strategy to solve in a climate crisis is to reduce the population, and normally that is often racialized. Here, these are some correlations, some images. I just want to walk us through. This is an old image from the national government in the late 90s. This idea that family, again, listen to this, family planning changes everything. So you go from this, we don't know what this image is or what caused this, or even if it's real, but this idea that you pair the two together from this green pristine environment where we don't want certain bodies or certain people to destroy. But this idea that we got, go from here to here, is because of family planning. This is another image. Again, we have no idea what is going on here, but it states what this place needs is more condoms. This is a big leap. We don't know if the fertility race have anything to do with what is going on with this desert-like environment here. But again, this is part of what we call the greening of hate and reproductive justice circles. This is another map where you look at it's called population pressures, threat to democracy. Again, this idea that populations is a threat as it relates to, and you can see here the US, we have this one point that you have throughout sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and also throughout South America and Central America, which is very racist. And also what is interesting is that when we think about environmental footprints, the environmental footprint of the US and European countries is much far higher than those in places in sub-Saharan Africa and other parts of the world. Even though you may have higher fertility rates in Africa, the environmental footprint is much lower. So there's a false correlation between fertility rates and environmental impacts. So if it was the case, if there was a real true correlation, then we will be sterilizing most people in the United States and in Europe, but that's not the case. Again, going back to that propaganda posters from the United States Housing Authority, again, these correlations. This is a quote from the William Bennett, former Secretary of State of Education in 2005. He makes this comment, what is this? A month, a month and a half after Hurricane Katrina, but this idea that if you want to reduce crime, you could. If that was your sole purpose, you can abort every black, I'm sorry, I can't see the full screen here, let's see. Every black baby in this country and your crime rate will go down. Again, this is going back to mirroring this image here, this idea that crime, slums, breed, crime are here, he's just been explicitly as if black people are the source of criminality in the country, which also have major impacts on our housing policies and land use planning. This is the former Secretary of HUD after Hurricane Katrina, with more than 80% of public housing residents, I'm sorry, more than 80% of public housing residents in the city were black women. He's making these statements that the city is not going to be black again, if ever. And this is when he was proposing that seeking approval from the city council to demolish public housing. So yeah, interesting. I'm sorry, and it also happened. This also is a former Louisiana representative who proposed legislation that maybe the state should pay poor people $1,000 to be sterilized. This happened in 2008, at the time in which the Bush administration was bailing out Wall Street. Again, placing the blame on low-income people as opposed to really looking at the true criminals when you think about corporate welfare in terms of what's causing problems in our country. Again, population control policies of everyday life are reinforced through controlling images, stereotypes, fears, scarcity tactics, criminalization, policing, and myths. This is where they occur, just to reinforce this, and seven. Just want to share with you some correlation between gender, race, and housing, and climate. One of the things that we don't talk about in housing work is that housing is a very, very gender issue. We normally think about it as just racial, or we think about it as it relates to class. We think about fair housing, we often think about race, but fair housing includes multiple classes of people, not just race. When we think about low-income housing, affordable housing, we're thinking about class, but rarely do we acknowledge the fact that the vast majority of people who utilize public housing, housing subsidies, or low-income women, are looking at the gender and racial disparities. When we think about the housing crisis from 2000, sorry, from 12 years ago, starting in 2007 and eight, are the over-representation of black women in eviction proceedings, women and queer peoples, the elevated vulnerability to poverty and violence when they're trying to access housing. So here again, I wanted us to really think deeply about housing as a gender issue, not just race, not just class, but if you're talking about race and class, you're talking about gender. There's no way to get around it. Stereotypes, these are just some quotes I wanted to share that, again, it may feel like it's just from individuals, but it definitely resonates and it informs how we are developing communities and cities and our recommendations and plans. Here, housing units discuss head, you know, this is from, I'm sorry, I should just give you all more context. This is from a comment from an article about saving public housing in the city. Again, you see this person is going from housing to population, yeah. And here this is from another comment, again, referring to the reproductive capabilities of black women as litters of pups that's milk in the system. All right, so public disposability over here up here. Again, this is so funny, I don't know if I would like this anymore, but Charleston blame us and name it again. Again, we're thinking about the public who occupies the public, who is seen as the public and this is where we see a lot of targeted control and also a lot of stereotypes that are used. And this is where we see also a lot of violence and discrimination and exclusion, both as it relates to public housing, public education and public health care. And also post-Harracan Katrina, we saw complete demolition of public housing, the dismantling of our public health care system and a neoliberal takeover of public education. It's almost as if anything that's public is being bad and needs to be controlled. So I will stop there and go really quickly to bring it back to the front. Are there any questions in terms of these interrogations and connections between social policies and the violence of disposability? Wow, I'm sure there are a lot of questions, but I just wanted to say that thank you so much for this intervention and I think it comes at exactly the right time in our series as a way to connect the dots and to remember how to really understand how racism and whiteness underpin everyday housing policies. We need to start with the history and we need to broaden out and understand the big lenses, how this has been framed. I remember as we were speaking, the first in our kind of internal lab chat was open to alums as well in July after the faculty letter in our program on questioning whiteness in our disciplines. Our first, we tried to make ways that will work better as a lab and our first order of operations was don't dance around race. And I think as you spoke, I've remembered so many, I'm not sure if I can call them micro comments, but ways that people have talked about housing and units and oh, those are just for those big families, the people who can't stop, meaning black women having lots of children in the stereotypes and the racialized assumptions that came with them. And it's easier not to remember that. It's easier not to engage with the way these housing is tangled with that. So I think another thing that brought up to me is how we've at the lab have been thinking a lot about housing that matches the heterogeneity of family types and of units without judgment and really to untangle and unpack that means to engage explicitly with the history of housing, not only as like a civilizing device for the poor people, but as a racial device and part of that narrative. So I'm taking from you the just a comment that we're gonna try to be better in not dancing around things. And thank you for providing the lenses on how to connect the thoughts that you've been, that we've been listening with over the semester. I guess I have some questions kind of looking forward in some ways a political question, Kamala and Harris and Joe Biden said, we know that black women have had our back and we're going to do something. Is this just tokenism? What might, what would be the ideal scenario for housing policy if there were to be something big, bold and ambitious that acknowledged both the kind of the critical rule that black women played in this election and also the intertwining and problematic ways that housing is engaged with that. But don't answer that. Other people have better questions, I am sure. And so we'll turn to open the floor. I know Juan and Jenna had interjections. Joanne has been thinking about this session along with me over the last week. So anyone? Yeah, I can start with a question. I very much like the way you framed the historical nature of these processes as transnational links that started with the transatlantic slave traffic and trying to flip that idea to what extent forms of emplacement of these people and communities reclaiming a sense of place and fighting against this procession and displacement have been thought in a similar way in a network more than in localized struggle or fighting against a specific threat of displacement. I'm sorry, just to make sure I understand your question, you're asking me what are some ways in which people are engaging on displacement? I don't know if you used the word movements, but in different, I'm sorry, if you don't mind, I just wanna make sure I got, I captured it correctly. Yeah, no, that's okay. Because of course we know a lot of grassroots activism that's happening in public housing, in fighting for expanding affordability. But to what extent that is also considered or organized as a network as a way to answer how these, the fact that many of these issues came as networks of overlying oppressions, if that makes sense. Okay, I think I got it. So one thing, just to clarify and I didn't stress this on my comments is that when I think about displacement, I'm thinking about in order to displace the community, you have to dis, you are confining them or containing them in one area or disposing them in another, right? So we think about how we're moving people around. And two is thinking about, we have to go back and look at the historical narrative of how some things came into existence. Otherwise, when we are organizing or engaging in advocacy work, we might find ourselves advocating for something that we will otherwise, advocating for something that we will otherwise be against. And so I think in terms of your direct question, we have to think deeply about multiple strategies. When I think about my work, I think about there's the research, there's the activism, there's the art. There's also the building of community and also reimagining what the community, the types of institutions that are needed. And so I can't talk about what I'm talking about without also acknowledging that I've been in the trenches doing the work, both as it relates to public housing advocacy, but also starting the first community man trust here in the city. And what does it mean to bring housing units online while also understanding that the units that I'm able to bring online exists within a system that is not supportive of tenants. And so the idea of affordable housing loses its meaning in the city of New Orleans and the state of Louisiana when our tenant rights laws that was established in 1825 have not changed much in the last 200 years. It is all very pro-landlord. So as such, given those constraints, I can legally develop housing and still put someone out. Is that the best strategy? To me, I would take an abolitionist approach and make sure that as I am developing, building affordable units, I am also making sure that the tenant rights, the leases reflect not what the law mandates but what the law should be. So I'm not gonna wait for the state to change its tenant rights laws. I'm gonna make sure that we are working together with other members of the staff or members of the community land trust to make sure the leases are very pro-tenant and reflect what the law should be, not what it is. And so we have to also be committed to working on more than one front or working in collaborations with others because you can't do everything but recognizing you don't limit yourself to what you can do but also think about what it should look like and move from that angle. That makes sense. There's some examples of modifications to the leases and that's such a great idea. So in the city, again, like I said, even when we think of New Orleans as a major eviction crisis going on, both as it relates to the pandemic but pre-pandemic. And in this report, we note that the residential lease laws in the state of Louisiana, the root of New Orleans problems lied to state where the lease laws was created in 1825. 1825, what was going on? New Orleans was the largest slave trade in the country. And so it was about property owners, right? And so to me, what that lease means that I can make the housing affordable based on subsidies that we have or may not have. I can think about what is renting with equity looks like, thinking about an equity model that's not based on rent to own but where renters can gain equity at the same time as they're renting the way home owners gain equity through their relationship with their bank. And two, because in the city, most people are evicted for non-payment of rent and that non-payment of rent is primarily could be one month late. So with the lease, we can give people, we can work out an agreement where people have more time to cure. Also assist people with thinking about a payment plan if they're too far behind. The other is making sure that the units as affordable for the family and if not supporting them and locating somewhere else where they can afford, but definitely making sure exhaust every possibility before we go to eviction court. And I wanna be very clear. This is something I helped create. I am no longer on the board member of JPNSI but help institutionalize these policies around our lease to make it very pro-landlord. I mean, I'm sorry, pro-tenant, whereby even though it's a nonprofit, we benefit in ways that tenants don't in terms of the lease arrangement. So thinking about what is a renting partnership really looks like. And so residents have more time to correct. That won't be an automatic eviction filing. They will receive their security deposit, but again, the goal is to keep families in their homes and exhaust every possibility before the eviction, before even getting to eviction, as opposed to you don't pay, then the next thing is evict, right? Just sit down and see. And again, not disclosing all your personal information, but see what's going on and how can we rectify the situation and give the tenants an opportunity to cure. And if not, if they're behind, thinking about a payment plan and also creating incentivized tenants to pay and that's through that equity model. That's really fascinating. I'd love to see some examples of that or how we could promote it and you know, or circulate it more widely at the lab. With Jeffy and the side to see if they will be cool with sharing the lease. I'm sure everyone would. It was a lot of work working with different housing attorneys and thinking about, you know, what the law should be and not wait, but start to again, start their process now. Yeah, that's so interesting though. Echo's what, Deidre Schmidt, a big developer great affordable housing in Minnesota said, you know, we can't, we have to lead with good developments and good housing that have regulations inside of them and not wait on the lawns. One, I was really intrigued by the map that you had on overlaying evictions and redlining. And we have Wenfei Shu on the call who actually mapped out redlining as well. So it'd be interesting to see or to learn where you guys figured that out in that intersection. But I know that there were other questions. Jenna, Joanne had one, but I think she's dropped off the call. She had some connection issues as well. So there are any other questions or thoughts? Jenna, how do you think, or how does this connect to the displacement conversation of a few weeks ago with Sam Stein that was thinking about how in general, honestly that our planning and architecture curriculums are trying to vivid to be more radical and acknowledge and untangle whiteness but honestly do it in a really piecemeal way and never start with a big picture and what you laid out is kind of how it could happen, that initial framing. But similarly, and I don't know the displacement literature, I think it's often those big connections are missing in the kind of epistemologies of how we understand and talk about epistemologies. I'm not sure if I'm using it right, but the history of how we talk about what we talk about and they're still pretty narrow, at least in the way I've experienced my education here. Yeah, I agree. And Shane, I appreciated your point earlier about how kind of the concepts of gentrification displacement can, we can sometimes use them interchangeably even though I think like analytically they are pretty different and sort of just as there's kind of like overarching trend to sort of complete the two. But my understanding, at least from just like the literature that I've read about it, is that there's kind of an evolving understanding over time of kind of like what are the primary actors that are driving displacement. So like thinking back to the 1950s and 1960s when there are these big urban renewal projects, it seems like a lot of times people kind of conceptualized displacement as being driven by these like large public actions and government institutions. But then like as even today like I guess the back to city movement is kind of I guess thinking more about how individual preferences are driving displacement but also how that's linked up with like state-led gentrification and sort of the like global circuits of capital that are investing in international real estate. So I guess in my mind that's kind of how I disentangled kind of displacement and gentrification but yeah I thought that's a really good point that you mentioned earlier. So I was looking for a slide but it would take me too long. Yes and one thing I just again thinking about displacement when we think about economic displacement, there's residential, there's social displacement as it relates to erasure. Like if you can change the name of a community, you're literally rewriting the story and assuming that you can literally erase people through narratives as if they never even existed. Also when we think about displacement, again we think primarily it relates to urban. We don't think about war as a form of displacement. We don't think about environmental toxicity as a form of displacement or conflict. We normally think about conflict on a like global scale. We don't think about it in the US as a form. Also we don't think about evictions as a form of displacement or what do you call it? Neglect by design. When we think about public housing in the face of the US government to invest in maintaining the buildings and over time after five years, 10 years, 20 years later you can justify wholesale demolition of those units and that's a form of displacement whereby those communities are not been necessarily displaced because they're being gentrified. And then even when we think about gentrification we have to recognize it's also about real estate taxes and property and most cities receive at least a 25% or a third of their revenue from property taxes. So when we think about it with most municipalities there's no incentive to stop or put the brakes on neighborhoods and communities being gentrified because it's about dollars and cents, right? Some people will encourage neighborhoods to be gentrified. So you could displace a community without gentrifying. The map I showed with Hurricane Katrina and how communities like 1.5 million people was displaced that had nothing to do with gentrification, right? But the environmental disaster, the climate induced disaster caused that whole scale displacement. And so to me it's really important that we think deeply about various forms of displacement and how it takes place, but also how it's interconnect with our residential urban development structure. I mean, Roa, I would just say not just urban, I'm focused primarily on urban, but thinking about our land use policies and housing policies, right? Like how displacement and even like we think about transportation system, even like all of the cool funky things that we really want can also reinforce the displacement that's taking place. Last thing I would just emphasize, post-Hurricane Katrina, my partner at the time, we were participating in our neighborhood association, I'm not sorry, neighborhood organization meeting by how our neighborhood would be redevelopment brought back online. And I found myself in this situation where everything that I truly, truly wanted for my neighborhood, I found myself actually voting against because I was like, if I get those things, I will literally be planning myself out of my neighborhood. I wouldn't be able to afford to live in it. And so I think it's also important that we critique these ideas about what, you know, going from this big dream, what do you want as opposed to thinking about the wealth that already exists. And so we think about like sitcoms, like Good Times and the Jeffersons. It was all about moving up, moving out of the neighborhoods. Well, I feel like Community Land Trust offers opportunities for us to build wealth within and not wait for funds to just come in but how are we building and re-engaging and re-imagining what strategies of development can look like that's democratic, just that pushes back against displacement. We're approaching in New York street noise, approaching the hour, but I just wanted to and thank you so incredibly much for your thoughts and presentation today. If I could ask one last closing comment, what's next? You are such a, I don't know, entrepreneur of ideas and initiatives and thoughts and provocation. What's your next tiny thing on your list that you're going to do or the next map that you want to make? I thought about making a futuristic map, but right now I'm focused on a lot of research and creating a public, public historical project on black women in public housing. And in terms of the displaced project, I am working on wrapping up the timeline that starts with to be, you know, 18, I'm sorry, 1680s up into the current, creating an interactive timeline and also an Atlas of Displacement, combining different key ideas that we would normally put together and mapping that out and then exploring what the possibilities of an exhibition of the displaced project can look like. Thank you so much again. And we'll be in touch as a team and as a lab and ask for your ideas down the road. Absolutely, enough folks are interested in the very long slide. Just let me know. No, those were incredible. So we appreciate them. And again, if anyone has any questions about the session being recorded or being shared, probably reach out to me or gsaphousinglab at Columbia.edu. Thank you again, Shayna, for the wonderful presentation and everyone has joined us this afternoon. And our next housing lab conversation will be on December 11th or December 4th, to be determined, but we're gonna try to talk about the products that we can take out from this semester and ways to share and publicize them. So we might reach back out to you for your ideas, I think by far, this has been one of the most creative and wide reaching ones of the semester. So thank you again. Thank you, and I appreciate it, bye. Bye. Thank you so much. Thank you. Bye bye. Bye bye.